petej + post-industrialism   79

Capitalism’s New Clothes | Evgeny Morozov
Zuboff’s Copernican revolution is much easier to explain by its debt to Chandler than Foucault. Chandler’s own prescriptions were usually limited to demanding that managers be more responsible. Zuboff transcends such defeatism. But her double movement will not win before both managerial capitalism and surveillance capitalism are theorized as “capitalism”—a complex set of historical and social relationships between capital and labor, the state and the monetary system, the metropole and the periphery—and not just as an aggregate of individual firms responding to imperatives of technological and social change. That the latter, miniaturized account of competitive enterprise is the working definition of “capitalism” in American business schools is no reason to impoverish the broader discussion of the system’s rationales and shortcomings.
surveillanceCapitalism  ZuboffShoshana  surveillance  Facebook  Google  businessModels  economics  capitalism  SiliconValley  power  control  ChandlerAlfred  HarvardBusinessSchool  managerialism  ParsonsTalcott  data  predictions  behaviour  Apple  Negri  autonomism  Italy  socialFactory  multitude  post-industrialism  Blairism  Taylorism  extractivism  advertising  Amazon  Uber  dctagged  dc:creator=MorozovEvgeny 
8 weeks ago by petej
How Thatcherism produced Corbynism - UnHerd
In Britain, as elsewhere, the Thatcherite project was self-undermining. While the country Thatcher brought into being was very different from the one she inherited, it was nothing like the country she intended to fashion. Insofar as it ever existed, her Britain was a country of dutiful middle-class families prudently saving for the future. But rather than consolidating and expanding this middle class, she consigned it to the memory hole. More individualist, post-Thatcher Britain is also less bourgeois.

Aside from their homes, few middle-class people have assets of any importance. Beyond the public sector, pensions are dependent on the vagaries of the market. Without job security, much of the middle class lives only months from penury. Incomes have increased for many, but so has debt. While distancing Labour from its past and turning it into an overwhelmingly middle-class party, Tony Blair continued the hollowing out of middle-class life that Thatcher began.

A type of capitalism emerged in which the practices that shaped bourgeois life as it had been known in the past – saving for the future, pursuing a lifelong career, self-sacrifice for the sake of family stability – became redundant or dysfunctional. Adapting to ceaseless change came to be regarded as the primary virtue. Accelerating and accentuating processes that globalisation was driving anyway, Thatcher created a society she could not have imagined.
UK  politics  academia  tenure  Thatcher  Thatcherism  JosephKeith  Keynesianism  state  welfare  employment  individualism  neoliberalism  precarity  insecurity  post-industrialism  middleClass  Corbynism  TheLeft  globalisation  Brexit  referendum  PeoplesVote  farRight  dctagged  dc:creator=GrayJohn 
january 2019 by petej
Can Labour forge a new, 21st-century socialism? | John Harris | Opinion | The Guardian
The problem is that these ideas have yet to be turned into the kind of stories and messages that might decisively push Labour somewhere new. The party has been transformed, but it has a split personality – to quote the academic Jeremy Gilbert, Labour continues to be divided between a “decentralised political movement that would like to build a more democratic and cooperative economy” and “a top-down project focused entirely on maintaining Corbyn’s leadership, which is largely proposing a return to the statist social democracy of the postwar era”. The former demands deep thought, and the willingness to surrender old orthodoxies; the latter is a comfort blanket to which much of the party still instinctively clings.
UK  politics  LabourParty  CorbynJeremy  Corbynism  Fordism  postFordism  post-industrialism  neoliberalism  democratisation  participation  socialMovements  conservatism  nationalisation  decentralisation  welfare  housing  education  schools  Amazon  exploitation  automation  employment  dctagged  dc:creator=HarrisJohn 
september 2018 by petej
ROAR Magazine: The Long Shadow of May ’68
After 2011, it became clear that in today’s globalized and financialized world, class struggle is alive and well—even if its forms have changed in a number of important ways as a result of the transformations of capitalism and work over the past four decades. Contemporary class struggles still fundamentally revolve against the opposition between those who own capital and those who have to sell their labor power in order to survive, but they no longer take place exclusively at the point of production (they arguably never did, but this was nevertheless long the privileged site of struggle for the dominant Marxist and anarcho-syndicalist traditions). Today’s struggles also crucially unfold in the relationship between debtors and creditors; between tenants and landlords; between taxpayers and state financiers. The field of action, in short, has become significantly greater and much more complex to navigate.
May1968  students  strikes  DeGaulle  industrialism  post-industrialism  socialMovements  Thatcherism  MitterrandFrancois  identityPolitics  technocracy  technology  financialisation  Blairism  ThirdWay  9/11  warOnTerror  crisis  LehmanBrothers  austerity  ArabSpring  class  politics  dctagged  dc:creator=RoosJerome 
june 2018 by petej
Why would young people love a country that seems not to love them? | Zoe Williams | Opinion | The Guardian
The TUC is right: young people should join a union; workplaces should recognise collective bargaining; if this is a class cohort, nobody could tell you more about mobilising as a class bloc than a trade union. But any explanation for young people’s failure to do so that relies on personal deficiencies will turn out to be catastrophically complacent.

Also this week, the young were revealed to be less proud of their Englishness than ever before, with one in 10 saying they were actively embarrassed. There is nothing more corrosive to patriotism, of course, than hearing your situation blithely, constantly misrepresented by your countrymen. A lack of national pride may feel like the least of our problems, set against the damage done when there’s a surfeit of it. Yet it speaks not of cynicism, but of a failure of reciprocity. It’s hard to love a country that shows no sign of loving you.
UK  youth  millennials  tradeUnions  post-industrialism  work  insecurity  precarity  gigEconomy  exploitation  England  Englishness  nationalIdentity  dctagged  dc:creator=WilliamsZoe 
june 2018 by petej
Can Labour win back its heartlands? Not by turning blue | Jeremy Gilbert | Opinion | The Guardian
Cosmopolitan culture is not a bad idea. It implies a liberal, tolerant, non-exclusive attitude. Historically, this is a mindset typical of merchants, financiers, artists and intellectuals. But cosmopolitanism has also been embraced by radical workers, infused with the internationalist spirit of communism, and by the urban poor in places where multiculturalism has been a fact of daily life for generations.

I think cosmopolitanism was a key reason why the New Labour coalition held together for as long as it did. There were always Labour voters in cities, in the more militant unions, in university towns and in the public sector, who would have preferred a more radical programme. But we knew from the bitter experience of the 1980s that there were not enough of us to win an election, at least in a country whose media was so skewed to the right. And after 18 years of Tory rule, we were relieved to have a government that at least encouraged an open, tolerant, sexually liberal and multi-ethnic culture to thrive.

At the same time, as much as we resented the Iraq war and the private finance initiative, many of us were being offered a lifestyle that even our parents couldn’t have dreamed of. So we were acquiescent, even if never quite reconciled, to the New Labour agenda.

The leave-voting heartlands would certainly not vote for Blair’s brand of Europhile neoliberalism
But there were others, in the north and the Midlands, in small towns and post-industrial regions, who had a very different experience. They too belonged to social groups who had traditionally voted Labour. But the third way did not offer them the consolations that it offered those of us in the cities and professional classes. Instead it offered them an experience of permanent decline. Accepting globalisation as a fact of life, New Labour made no effort to bring back industrial jobs. When migrants came from eastern Europe, looking for work, many citizens of the post-industrial towns experienced this as a threat to their already precarious livelihoods, rather than as an opportunity for cultural enrichment.
UK  LabourParty  ge2017  generalElection  politics  socialDemocracy  Blairism  BlairTony  ClintonBill  cosmopolitanism  multiculturalism  internationalism  deindustrialisation  post-industrialism  migration  inequality  fear  conservatism  BlueLabour  CorbynJeremy  dctagged  dc:creator=GilbertJeremy 
may 2017 by petej
Why class won’t go away | Lynsey Hanley | Society | The Guardian
"You ask yourself what this means for society, when the powerlessness of one class in relation to another mutates into the power to hinder the progress of others. Nothing is done if not done together. If we refuse, or are unable, to work together because the classes have ossified into groups that do not trust each other and do not meet, does that mean an end to progress? The more polarised we become by advantage and its lack, the more thoughtlessly we will walk into parallel worlds of abundance and poverty, trust and suspicion. This is how the cynics win: by picking apart the unifying threads of culture and society and insisting that there are some people who never belonged, who never wanted to belong, in the first place."
UK  class  workingClass  middleClass  exclusion  poverty  post-industrialism  race  BlueLabour  socialMobility  aspiration  tradeUnions  rightToBuy  Brexit  polarisation  dctagged  dc:creator=HanleyLynsey  deindustrialisation  deprivation 
september 2016 by petej
EU referendum: ‘This is now a battle for an idea of Britain’ | Will Hutton | Opinion | The Guardian
Brexit would not herald a new dawn. As John Major has argued, we export six times as much to the EU as to Brazil, Russia, China and India added together. We export five times as much to the EU as to all the other 52 members of the Commonwealth added together. We sell more services to tiny Luxembourg than to India. The “experts”, derided by Leave, when they warn of recession and years of lost opportunity as Britain tries to redirect its trade, are only stating the obvious.

The millions of working-class voters thinking of voting Brexit, beware. Immigrants, who boost our economy, are not the cause of our ills. The lack of cheap social housing, the underinvestment in public services, the non-building of roads, the inability of weakened trade unions to defend wages and the wider failure to develop vigorous local economies are not the EU’s fault. What is wrong is minted in Britain and must be put right here.

Moreover, the values that will make our lives better are mutuality and generosity – not telling others to go home and turning our backs on the noble if derided EU. To leave is to indulge the worst side of our natures, to believe fantasies about what constitutes democracy and to chase an economic chimera. To remain is a double win – to be part of something good and get richer in the process. Think before you vote.
UK  EU  referendum  Brexit  Europe  globalisation  sovereignty  cooperation  publicServices  housing  immigration  post-industrialism  Britishness  trade  dctagged  dc:creator=HuttonWill  deindustrialisation 
june 2016 by petej
The Deactivation of the American Worker - The Awl
"Jobs have long been the stand-in which workers used as a shorthand for personal identity rather than what they really are: a thankless compromise necessary to participate in capitalism."
work  labour  precarity  jobs  insecurity  unemployment  communication  Slack  post-industrialism  neoliberalism  deindustrialisation 
march 2016 by petej
When are Labour party ‘moderates’ going to do more than just moan? | John Harris | Opinion | The Guardian
"Whatever his suitability for the job, Corbyn is where he is for one reason above all others: the fact that Britain’s post-1979 journey into a new reality of a shrunken welfare state, marketised public services, rising inequality and an impossible job market had reached a watershed with the deepening of austerity, and there was a need for a clear moral response, without which Labour was in danger of shrinking into meaninglessness. On that score, over the summer of 2015, the heirs to the New Labour project were deservedly found wanting; indeed, their very philosophy was fatally exposed."
LabourParty  NewLabour  Blairism  CorbynJeremy  leadership  post-industrialism  inequality  austerity  tradeUnions  UK  politics  dctagged  dc:creator=HarrisJohn 
january 2016 by petej
Cyber-Proletariat: an Interview with Nick Dyer-Witheford
"The evident example is the huge possibilities for freeing up time by automation of certain types of work. For me, the problem both with Paul’s work, which I respect, and with the accelerationists, is there is a failure to acknowledge that the passage from the potential to the actualization of such communist possibilities involves crossing what William Morris describes as a “river of fire.” I don’t find in their work a great deal about that river of fire. I think it would be reasonable to assume there would be a period of massive and protracted social crisis that would attend the emergence of these new forms. And as we know from historical attempts in the 20th Century to cross that river of fire, a lot depends on what happens during that passage. So there is, if one could put it that way, a certain automatism about the prediction of the realization of a new order in both these schools, which we should be very careful about."
Marxism  informationTechnology  postFordism  post-industrialism  work  labour  autonomism  communism  communization  anti-capitalism  PlanC  MasonPaul  accelerationism  interview  dctagged  dc:contributor=Dyer-WithefordNick  classComposition  optimism 
october 2015 by petej
Does the UK really need 'wealth creators' and 'hardworking people'? | openDemocracy
"But there are no guarantees. The final cataclysmic moment of destruction may never arrive – as Walter Benjamin put it: “That things ‘just go on’ is the catastrophe. It is not that which is approaching but that which is.” But the first step in facing up to that catastrophe is to recognise it for what it is, with no illusions. Because it is not the radical left who are “unrealistic”. Rather it is the social democrats who refuse to acknowledge what is staring them in the face, who continue to ignore history, insisting instead that moral appeals can bring about a return to a “fairer” capitalism that never really existed."
politics  economics  ideology  work  labour  capitalism  postFordism  post-industrialism  services  globalisation  bullshitJobs  identity  alienation  flexibility  precarity  property  homeOwnership  rightToBuy  housing  UK  economy 
august 2015 by petej
Labour needs to define social democracy and the language to build it | Business | The Guardian
Social democracy requires abundance. Governments need a growing economy and rising tax revenues so that they can build schools and hospitals, make pensions more generous and tackle poverty. This was the case in the third quarter of the 20th century, when growth was strong and governments had more levers to pull. They could limit the movement of people. They had capital controls to limit the movement of money. And they had trade barriers to protect their own industries.

Borders are more porous in the age of globalisation. It is easier to move people, money and production around, but harder to protect jobs, wages and tax revenues. What’s more, in developed economies growth is slower than it was in the 1950s and 1960s; in some countries a lot slower. There is no longer the same sense of abundance and governments have fewer levers to pull.

To be fair, parties of the centre right struggle with the same problem. Globalisation is good for multinational corporations; it is good for a relatively small group of mobile workers and it is good for those sectors of the economy that are internationally competitive. In the case of the UK, that means financial and business services, which has become Britain’s speciality. Prosperity is most obvious in those parts of the country – such as London and Edinburgh – where there are the highest concentrations of banks.
UK  economy  postFordism  post-industrialism  crisis  socialDemocracy  abundance  scarcity  globalisation  migration  inequality  wealth  poverty 
may 2015 by petej
John Lanchester reviews ‘The Second Machine Age’ by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee and ‘Average Is Over’ by Tyler Cowen · LRB 5 March 2015
"It’s also worth noting what isn’t being said about this robotified future. The scenario we’re given – the one being made to feel inevitable – is of a hyper-capitalist dystopia. There’s capital, doing better than ever; the robots, doing all the work; and the great mass of humanity, doing not much, but having fun playing with its gadgets. (Though if there’s no work, there are going to be questions about who can afford to buy the gadgets.) There is a possible alternative, however, in which ownership and control of robots is disconnected from capital in its current form. The robots liberate most of humanity from work, and everybody benefits from the proceeds: we don’t have to work in factories or go down mines or clean toilets or drive long-distance lorries, but we can choreograph and weave and garden and tell stories and invent things and set about creating a new universe of wants. This would be the world of unlimited wants described by economics, but with a distinction between the wants satisfied by humans and the work done by our machines. It seems to me that the only way that world would work is with alternative forms of ownership. The reason, the only reason, for thinking this better world is possible is that the dystopian future of capitalism-plus-robots may prove just too grim to be politically viable. This alternative future would be the kind of world dreamed of by William Morris, full of humans engaged in meaningful and sanely remunerated labour. Except with added robots. It says a lot about the current moment that as we stand facing a future which might resemble either a hyper-capitalist dystopia or a socialist paradise, the second option doesn’t get a mention."
automation  work  labour  robots  jobs  economics  employment  computers  post-industrialism  innovation  technology  informationTechnology  productivity  capitalism  postFordism  determinism  deflation  communism  dctagged  dc:creator=LanchesterJohn  LRB 
march 2015 by petej
A donkey jacket and sideburns revolution is no longer possible. But the spirit lives on | Comment is free | The Guardian
"As early as the 1960s young factory workers, when asked by sociologists, began to say manual work was “absurd”. Automation was reducing them to minders of the machines, not operators. It was not just anarchists but young Italian factory workers – complete with their sideburns – who first expressed the idea that liberation involves a fight against work itself.

Today what the Italian autonomists said rhetorically in the 1970s has become reality: the whole of society is a factory. The struggle for social justice takes place no longer just amid lines of machinery, but in places such as the Focus E15 occupation by single mums and the Sex Worker Open University projects in London and Glasgow.

There’ll be people who attend these movies with a sense of mourning for everything good that was destroyed in the working-class culture of the 70s and early 80s. But for me that’s tempered with optimism. The revolution I was part of when I took durophet and danced to Northern Soul is still happening, even if the revolution of the donkey jacket and sideburns era is no longer possible. The social laboratory of the self is open for business and nothing’s going to shut it down."
economics  politics  UK  industry  economy  work  labour  tradeUnions  class  culture  post-industrialism  postFordism  autonomism  socialFactory  anti-work  dctagged  dc:creator=MasonPaul 
october 2014 by petej

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