petej + india   94

The Imperial Myths Behind Brexit - The Atlantic
A British leadership that wanted to deliver Brexit safely and was not in thrall to exceptionalism might have learned from past mistakes. Suez might have taught it to prefer reality over fantasy, compromise and conciliation over arrogance and vaingloriousness. Partition might have taught it to respect and understand complexity rather than oversimplify difficult problems, to make a plan before setting tight deadlines. Both might have taught it that you should never, ever imagine you’ve had enough of experts.

But to learn from mistakes you must confront them, and exceptionalism means you never do. Successes may be evidence of Britain’s greatness, but failures are inherently un-British. It is worth noting, too, that exceptionalism does not affect only those who support Brexit. As the historian Robert Saunders has pointed out, “The idea that Britain should lead the EU—widely deployed [by campaigners who supported staying in the EU] in 2016—has as strong an imperial heritage as the aspiration to leave it.” What would be exceptional about meekly accepting equal status with 27 others?

Brexit is exposing flaws in the British political system and culture, but they are not new. Exceptionalist thinking has long helped insulate that system from the criticism and reform it needs.

For advocates and critics of Brexit alike, it may be tempting to imagine a golden age in which Britain was competent, reliable, stable, and sensible. Looking at its history, though, if it turns out to be none of those things, we shouldn’t be surprised.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  exceptionalism  delusion  imperialism  WorldWarII  Suez  Amritsar  India  Pakistan  Mountbatten 
august 2019 by petej
'Something resembling hell': how does the rest of the world view the UK? | Politics | The Guardian
First, I should say that we French Europeans are grateful to our British friends for making sure one word has exited our vocabulary: Frexit.

For Brexit has made Frexit impossible. Four years ago, Marine Le Pen could still float the Frexit temptation and lead some of her supporters to believe that leaving the EU would somehow solve France’s problems.

By the time she launched her campaign for the 2017 presidential election, the Brexit referendum had already had one effect: the Front National leader no longer dared push her Frexit argument any more, confining herself instead to attacking the euro and advocating a return to the old franc. Even this proved a bad idea.

In the last TV debate between the two rounds of the election, Emmanuel Macron crushed Le Pen by proving how incoherent her idea of a French paradise outside the eurozone actually was. It took a year for her to recover, and two years for her party – now renamed National Rally – to produce a programme admitting that leaving the euro was “not a priority any more”.
UK  EU  Brexit  politics  diplomacy  trade  reputation  JohnsonBoris  Brazil  SouthAfrica  Russia  USA  India  Japan  Germany  France  China 
august 2019 by petej
What 46 Populist Leaders Did to Democracy - The Atlantic
Populist governments, in our working definition, are united by two fundamental claims: (1) Elites and “outsiders” work against the interests of the “true people,” and (2) since populists are the voice of the “true people,” nothing should stand in their way.
politics  populism  democracy  BolsonaroJair  Brazil  TrumpDonald  ModiNarendra  WidodoJoko  Indonesia  India  USA  power  press  media  civilLiberties  MouffeChantal  corruption  Italy  transparency 
december 2018 by petej
Theorising and analysing digital labour: From global value chains to modes of production | Fuchs | The Political Economy of Communication
"Corporate social media (Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Weibo, Blogspot, LinkedIn etc.) all use a business model that is based on targeted advertising that turns users’ data (content, profiles, social networks and online behaviour) into a commodity. Commodities have producers who create them, otherwise they cannot exist. So, if the commodity of internet platforms is user data, then the process of creating this data must be considered to be value-generating labour. Consequently, this type of internet usage is productive consumption or prosumption in the sense that it creates value and a commodity that is sold. Dallas Smythe’s concept of the audience commodity has been revived and transformed into the concept of the internet prosumer commodity (Fuchs, 2012). Digital labour creates the internet prosumer commodity that is sold by internet platforms to advertising clients. They in return present targeted ads to users.

Digital labour on “social media” resembles housework because it has no wages, is mainly conducted during spare time, has no trade union representation, and is difficult to perceive as being labour. Like housework it involves the “externalization, or ex-territorialization of costs which otherwise would have to be covered by the capitalists” (Mies, 1986: 110). The term ‘crowdsourcing’ (Howe, 2009) expresses exactly an outsourcing process that helps capital to save on labour costs. Like housework, digital labour is “a source of unchecked, unlimited exploitation” (Mies, 1986: 16). Slaves are violently coerced with hands, whips, bullets—they are tortured, beaten or killed if they refuse to work. The violence exercised against them is primarily physical in nature. Houseworkers are also partly physically coerced in cases of domestic violence. In addition, they are coerced by feelings of love, commitment and responsibility that make them work for the family. The main coercion in patriarchal housework is conducted by affective feelings. In the case of the digital worker, coercion is mainly social in nature. Large platforms like Facebook have successfully monopolised the supply of certain services, such as online social networking, and have more than a billion users. This allows them to exercise a soft and almost invisible form of coercion through which users are chained to commercial platforms because all of their friends and important contacts are there and they do not want to lose these contacts. Consequently, they cannot simply leave these platforms."
digitalLabour  capitalism  computers  technology  minerals  Congo  manufacturing  China  software  development  India  callCentres  SiliconValley  socialMedia  work  labour  businessModels  advertising  dctagged  dc:creator=FuchsChristian 
september 2014 by petej
Narendra Modi: is a hi-tech populist the best India can hope for? | Aditya Chakrabortty | Commentisfree | The Guardian
"For over a decade, Modi has not lacked for comparators. He's been likened to Nero, Hitler, Putin. To me, he has all the makings of a Recep Tayyip Erdoğan: a hi-tech populist holding together a fragile coalition of big business, impatient urban youth and religious fundamentalists. Those disparate groups can be kept together as long as growth comes. But if it doesn't, Modi and his generals will go hunting for an enemy: Pakistan, India's own minorities, and the pseudo-seculars."
India  politics  election  BJP  populism  Modi  ModiNarendra  dctagged  dc:creator=ChakraborttyAditya 
may 2014 by petej
Merck to Bristol-Myers Face More Threats on India Drug Patents - Businessweek
Bayer Chief Executive Officer Marijn Dekkers called the compulsory license “essentially theft.”

“We did not develop this medicine for Indians,” Dekkers said Dec. 3. “We developed it for western patients who can afford it.”
India  pharmaceuticals  drugs  legal  health  cancer  medicine  Bayer 
january 2014 by petej
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