petej + skills   129

Ctrl-Alt-Delete: The Planned Obsolescence of Old Coders
Because of their deep knowledge and broad experience, older programmers are able to translate their knowledge into ordinary terms, which puts them in a position to act as ambassadors to the nonprogramming world.
developers  programming  work  jobs  management  ageing  discrimination  change  skills  training  coding 
10 weeks ago by petej
This white paper doesn’t ‘change the debate’ It treats migrants as things | Maya Goodfellow | Opinion | The Guardian
Migrants, a label largely reserved for people racialised as “other”, are marked out as unwanted or constructed as threats to the nation, jobs or public service. Politicians believe that if they claim these lies as truths and then take the “right” action (which usually amounts to fewer rights for people coming into the country), they will deliver what people want – as if they haven’t said that a million times over, and as if for decades there haven’t been successive, often racist, immigration acts to address peoples’ “legitimate concerns”. They do the same thing over and over again and they expect different results. In the meantime peoples’ lives are ruined.

The long-term political fallout from Windrush was never going to be a fitting response to the size of the issue politicians have helped create with their consistent demonisation and scapegoating of migrants. Amber Rudd, who resigned as home secretary over her mishandling of the fallout from Windrush, has floated back into the cabinet – that should serve as a reminder that beyond bad headlines, there was no real accountability for what happened.

It’s not that “nothing has changed” since Windrush; it’s that not enough has. Immigration is not, and has never been, a problem; the real issue is that people were told it was, and that there’s very little sign of that changing any time soon.
UK  immigration  WhitePaper  salaries  threshold  skills  migrants  dehumanisation  politics  dctagged  dc:creator=GoodfellowMaya 
december 2018 by petej
Monthly Review | Marx on Immigration
Marx did not elaborate on his reasons for writing that Irish immigration reduced English workers’ wages. He implied that the cause was an oversupply of manual laborers, but his other statements indicate that he considered English xenophobia and the resulting antagonism among workers an even greater problem. The important point, however, is that he was not blaming lower wages on the immigrants themselves; for him the culprits were the colonial system that drove Irish workers to England, and the exploitation of these workers once they arrived.

The same considerations apply in the United States today. The main difference is the addition of legal status as a factor in setting wage levels—the laws that now make work “illegal” for millions of immigrant workers. Immigrant rights advocates may feel it is expedient to cite academic economists like Peri who downplay or deny the downward pressure exerted on wages by the exploitation of undocumented workers. It is not. As Columbia University economist Moshe Adler has noted, this approach does nothing to convince the many U.S. citizens who work in occupations with large numbers of undocumented immigrants and therefore “know firsthand that [exploitation of immigrant workers] puts direct downward pressure on their own wages.”16 Far from helping the movement, citing Peri only adds to these workers’ distrust and resentment toward middle-class immigrant rights advocates.17 More importantly, this approach distracts attention from efforts to address the real issues: the root causes of immigration in U.S. foreign policy, the super-exploitation of immigrant workers, and the common interests of immigrant and native-born workers.


In his 1870 letter, Marx described what he then considered the overriding priority for labor organizing in England: “to make the English workers realize that for them the national emancipation of Ireland is not a question of abstract justice or humanitarian sentiment but the first condition of their own social emancipation.” His closing words of advice to Meyer and Vogt were similar: “You have wide field in America for work along the same lines. A coalition of the German workers with the Irish workers (and of course also with the English and American workers who are prepared to accede to it) is the greatest achievement you could bring about now.” This internationalist and class-based perspective has lost none of its good sense in the century and a half since it was written.
Marx  immigration  Ireland  England  USA  Mexico  CentralAmerica  migration  pay  wages  competition  supply  demand  language  skills  racism  discrimination  legal  deportation  workingClass  xenophobia  employers  sanctions  tradeUnions  internationalism  rights 
november 2018 by petej
The part of Brexit everyone’s been avoiding is finally here: immigration | Gaby Hinsliff | Opinion | The Guardian
Brexit was never really about immigration.

Or so liberal leavers fall over themselves to claim, at least. They can’t bear the idea of being associated with a racist backlash and so they insist it was really all about sovereignty; that all those inflammatory posters of dark-skinned migrants queuing at European borders and the cynical scaremongering about Turkey didn’t really have any bearing on the result, and that all they really wanted was just a fairer and more open system in which people could come to Britain more easily from Commonwealth countries.

Even Nigel Farage sounded as if butter wouldn’t melt in his mouth on the radio this morning, insisting all he ever wanted was control of our borders and equal opportunities for Indians to come here just as Romanians once did.
UK  EU  Brexit  migration  freedomOfMovement  xenophobia  Leave  impact  pay  wages  employers  skills  politics  dctagged  dc:creator=HinsliffGaby 
september 2018 by petej
Who needs low-skill migrants anyway? | Flip Chart Fairy Tales
Just because these workers are low paid it doesn’t mean that they are not necessary. The government may be hell-bent on reducing the number of low-skill migrants but it isn’t telling us how it plans to deal with the consequences. People might not complain too much when they can’t get salad on a hot day but when their hospital is full and they can’t get help for their elderly relatives they will blame the government.

The government is under pressure to ‘do something’ about immigration. The trouble is, what it seems to be proposing is based on flawed assumptions and may well cause more problems than it solves. The fact is, we need these so-called lower skilled migrants as much as we need the engineers, scientists and doctors. But perhaps people won’t realise that until they have gone.
UK  EU  Brexit  immigration  migration  migrants  work  labour  jobs  skills  food  care  recruitment 
september 2017 by petej
No Dunkirk Spirit Can Save Britain From Brexit Defeat - The New York Times
Britain is not an economic powerhouse waiting to be liberated. We are a country of mediocre education and limited skills, whose preening vanity has prevented us from seeing our failings. Our membership in the European Union is not a set of restraints; it is what has been propping us up. If we insist on cutting ourselves off, parts of our economy will start to die.

Dunkirk is remembered so fondly only because, in the end, Britain was on the winning side. That wasn’t down to our plucky spirit. It was because America, with its overwhelming resources, entered the war. There is no such ally waiting to rescue us now, as we start down the dangerous path of methodically shredding our links with our neighbors and friends.
UK  EU  Brexit  economy  education  skills  agriculture  manufacturing  healthcare  trade  investment  CBI  delusion  nostalgia  immigration  employment  austerity  livingStandards  debt  politics 
july 2017 by petej
Is passionate work a neoliberal delusion? | openDemocracy
The political question that arises from these processes is whether the partly-enforced move into creative labour brings with it a disavowal of social and collective engagements of the type that have historically been associated with organised labour—and more widely, with social democracy—in favour of sheer self-interest. Or might new forms of organisation emerge which support the idea of welfare and social protection inside precarious creative work? Or might it be the case that creative labour can be put to social use—for example in pioneering radical social enterprises rather than simply going along with the idea of the ‘social business model’?

The most powerful factor inhibiting re-collectivisation is not just the widespread process of individualisation that so many leading sociologists have discussed, but more specifically the kind of self-interest which underpins what I refer to as ‘the artist as human capital.’ This phrase refers to the way in which the life of the artist has come to exemplify a model of neoliberal freedom.
creativity  work  neoliberalism  passion  training  skills  entrepreneurialism 
september 2016 by petej
Code rant: Learn To Code, It’s Harder Than You Think
"In the meantime we should stop selling people a lie. Programming is not easy, it is hard. You can’t learn to code, certainly not to a standard to get a well-paid-job-of-the-future, in just a few weeks. The majority of the population can not learn to code at all, no matter how much training they receive. I doubt very much if the plethora of quick learn-to-code courses will have any impact at all on the skills shortage, or the problem of unskilled low pay and unemployment. Let’s stop pretending that there are artificial barriers to entry and accept that the main barrier to anyone taking it up is their natural aptitude for it."
programming  coding  education  learning  skills 
december 2015 by petej
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