petej + remain   333

The Tories have forgotten their pro-EU voters. And they’ll pay for it | John Harris | Opinion | The Guardian
There is a rising Tory fantasy about the party’s immediate post-May future, which seems to be based around victory in a general election, a new leader going back to Brussels full of swagger – and, if need be, Britain stoically going it alone. If that happens, the revolutionary, Brexit-or-nothing school of modern Conservatism will reach peak arrogance, thinking the ghost of the blessed Margaret Thatcher is cheering everything on, and that its moment of destiny has arrived. The truth is the exact opposite: whatever its delusions, hyper-Toryism – and, by extension, the Conservative party itself – is sliding into a elemental crisis from which it may never recover.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  EuropeanParliament  election  ToryParty  McVeyEsther  Wilmslow  middleClass  Remain  CameronDavid  OsborneGeorge  BrexitParty  FarageNigel  JohnsonBoris  austerity  precarity  dctagged  dc:creator=HarrisJohn  conservatism 
27 days ago by petej
North-east England is not obsessed with Brexit – it’s just a symbol | Phil McDuff | Opinion | The Guardian
Brexit was, and remains, largely about this mythical EU and its symbolic opposition to an equally mythical Britain, rather than about anything specific to the actual EU. Brexit is pure magic – standing in for your hopes or fears. Bring it down to the level of the prosaic, to MEPs and trade policy, and it loses this magic and becomes ugly and undesirable. Ultimately Brexit cannot be fulfilled, it can only be betrayed.

Leave and remain groups talk past each other on Labour’s real or imagined failures. Is Labour losing leave votes because of a sense the party is betraying the spirit of the Brexit vote? Seems likely. Is it losing remain votes because it isn’t committed to revoking article 50 and keeping us in the EU? Probably. Get a policy out of that.

Beyond electoralism, the Brexit reasoning doesn’t get much clearer for anyone on the left. The pro-Brexit left, such as the economist Grace Blakely, argue a convincing case that the economic populism of a Corbynite Labour would be opposed by the EU as currently instituted and that the deep reforms that attracted people to the newly socialist Labour could be stymied if the UK remains a member. Gina Miller, who took the government to court over Brexit, said she was “more worried about a certain Mr Corbyn” than she was about Brexit – a position seemingly shared by many in the EU. Others argue, no less convincingly, that Brexit is and remains a project of the far right and that it is a pipe dream to assume the left can force this authoritarian locomotive on to new humanitarian, internationalist rails at this stage. We should be aiming to remain and reform, they say. Which is fair enough, but if we cannot reform Brexit in our own country, how can we be expected to reform the EU either? It is not that either of these positions is wrong, more that they are both correct, which unfortunately does not provide a nice answer for anyone.
UK  politics  North-East  Brexit  UKIP  BrexitParty  EuropeanParliament  election  Leave  Remain  dctagged  dc:creator=McDuffPhil 
5 weeks ago by petej
Labour is a 'remain and reform' party on EU, says Tom Watson | Politics | The Guardian
Labour is still a “remain and reform party” over EU membership, Tom Watson has argued, as he said it seemed inevitable that a confirmatory referendum would be needed for the party’s MPs to agree to any Brexit deal.
UK  EU  Brexit  Remain  reform  LabourParty  WatsonTom  referendum  PeoplesVote  confirmation  ratification  politics 
5 weeks ago by petej
If Labour really wants to move on, it has to back a second referendum | Tom Kibasi | Opinion | The Guardian
How can a referendum be won? Remainers need to stop talking to themselves and instead think about how to persuade people who voted leave last time to vote remain next time. Rather than trying to sell the virtues of the European project or making the case for “remain and reform”, Labour should instead make and win the argument that Brexit simply isn’t worth it: that there are more pressing priorities, from wages to NHS waiting times. The country has already wasted three years arguing about trading arrangements and regulatory alignment rather than about jobs, living standards and public services
UK  EU  Brexit  softBrexit  customsUnion  EEA  Norway  referendum  PeoplesVote  Remain  NHS  livingStandards  campaigning  renewal  dctagged  dc:creator=KibasiTom 
5 weeks ago by petej
Labour’s bid for leave voters is failing. It must now look to remainers | Jonathan Freedland | Opinion | The Guardian
It points to a bleak prospect later this month, with the leave vote consolidating behind a triumphant Farage, while the remain vote splits at least four ways. But there is an obvious means to avert that scenario. If Labour made plain its commitment to submitting any Brexit deal to a confirmatory vote, it could staunch at least some of the haemorrhage of support to the remain parties.

This is the argument Labour thrashed out around the national executive table on Tuesday. I’m told that Diane Abbott, identifying herself as the MP for “remoan central”, told the group to “remember that our enemies are using this issue to drive a wedge between Jeremy and the membership”. Seeing this as a dastardly plot against the embattled but noble left is certainly one option, and it has a long tradition. But the other way of looking at it might be more productive: namely that, in its desperation to keep fishing in the Brexiter pool, Labour has turned its back on waters rich in anti-Tory voters who regard Brexit as a disaster that any opposition worth the name would be opposing. Labour could start fishing in those waters – or it could stand by, watching as its rivals steal that precious catch right from under its nose.
UK  politics  Brexit  LabourParty  localGovernment  elections  McDonnellJohn  CorbynJeremy  customsUnion  softBrexit  Remain  ParkerLaura  LewisClive  MasonPaul  HouseOfCommons  AbbottDiane  dctagged  dc:creator=FreedlandJonathan 
6 weeks ago by petej
How to win the Brexit Civil War. An open letter to my fellow Remainers | openDemocracy
Researchers, Chris Prosser, Jon Mellon, and Jane Green of The British Election Study Team asked a large cross sample what mattered to them in the referendum. The word-clouds map the answers. Remainers were overwhelmingly concerned with their economic future. Leavers said ‘immigration” but “were actually more likely to mention sovereignty related issues overall”. The conclusion? “The referendum campaign was not a fight about which side had the best argument on the issues… Instead, the fight was about which of these issues was more important.”
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  Remain  PeoplesVote  referendum  nationalism  isolationism  Leave  campaigning  softBrexit  customsUnion  polarisation  violence  discourse  immigration  economy  fear  precarity  democracy  change  dctagged  dc:creator=BarnettAnthony 
6 weeks ago by petej
'All I hear is anger and frustration': how Brexit is affecting our mental health | Politics | The Guardian
The disconnect between what some people feel – more than six million signed the revoke petition – and what it is assumed that everyone feels (they want to leave, now; they voted once and don’t want to say it again), leaves huge swathes of the population with their political views denied, rendered inauthentic. What if you’re in favour of free movement? What if you think sovereignty is a stupid thing to get worked up about? What if you never thought international collaboration on lawmaking was a bad thing? What if you didn’t see it as losing control? You’re not just outside political parties and discourse, you are a non-person, stateless in Brexitland. And if your civic identity is quite central to your sense of self, that’s hard to take.
UK  EU  Brexit  mentalHealth  uncertainty  anger  insecurity  division  polarisation  Leave  Remain  anxiety  racism  violence  dctagged  dc:creator=WilliamsZoe 
10 weeks ago by petej
The Mass Psychology of Brexit
Balint’s distinction has an obvious application to Brexit. The Leave camp tended to cling to such objects as the nation, the community, the family and friends but also race: people ‘like us’. The Remain camp sought out the wide open spaces of the global market. At least, that’s how things look at first sight. But in the course of this prolonged, irresponsible experiment in group psychology, a strange inversion occurred. The Leave campaign, originally motivated by security and familiarity, turned into the de facto proponent of risk – as tariffs, trade deals, waiting lines, passports, ancestral obligations and the like were thrown open to renegotiation. Meanwhile the Remain campaign, originally motivated by the exciting horizons of the continent, was drawn back to the comfort of the status quo ante. Each group found its unconscious in the other.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  England  history  empire  exceptionalism  disaster  MayTheresa  intransigence  failure  narcissism  O'TooleFintan  BalintMichael  Leave  Remain  object-relational  psychology  LRB 
10 weeks ago by petej
Theresa May is effectively gone. She is a leader in name only | Michael Heseltine | Opinion | The Guardian
Or, as is much more likely, the Brexiteers will demand significant changes to reflect their own views – views that will appal and frighten much of the electorate when they realise the enormity of what is being done. In essence, Brexiteers want to dismantle much of what we regard as the underpinning of civilised life in the modern world.
UK  Brexit  ToryParty  leadership  MayTheresa  politics  EU  Remain  referendum  PeoplesVote  dctagged  dc:creator=HeseltineMichael 
11 weeks ago by petej
One of the most damaging fallouts of Brexit has been the media creation of the Leave/Remain dichotomy as an identity of two extremes, when opinion on the EU is a spectrum. It’s easier to shift views on a spectrum: but when you cast it as a war of identi
One of the most damaging fallouts of Brexit has been the media creation of the Leave/Remain dichotomy as an identity of two extremes, when opinion on the EU is a spectrum. It’s easier to shift views on a spectrum: but when you cast it as a war of identities, people hunker down.



I have lots of problems w/ EU, but voted Remain, and think the biggest problems within the EU are right wing govts, & Britain itself. I’m dead against Lexit cos Brexit is a far right project & leaving the EU will do nothing but harm the UK. But I get called a Lexiter constantly.
UK  EU  Brexit  division  polarisation  Leave  Remain  identity  Lexit  politics  dctagged  dc:creator=FosterDawn 
12 weeks ago by petej
Best of luck and all love to those on the #PeoplesVoteMarch today! While I’ve still got huge reservations about a second ref in itself (as well as the apparatchiks running the campaign), it’s the failures of the Tory Party in government driving polari
What's Labour's strategy? In my view, it's letting the Tories implode while keeping together their fractious 2017 electoral coalition. Which means blocking No Deal, expressing a preference for Brexit to happen, and simultaneously keeping avenues open that could lead to No Brexit.

Which means that Labour's Brexit position is in a constant state of flux. It's like Schrodinger's cat - Labour are hoping that they can leave the box unopened for as long as possible, while occasional yowling and scratching noises assure people there is definitely a cat in there.

It's frustrating, it's boring and shifty, but guess what? It's been effective so far.

Now, if May's deal finally gets the coup de grace this week, Labour must move towards a Brexit position which still delivers it's 3 strategic objectives as outlined before.

In my opinion, that means firstly pursue whichever Parliamentary option makes a General Election most likely. Secondly, put renegotiate a softer Brexit on the manifesto. And thirdly, put the renegotiated deal to a referendum with Remain on the ballot (ideally, without No Deal).
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  PeoplesVote  referendum  demonstration  London  Remain  LabourParty  immigration  freedomOfMovement  precarity  racism  farRight  dctagged  dc:creator=SarkarAsh 
12 weeks ago by petej
Labour’s Brexit Policy |
To sum up – I started with three simple rival ‘narratives’ of Labour’s underlying position on Brexit. I’ve articulated my own interpretation of Labour’s position, which implies that all of these narratives have something to them. In my view, Labour’s preferred Brexit outcome involves significant breaks with existing EU governance rules. The leadership wants those breaks to be in the area of neoliberal constraints on socialist policy-making; much of the PLP wants those breaks to be in the area of freedom of movement. In a scenario where Labour is in government without the Brexit deal having been concluded, those two categories of negotiating priority will be in tension. Nevertheless, the tension between those two categories of negotiating priority is (I would argue) not as fundamental as the tension between some of the Conservatives’ commitments. Moreover, unlike the Conservatives, Labour have been quite careful not to articulate any commitments that cannot be backed down from towards greater compatibility with existing EU rules. Thus in a scenario in which Labour were negotiating with the EU, I would expect Labour to make an effort to achieve a set of concessions around EU rules, and if those concessions could not be achieved, to capitulate in the direction of a more liberal existing-EU-institutions-aligned position.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  LabourParty  Remain  Leave  trade  economy  Bennism  Euroscepticism  immigration  borders  freedomOfMovement  customsUnion  singleMarket  ambiguity  tactics  flexibility  ToryParty  redLines  negotiations  strategy 
march 2019 by petej
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