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Monthly Review | Marx on Immigration
Marx did not elaborate on his reasons for writing that Irish immigration reduced English workers’ wages. He implied that the cause was an oversupply of manual laborers, but his other statements indicate that he considered English xenophobia and the resulting antagonism among workers an even greater problem. The important point, however, is that he was not blaming lower wages on the immigrants themselves; for him the culprits were the colonial system that drove Irish workers to England, and the exploitation of these workers once they arrived.

The same considerations apply in the United States today. The main difference is the addition of legal status as a factor in setting wage levels—the laws that now make work “illegal” for millions of immigrant workers. Immigrant rights advocates may feel it is expedient to cite academic economists like Peri who downplay or deny the downward pressure exerted on wages by the exploitation of undocumented workers. It is not. As Columbia University economist Moshe Adler has noted, this approach does nothing to convince the many U.S. citizens who work in occupations with large numbers of undocumented immigrants and therefore “know firsthand that [exploitation of immigrant workers] puts direct downward pressure on their own wages.”16 Far from helping the movement, citing Peri only adds to these workers’ distrust and resentment toward middle-class immigrant rights advocates.17 More importantly, this approach distracts attention from efforts to address the real issues: the root causes of immigration in U.S. foreign policy, the super-exploitation of immigrant workers, and the common interests of immigrant and native-born workers.

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In his 1870 letter, Marx described what he then considered the overriding priority for labor organizing in England: “to make the English workers realize that for them the national emancipation of Ireland is not a question of abstract justice or humanitarian sentiment but the first condition of their own social emancipation.” His closing words of advice to Meyer and Vogt were similar: “You have wide field in America for work along the same lines. A coalition of the German workers with the Irish workers (and of course also with the English and American workers who are prepared to accede to it) is the greatest achievement you could bring about now.” This internationalist and class-based perspective has lost none of its good sense in the century and a half since it was written.
Marx  immigration  Ireland  England  USA  Mexico  CentralAmerica  migration  pay  wages  competition  supply  demand  language  skills  racism  discrimination  legal  deportation  workingClass  xenophobia  employers  sanctions  tradeUnions  internationalism  rights 
november 2018 by petej
Car manufacturing in Britain fell by 11% in July, reports SMMT | Business | The Guardian
The UK exports most of the cars made here. However, British buyers also get the majority of their vehicles from overseas, with about 86% of new cars being imported and 69% of new cars coming from the EU.
UK  economy  manufacturing  cars  demand  trade  EU  uncertainty  Brexit  business  industry 
august 2018 by petej
Ryanair’s crisis shows the true cost of the low-cost revolution | Gwyn Topham | Opinion | The Guardian
Ultimately, the cheaper deal is making us all pay. Unbundling doesn’t eliminate costs, it just makes them external. And they still have to be met by someone, somewhere. The unravelling of corporate responsibility that accompanies it, vividly evinced in the creative employment contracts now endemic in road, rail and air, could leave society with costs as small as the individual medical care of a burnt-out pilot or cabin crew member – or something far worse.
Ryanair  air  travel  cancellations  business  hubris  costs  unbundling  Uber  Amazon  convenience  demand  CAA  regulation 
september 2017 by petej
The WTF Economy — Medium
Somehow I don't think TO'R will be talking fully automated luxury communism
work  labour  automation  algorithms  demand  jobs  economics  dctagged  dc:creator=O'ReillyTim 
july 2015 by petej
Stefan Collini reviews ‘Everything for Sale’ by Roger Brown, with Helen Carasso and ‘The Great University Gamble’ by Andrew McGettigan · LRB 24 October 2013
"Future historians, pondering changes in British society from the 1980s onwards, will struggle to account for the following curious fact. Although British business enterprises have an extremely mixed record (frequently posting gigantic losses, mostly failing to match overseas competitors, scarcely benefiting the weaker groups in society), and although such arm’s length public institutions as museums and galleries, the BBC and the universities have by and large a very good record (universally acknowledged creativity, streets ahead of most of their international peers, positive forces for human development and social cohesion), nonetheless over the past three decades politicians have repeatedly attempted to force the second set of institutions to change so that they more closely resemble the first. Some of those historians may even wonder why at the time there was so little concerted protest at this deeply implausible programme. But they will at least record that, alongside its many other achievements, the coalition government took the decisive steps in helping to turn some first-rate universities into third-rate companies. If you still think the time for criticism is over, perhaps you’d better think again."
education  higherEducation  universities  policy  fees  tuitionFees  marketisation  privatisation  ApolloGroup  BPP  NCH  supply  demand  core  margin  performance  RAE  REF  dctagged  dc:creator=ColliniStefan  impact  ranking  LRB 
october 2013 by petej

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