petej + socialdemocracy   124

How to Be an Anticapitalist Today
Give up the fantasy of smashing capitalism. Capitalism is not smashable, at least if you really want to construct an emancipatory future. You may personally be able to escape capitalism by moving off the grid and minimizing your involvement with the money economy and the market, but this is hardly an attractive option for most people, especially those with children, and certainly has little potential to foster a broader process of social emancipation.

If you are concerned about the lives of others, in one way or another you have to deal with capitalist structures and institutions. Taming and eroding capitalism are the only viable options. You need to participate both in political movements for taming capitalism through public policies and in socioeconomic projects of eroding capitalism through the expansion of emancipatory forms of economic activity.

We must renew an energetic progressive social democracy that not only neutralizes the harms of capitalism but also facilitates initiatives to build real utopias with the potential to erode the dominance of capitalism.
anti-capitalism  capitalism  politics  livingStandards  inequality  poverty  growth  productivity  environment  crisis  revolution  socialDemocracy  reform  regulation  redistribution  globalisation  neoliberalism  anarchism  utopias  cooperatives  libraries  P2P  wikipedia  UniversalBasicIncome  dctagged  dc:creator=WrightErikOlin 
8 weeks ago by petej
There is no left-wing case for Brexit: 21st century socialism requires transnational organization | British Politics and Policy at LSE
The left needs to turn resolutely to Europe. It needs to pluralise (and not reduce) the sites of political conflict. It needs to build a pan-European movement through transnational party lists, shared political manifestos, and common protest initiatives. It needs to mobilise migrant workers rather than alienate them even further. It needs to campaign, in a coordinated way, not for a liberal superstate with a common army but for a European socialist federation which renounces neo-imperial ambitions once and for all. It needs to advocate neither the abandonment nor the reform of the European Union but a review of the Lisbon treaty that dismantles neoliberalism and bureaucracy. It needs to campaign for non-territorial citizenship, European-wide public ownership, extensive popular control of the economy, a new digital common, direct democracy, a federal parliament with revocable public offices and a non-technocratic, accountable, administrative apparatus based on strong principles of subsidiarity.

This is neither “leave” nor “reform”: it is “transform”. There is no one-size-fits-all solution to how the project can become appealing to European citizens, given the current predicament. Matters of tactic and strategy will be different in different member states. This is why Remain and Leave mean very little without concrete ideas of how one can go from where we are to where we aspire to be. But these ideas need organizational structures and an international mass movement to be developed. Rushing to abandon the primitive forms of transnational coordination that the current European Union offers seems premature in the absence of realistic, alternative paths forward. Retreating to civic republican projects disconnected from the wider fight for transnational democracy will only strengthen capital, and the far right.

Socialism in the 20th century took a civic nationalist form. Socialism in the 21st century can only be transnational. This is a very demanding task. But it has one advantage. Unlike socialism and social democracy in one country, it has not already failed in the past.
UK  EU  Brexit  TheLeft  socialism  internationalism  transnationalism  nationalism  socialDemocracy  SchroederGerhard  BlairTony  politics  LabourParty 
november 2018 by petej
The Poverty of Luxury Communism
For Keynes, a former British civil servant who once remarked that “the class war will find [him] on the side of the educated bourgeoisie”7, the purpose of state intervention is to halt capitalism’s decline, meanwhile securing some level of social stability.
socialDemocracy  climateChange  noBorders  state  nationalisation  Keynesianism  Corbynism  abundance  growth  capitalism  Novara  Jacobin  intervention  post-capitalism  BastaniAaron  VirnoPaolo  class  politics 
may 2018 by petej
Can Labour win back its heartlands? Not by turning blue | Jeremy Gilbert | Opinion | The Guardian
Cosmopolitan culture is not a bad idea. It implies a liberal, tolerant, non-exclusive attitude. Historically, this is a mindset typical of merchants, financiers, artists and intellectuals. But cosmopolitanism has also been embraced by radical workers, infused with the internationalist spirit of communism, and by the urban poor in places where multiculturalism has been a fact of daily life for generations.

I think cosmopolitanism was a key reason why the New Labour coalition held together for as long as it did. There were always Labour voters in cities, in the more militant unions, in university towns and in the public sector, who would have preferred a more radical programme. But we knew from the bitter experience of the 1980s that there were not enough of us to win an election, at least in a country whose media was so skewed to the right. And after 18 years of Tory rule, we were relieved to have a government that at least encouraged an open, tolerant, sexually liberal and multi-ethnic culture to thrive.

At the same time, as much as we resented the Iraq war and the private finance initiative, many of us were being offered a lifestyle that even our parents couldn’t have dreamed of. So we were acquiescent, even if never quite reconciled, to the New Labour agenda.

The leave-voting heartlands would certainly not vote for Blair’s brand of Europhile neoliberalism
But there were others, in the north and the Midlands, in small towns and post-industrial regions, who had a very different experience. They too belonged to social groups who had traditionally voted Labour. But the third way did not offer them the consolations that it offered those of us in the cities and professional classes. Instead it offered them an experience of permanent decline. Accepting globalisation as a fact of life, New Labour made no effort to bring back industrial jobs. When migrants came from eastern Europe, looking for work, many citizens of the post-industrial towns experienced this as a threat to their already precarious livelihoods, rather than as an opportunity for cultural enrichment.
UK  LabourParty  ge2017  generalElection  politics  socialDemocracy  Blairism  BlairTony  ClintonBill  cosmopolitanism  multiculturalism  internationalism  deindustrialisation  post-industrialism  migration  inequality  fear  conservatism  BlueLabour  CorbynJeremy  dctagged  dc:creator=GilbertJeremy 
may 2017 by petej
INTERNET: Silicon Valley contra la socialdemocracia | Tecnología | EL PAÍS
Además, Silicon Valley está organizando un asalto contra la filosofía en la que se basa la socialdemocracia, la noción de que los Gobiernos y los ayuntamientos pueden fijar normas y leyes que regulen el mercado. Silicon Valley opina que no: el único límite a los excesos del mercado debe ser el propio mercado. Son los propios consumidores los que deben castigar —poniendo malas notas, por ejemplo— a los malos conductores o a los anfitriones poco fiables; los Gobiernos no deben entrometerse.

¿Todo esto es poscapitalismo? Tal vez, pero sólo si estamos dispuestos a reconocer que el capitalismo, al menos durante el último siglo, se ha estabilizado gracias al compromiso socialdemócrata, que ahora está quedándose obsoleto. Cuando el poscapitalismo nace del debilitamiento de las protecciones sociales y las regulaciones de la industria, entonces definamos con propiedad: si Silicon Valley representa un cambio de modelo, es más bien al de precapitalismo.
post-capitalism  postCapitalism  informationTechnology  SiliconValley  Uber  socialDemocracy  regulation  deregulation  MasonPaul  economics  politics 
october 2015 by petej
Labour needs to define social democracy and the language to build it | Business | The Guardian
Social democracy requires abundance. Governments need a growing economy and rising tax revenues so that they can build schools and hospitals, make pensions more generous and tackle poverty. This was the case in the third quarter of the 20th century, when growth was strong and governments had more levers to pull. They could limit the movement of people. They had capital controls to limit the movement of money. And they had trade barriers to protect their own industries.

Borders are more porous in the age of globalisation. It is easier to move people, money and production around, but harder to protect jobs, wages and tax revenues. What’s more, in developed economies growth is slower than it was in the 1950s and 1960s; in some countries a lot slower. There is no longer the same sense of abundance and governments have fewer levers to pull.

To be fair, parties of the centre right struggle with the same problem. Globalisation is good for multinational corporations; it is good for a relatively small group of mobile workers and it is good for those sectors of the economy that are internationally competitive. In the case of the UK, that means financial and business services, which has become Britain’s speciality. Prosperity is most obvious in those parts of the country – such as London and Edinburgh – where there are the highest concentrations of banks.
UK  economy  postFordism  post-industrialism  crisis  socialDemocracy  abundance  scarcity  globalisation  migration  inequality  wealth  poverty 
may 2015 by petej
Richard Seymour · Bye Bye Labour · LRB 23 April 2015
"The Labour Party faces a dilemma in May. Defeat will be demoralising and will increase the possibility that the party will ultimately collapse. There is little evidence that any significant force, other than the Blairites, would be in a position to take advantage of Miliband’s loss, and certainly none that a Labour left with any influence would emerge from the ruins. Yet if it wins, Labour will be forced to implement an austerity agenda which, while not enough to satisfy Conservative voters, will turn its own remaining voters off in droves. That would be a defeat of a different order. For a vision of that future, one need only look across the Channel, at François Hollande sinking and sinking in the polls, and the Front National on the rise."
UK  politics  LabourParty  conservatism  austerity  authoritarianism  MilibandEd  recession  debt  crisis  postFordism  socialDemocracy  ge2015  generalElection  dctagged  dc:creator=SeymourRichard  LRB 
april 2015 by petej
The making of Ed Miliband | Politics | The Guardian
"The project had necessarily been marked by compromise. It had become a hybrid of New, Blue and Brown Labour. The slate of retail policy may not, to many on the left, look equivalent in scale to the mission of rewriting Britain’s social and economic order – a higher minimum wage, apprenticeships, a gentler trajectory of budget consolidation to protect public services, more midwives, free nursery places and nurses. Some of it looked like old-fashioned redistributive social democracy: taxing the very rich to pay for the NHS.

But for Miliband these were emblems of intent – flares sent up to illuminate the motive that had impelled him to run for the leadership five years earlier. Opposition had imposed severe constraints, not least the obligation to publish a manifesto whose first page delivered a commitment to budget discipline. But Miliband felt that need not extinguish Labour’s fervour for radical change. And he has revealed enough evangelical ability at the end of the journey for the party to get behind him with more relish than it had previously shown. Miliband often struggled to be heard, but he never lost sight of what it was he wanted to say.

Whether less partisan voters see it that way is another matter. Miliband has not amassed a great army of followers along the way; at times it felt more like a siege than a crusade. But for his small band of trusted advisers, it has been a triumph of intellectual consistency over political volatility. They see a potential prime minister whose platform is a concrete extension of the idea that brought them together in 2010: a belief that Labour could win without compromising its historic determination to fashion a more equal society.

If he fails, there will be no shortage of critics ready to point out the flaws in the original idea and its subsequent execution. Yet none can deny that there is a principled resilience that has driven him on. If Miliband makes it to Downing Street, it will be a vindication of his earliest conviction – that his vision for Britain would, in time, vanquish doubts about its bearer. “If you let that side of you shine through,” Axelrod had told him over dinner in May, “the man who has a cause he believes in and is prepared to lose for – then you can win.”"
UK  politics  LabourParty  NewLabour  socialDemocracy  TheLeft  MilibandEd  BrownGordon  MilibandDavid  KinnockNeil  BlueLabour  identity  ge2015  generalElection  election 
april 2015 by petej
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