petej + remain   287

'All I hear is anger and frustration': how Brexit is affecting our mental health | Politics | The Guardian
The disconnect between what some people feel – more than six million signed the revoke petition – and what it is assumed that everyone feels (they want to leave, now; they voted once and don’t want to say it again), leaves huge swathes of the population with their political views denied, rendered inauthentic. What if you’re in favour of free movement? What if you think sovereignty is a stupid thing to get worked up about? What if you never thought international collaboration on lawmaking was a bad thing? What if you didn’t see it as losing control? You’re not just outside political parties and discourse, you are a non-person, stateless in Brexitland. And if your civic identity is quite central to your sense of self, that’s hard to take.
UK  EU  Brexit  mentalHealth  uncertainty  anger  insecurity  division  polarisation  Leave  Remain  anxiety  racism  violence  dctagged  dc:creator=WilliamsZoe 
17 days ago by petej
The Mass Psychology of Brexit
Balint’s distinction has an obvious application to Brexit. The Leave camp tended to cling to such objects as the nation, the community, the family and friends but also race: people ‘like us’. The Remain camp sought out the wide open spaces of the global market. At least, that’s how things look at first sight. But in the course of this prolonged, irresponsible experiment in group psychology, a strange inversion occurred. The Leave campaign, originally motivated by security and familiarity, turned into the de facto proponent of risk – as tariffs, trade deals, waiting lines, passports, ancestral obligations and the like were thrown open to renegotiation. Meanwhile the Remain campaign, originally motivated by the exciting horizons of the continent, was drawn back to the comfort of the status quo ante. Each group found its unconscious in the other.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  England  history  empire  exceptionalism  disaster  MayTheresa  intransigence  failure  narcissism  O'TooleFintan  BalintMichael  Leave  Remain  object-relational  psychology  LRB 
18 days ago by petej
Theresa May is effectively gone. She is a leader in name only | Michael Heseltine | Opinion | The Guardian
Or, as is much more likely, the Brexiteers will demand significant changes to reflect their own views – views that will appal and frighten much of the electorate when they realise the enormity of what is being done. In essence, Brexiteers want to dismantle much of what we regard as the underpinning of civilised life in the modern world.
UK  Brexit  ToryParty  leadership  MayTheresa  politics  EU  Remain  referendum  PeoplesVote  dctagged  dc:creator=HeseltineMichael 
26 days ago by petej
One of the most damaging fallouts of Brexit has been the media creation of the Leave/Remain dichotomy as an identity of two extremes, when opinion on the EU is a spectrum. It’s easier to shift views on a spectrum: but when you cast it as a war of identi
One of the most damaging fallouts of Brexit has been the media creation of the Leave/Remain dichotomy as an identity of two extremes, when opinion on the EU is a spectrum. It’s easier to shift views on a spectrum: but when you cast it as a war of identities, people hunker down.

I have lots of problems w/ EU, but voted Remain, and think the biggest problems within the EU are right wing govts, & Britain itself. I’m dead against Lexit cos Brexit is a far right project & leaving the EU will do nothing but harm the UK. But I get called a Lexiter constantly.
UK  EU  Brexit  division  polarisation  Leave  Remain  identity  Lexit  politics  dctagged  dc:creator=FosterDawn 
28 days ago by petej
Best of luck and all love to those on the #PeoplesVoteMarch today! While I’ve still got huge reservations about a second ref in itself (as well as the apparatchiks running the campaign), it’s the failures of the Tory Party in government driving polari
What's Labour's strategy? In my view, it's letting the Tories implode while keeping together their fractious 2017 electoral coalition. Which means blocking No Deal, expressing a preference for Brexit to happen, and simultaneously keeping avenues open that could lead to No Brexit.

Which means that Labour's Brexit position is in a constant state of flux. It's like Schrodinger's cat - Labour are hoping that they can leave the box unopened for as long as possible, while occasional yowling and scratching noises assure people there is definitely a cat in there.

It's frustrating, it's boring and shifty, but guess what? It's been effective so far.

Now, if May's deal finally gets the coup de grace this week, Labour must move towards a Brexit position which still delivers it's 3 strategic objectives as outlined before.

In my opinion, that means firstly pursue whichever Parliamentary option makes a General Election most likely. Secondly, put renegotiate a softer Brexit on the manifesto. And thirdly, put the renegotiated deal to a referendum with Remain on the ballot (ideally, without No Deal).
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  PeoplesVote  referendum  demonstration  London  Remain  LabourParty  immigration  freedomOfMovement  precarity  racism  farRight  dctagged  dc:creator=SarkarAsh 
29 days ago by petej
Labour’s Brexit Policy |
To sum up – I started with three simple rival ‘narratives’ of Labour’s underlying position on Brexit. I’ve articulated my own interpretation of Labour’s position, which implies that all of these narratives have something to them. In my view, Labour’s preferred Brexit outcome involves significant breaks with existing EU governance rules. The leadership wants those breaks to be in the area of neoliberal constraints on socialist policy-making; much of the PLP wants those breaks to be in the area of freedom of movement. In a scenario where Labour is in government without the Brexit deal having been concluded, those two categories of negotiating priority will be in tension. Nevertheless, the tension between those two categories of negotiating priority is (I would argue) not as fundamental as the tension between some of the Conservatives’ commitments. Moreover, unlike the Conservatives, Labour have been quite careful not to articulate any commitments that cannot be backed down from towards greater compatibility with existing EU rules. Thus in a scenario in which Labour were negotiating with the EU, I would expect Labour to make an effort to achieve a set of concessions around EU rules, and if those concessions could not be achieved, to capitulate in the direction of a more liberal existing-EU-institutions-aligned position.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  LabourParty  Remain  Leave  trade  economy  Bennism  Euroscepticism  immigration  borders  freedomOfMovement  customsUnion  singleMarket  ambiguity  tactics  flexibility  ToryParty  redLines  negotiations  strategy 
5 weeks ago by petej
Campaign against Brexit starts now – on positive terms only Labour can deliver | Opinion | The Guardian
The EU reflects the political reality of the member states that comprise it, and is far from perfect. We deplore the treatment of Greece by the European institutions, and the fact that tens of thousands of migrants have been left to drown in the Mediterranean Sea. It is precisely because of these criticisms that our movement has a moral duty to stay and fight in the EU, working alongside the European left and using our position as the largest group in the Party of European Socialists. Jeremy Corbyn, and the mass movement underneath him, could yet be a major player in influencing the EU’s policies and development for the decades ahead.
UK  EU  Brexit  Remain  LabourParty  nationalism  immigration  farRight  reform  Guardian  letter  OsamorKate  LewisClive  Russell-MoyleLloyd  OnwurahChi  politics 
7 weeks ago by petej
Interview with Kenneth Clarke on Brexit - SPIEGEL ONLINE
Clarke: It's a very nasty climate out there. People are retreating into angry simplicities. Half the population is angry about politicians not getting on with it, they're not following the detail, they haven't a clue what the Irish backstop is, and they couldn't care less. They just want it to be over. The other half does follow quite fairly, intensely, more than usual. They are divided in angry remainers who are ever more ferociously for remaining and angry leavers who ever more ferociously feel they are being betrayed.
UK  EU  politics  Brexit  ClarkeKenneth  interview  DerSpiegel  ToryParty  withdrawalAgreement  compromise  backstop  ERG  nationalism  ThatcherMargaret  DelorsJacques  MaastrichtTreaty  Euro  CameronDavid  polarisation  Leave  Remain 
8 weeks ago by petej
Brexit: Why Labour should stick to its conference strategy
Brexit is now a class struggle — between a hard right nationalist project and, on the other side, an alliance of liberal centrists, with working class socialists, Greens and the left-nationalists in Scotland and Wales. The Leave 2.0 campaign will be, in Hannah Arendt’s famous phrase, an “alliance of the elite and the mob”. The Remain campaign should be an alliance of the working class and progressive middle class and any business leaders with the guts to join it — ie excaclty the kind of formation that the left used in the mid-1930s to fight the far right.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  LabourParty  softBrexit  referendum  PeoplesVote  StarmerKeir  Remain  reform  class  nationalism  middleClass  workingClass  dctagged  dc:creator=MasonPaul 
january 2019 by petej
For the sake of working people, the left must back remain | Aditya Chakrabortty | Opinion | The Guardian
If there is a second referendum, Labour will back remain. How it campaigns will matter as never before. Remain’s chances will rest squarely on winning back Labour leave voters – making a case both for staying in the EU and for upending the status quo at home. That means Tory remainers somehow agreeing to let Corbyn get some of his policies on the statute books. And the beached whales of the remain campaign – the likes of Tony Blair – will need to be cleared away.

It will also mean Labour squarely making the case for the EU being better for working people than Brexit. Without the EU’s working time directive, they could say, British workers wouldn’t have the legal right to paid holidays. Indeed, Michael Gove and Boris Johnson have reportedly plotted to repeal such rights as soon as Britain leaves. Equal pay for women, protection for agency workers: such basics have come from the EU, often despite resistance from the British government.

Some on the left will ask, but what about those EU state aid rules that get in the way of building a new economy? Yet research by two EU competition law experts found that of the 26 economic proposals in Labour’s 2017 manifesto, all but two would not require any state aid notification. And researchers concluded that Brussels would allow the other two to pass. Besides, under Labour’s current proposal for a customs union, the UK would still be subject to state-aid rules.

While I understand the sentiments of those who want a leftwing Brexit, many of their positions sound like flights of fantasy, by those who will never have to suffer the worst consequences. Against them, I’d weigh up the consequences that await low-paid migrant workers – and I know which side deserves the most support from the left.
UK  EU  Brexit  referendum  withdrawalAgreement  CorbynJeremy  LabourParty  constructiveAmbiguity  opposition  noDeal  ERG  NorwayPlus  BolesNick  MayTheresa  softBrexit  freedomOfMovement  PeoplesVote  farRight  RobinsonTommy  FarageNigel  Remain  Lexit  TheLeft  dctagged  dc:creator=ChakraborttyAditya 
january 2019 by petej
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