petej + tactics   73

Labour’s Brexit Policy |
To sum up – I started with three simple rival ‘narratives’ of Labour’s underlying position on Brexit. I’ve articulated my own interpretation of Labour’s position, which implies that all of these narratives have something to them. In my view, Labour’s preferred Brexit outcome involves significant breaks with existing EU governance rules. The leadership wants those breaks to be in the area of neoliberal constraints on socialist policy-making; much of the PLP wants those breaks to be in the area of freedom of movement. In a scenario where Labour is in government without the Brexit deal having been concluded, those two categories of negotiating priority will be in tension. Nevertheless, the tension between those two categories of negotiating priority is (I would argue) not as fundamental as the tension between some of the Conservatives’ commitments. Moreover, unlike the Conservatives, Labour have been quite careful not to articulate any commitments that cannot be backed down from towards greater compatibility with existing EU rules. Thus in a scenario in which Labour were negotiating with the EU, I would expect Labour to make an effort to achieve a set of concessions around EU rules, and if those concessions could not be achieved, to capitulate in the direction of a more liberal existing-EU-institutions-aligned position.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  LabourParty  Remain  Leave  trade  economy  Bennism  Euroscepticism  immigration  borders  freedomOfMovement  customsUnion  singleMarket  ambiguity  tactics  flexibility  ToryParty  redLines  negotiations  strategy 
9 weeks ago by petej
From Mother Jones to Middlebury: The Problem and Promise of Political Violence in Trump’s America | Foreign Policy
If unsanctioned violence is the product of intolerable pressure, does sanctioned violence deserve to even share a name with it? There is no identifiable pressure behind nor any clear prohibition in the way of the sanctioned violence that constitutes the vast majority of the world’s political violence and which is itself the very cause of grinding pressure in individual lives. Anarchists burn limos because limo owners burn the planet. The miners strike because the company robs and breaks them. The streets of Ferguson explode because the city of Ferguson loots and kills the streets.

What is so terribly difficult to understand about the clutched pearls of our present day is how readily those most eager to condemn the incivility of burning cars and punches overlook the most basic fact about their home. This is America. We do not resolve our disagreements with debate here; we do not respect all views, settle differences at the ballot box, and live calm and dutiful in civil peace except when we are interrupted by callous and unjustifiable outbursts of violence. The continent was cleared by guns and smallpox, the nation built up by the whip. A police baton and a jail cell prop up our civil life, and this is not simply a matter of who struck first. Political violence is a violation of our status quo, even one indulged by “both sides” of some political struggle. It is the essential mechanism. We have been examining what we took to be a feature of the landscape but instead discovered a foundation, deep and essential to the stone.
USA  politics  protest  violence  BlairMountain  miners  history  exploitation  ethics  morality  tactics  Ferguson  WilsonDarren  BlackLivesMatter  ZimmermanGeorge  RoofDylann  lynching  dctagged  dc:creator=RensinEmmett 
march 2017 by petej
Patrick Cockburn · Why join Islamic State? · LRB 2 July 2015
"'We all fight as a reaction to the tyranny and injustice we had known before. Islamic State is the best option for oppressed people in the Middle East.'"
ISIS  IslamicState  Syria  Iraq  war  Kurds  ethnicity  Sunni  military  tactics  MiddleEast  politics  dctagged  dc:creator=CockburnPatrick  LRB 
june 2015 by petej
Scenes Resembling Civil War – The New Inquiry
Their commitment to militancy at all costs reduced their political position to mere escalation, which never coalesced into a strategy for dual power or even revolution. The Autonomous Theses of 1981 said it explicitly,” we want to dismantle and destroy—to formulate affirmative ideals is not our priority.” Without any overarching goal or ideal, their identity became a macho fixation: fighting the police, distrusting outsiders and eschewing tactics perceived as weak or legitimate. The authorities, for their part, developed their own tactics (kettling for example), and by 1989, clashes between riot cops and Autonomen approached the level of choreography. In Fire and Flames, there is clear criticism on this point, “militancy had always defined the Autonomous movement, but particularly after the Startbahn began operating in 1984, it often turned into mere ritual and increasingly into individual gesture.”
Germany  protest  Autonomen  blackBloc  miltancy  tactics 
january 2013 by petej

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