petej + tabloids   187

How immigration became Britain’s most toxic political issue | Politics | The Guardian
According to this analysis – which was widespread across the media – what created the problem was the arrival of immigrants in larger numbers, not the way immigration was depicted, described, debated or demonised.

But what if this narrative is the wrong way around? Perhaps it wasn’t immigration itself that was such a defining issue of those 20 years – but rather, the way political parties and journalists discussed it and the policies implemented in response. The big assumption is that it was a foregone conclusion that there would be hostility to immigration, which in turn would become politically explosive in the UK. While Britain has always received migrants with initial suspicion, it was not inevitable that the issue would become so damaging or derail our politics so comprehensively.
UK  politics  immigration  BrownGordon  DuffyGillian  bigotgate  globalisation  neoliberalism  relocation  migration  media  hostileEnvironment  RobinsonNick  war  asylum  StrawJack  BlunkettDavid  LabourParty  NewLabour  dispersal  economy  precarity  pay  conditions  multiculturalism  whiteWorkingClass  BlueLabour  tabloids  AbbottDiane  Windrush  freedomOfMovement  McCluskeyLen  dctagged  dc:creator=ShabiRachel 
5 days ago by petej
This is an incredibly irresponsible way to conduct yourself now, even if it’s what you’ve been up to for years.
This is an incredibly irresponsible way to conduct yourself now, even if it’s what you’ve been up to for years.
UK  Brexit  Leave  TheSun  editorial  threats  unrest  riot  violence  tabloids  newspapers 
december 2018 by petej
Our very British fake news industry | Richard Seymour on Patreon
Increasingly, with the rise of the platforms, this old school smear machine is losing ground. It is a product of Cold War era print monopolies and the relationships with states and para-state operators developed in that time. This isn't the basis for triumphalism. As the story of dark money, Cambridge Analytica, Breitbart, and the role of sock puppets and trolls involved in online propaganda demonstrates, a new rightist machinery is gradually emerging. It is less powerful for now, but also nastier and less restrained. And since it may be losing a wider cultural battle over the long term, it is apt to become rather desperate.

Still, we are where we are. These smears might have worked once. They might have finished off political careers. Now the only careers that look weaker as a result are on the front-bench. In other words, the moral panic about 'fake news' has come at a time of unique crisis -- of both profitability and authority -- for the fake news industry. That's what the discourse is concealing.
UK  politics  CorbynJeremy  LabourParty  espionage  smears  tabloids  misinformation  MurdochRupert  ToryParty  Sky  FoxNews  GuidoFawkes  TheSun  alt-right  Breitbart  CambridgeAnalytica  dctagged  dc:creator=SeymourRichard 
february 2018 by petej
Britain: The End of a Fantasy | by Fintan O’Toole | NYR Daily | The New York Review of Books
There were three problems. Firstly, May demanded her enormous majority so that she could ride out into the Brexit battle without having to worry about mutterings in the ranks behind her. But she has no clue what the battle is supposed to be for. Because May doesn’t actually believe in Brexit, she’s improvising a way forward very roughly sketched out by other people. She’s a terrible actor mouthing a script in which there is no plot and no credible ending that is not an anti-climax. Brexit is a back-of-the-envelope proposition. Strip away the post-imperial make-believe and the Little England nostalgia, and there’s almost nothing there, no clear sense of how a middling European country with little native industry can hope to thrive by cutting itself off from its biggest trading partner and most important political alliance.

May demanded a mandate to negotiate—but negotiate what exactly? She literally could not say. All she could articulate were two slogans: “Brexit means Brexit” and “No deal is better than a bad deal.” The first collapses ideology into tautology. The second is a patent absurdity: with “no deal” there is no trade, the planes won’t fly and all the supply chains snap. To win an election, you need a convincing narrative but May herself doesn’t know what the Brexit story is.

Secondly, if you’re going to try the uno duce, una voce trick, you need a charismatic leader with a strong voice. The Tories tried to build a personality cult around a woman who doesn’t have much of a personality. May is a common or garden Home Counties conservative politician. Her stock in trade is prudence, caution, and stubbornness. The vicar’s daughter was woefully miscast as the Robespierre of the Brexit revolution, the embodiment of the British popular will sending saboteurs to the guillotine. She is awkward, wooden, and, as it turned out, prone to panic and indecision under pressure.

But to be fair to May, her wavering embodied a much deeper set of contradictions. Those words she repeated so robotically, “strong and stable,” would ring just as hollow in the mouth of any other Conservative politician. This is a party that has plunged its country into an existential crisis because it was too weak to stand up to a minority of nationalist zealots and tabloid press barons. It is as strong as a jellyfish and as stable as a flea.

Thirdly, the idea of a single British people united by the Brexit vote is ludicrous. Not only do Scotland, Northern Ireland, and London have large anti-Brexit majorities, but many of those who did vote for Brexit are deeply unhappy about the effects of the Conservative government’s austerity policies on healthcare, education, and other public services. (One of these services is policing, and May’s direct responsibility for a reduction in police numbers neutralized any potential swing toward the Conservatives as a result of the terrorist attacks in Manchester and London.)

This unrest found a voice in Corbyn’s unabashedly left-wing Labour manifesto, with its clear promises to end austerity and fund better public services by taxing corporations and the very wealthy. May’s appeal to “the people” as a mystic entity came up against Corbyn’s appeal to real people in their daily lives, longing not for a date with national destiny but for a good school, a functioning National Health Service, and decent public transport. Phony populism came up against a more genuine brand of anti-establishment radicalism that convinced the young and the marginalized that they had something to come out and vote for.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2017  Brexit  populism  UKIP  nationalism  tabloids  TheRight  appeasement  MayTheresa  ToryParty  LabourParty  CorbynJeremy  austerity  dctagged  dc:creator=O'TooleFintan  Corbynism 
june 2017 by petej
The Death of the British Dream | Vanity Fair
Somehow, May faces no opposition whatsoever and no prospect of it. The simple answer is that M.P.s were stunned by the shock of the referendum result last year and remain intimidated by both the pro-Brexit tabloids and the strength of feeling in the country against immigrants, a feeling that will be familiar to Americans. And yet there is no clear majority for all of this within the U.K. population. A mere 27 percent of the country voted for Brexit and those people were misled by Leavers, including Johnson, who said that Britain would retain access to the single market after leaving the E.U., otherwise known as “soft Brexit.” What May proposes, of course, is a much more dangerous “hard Brexit,” with a giddy aspiration of turning Britain into the Singapore of Northern Europe. Unfortunately, an analysis conducted by JPMorgan suggests that sort of geo-economic strategy could only work if firms have access to markets in their neighborhood—and there is absolutely no guarantee of that.

An economy like Britain, which is increasingly knowledge-based, can survive a great amount of chaos, but it seems certain that the fall of sterling and inflationary pressures will impoverish Britons; that many jobs will be lost; and that a likely dropping off in tax revenues means there will be less money to spend on services, particularly the National Health Service. These are things the the Labor Party, the main opposition, cares deeply about. But, as I have explained before, the party has been paralyzed by a fear of its own supporters, who tend to be nationalistic and fear competition for jobs, homes, and services from European migrants. The grim reality is that the possibility of losing these people to the right-wing UKIP party, or the Conservatives, concerns Labor more than the promised hardships of Brexit, which it anyway calculates may play well for it in the future. And that may be why May can get away with an extreme policy that was never explicitly part of the Leave campaign, and for which there is only minority support.

Until Labor confronts its own supporters, or a new center group materializes to oppose Brexit, Parliament will be powerless in the face of a ruthless conservative coup. I don’t see either happening anytime soon.
MayTheresa  speech  LancasterHouse  UK  EU  Brexit  hardBrexit  politics  Parliament  democracy  Article50  singleMarket  ECJ  freedomOfMovement  customsUnion  trade  immigration  tabloids  opposition  LabourParty 
january 2017 by petej
Sneering at the workers | Flip Chart Fairy Tales
For much of this year, pro-Brexit MPs and newspapers urged people to take back control. But when they try to exert a degree of control over something that directly affects them, like their pay and working conditions, they are met with condemnation, vitriol and threats. Being hard up and angry is fine, it seems, provided people don’t actually try to do anything about it.
class  tradeUnions  strikes  SouthernRail  BritishAirways  tabloids  media 
december 2016 by petej
The death of privacy | World news | The Observer
I asked Josh Cohen why we needed private lives. His answer was a rallying cry and a warning. "Privacy," he said, "precisely because it ensures we're never fully known to others or to ourselves, provides a shelter for imaginative freedom, curiosity and self-reflection. So to defend the private self is to defend the very possibility of creative and meaningful life."
privacy  socialMedia  Facebook  Google  identity  digitalIdentity  culture  media  celebrities  tabloids  psychology  control  dataBrokers  Panopticon  secrecy 
august 2014 by petej
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