petej + brexit   5177

The Center Blows Itself Up: Care and Spite in the ‘Brexit Election’ | by David Graeber | NYR Daily | The New York Review of Books
The center of British politics has become a smoldering pit. The country is now being governed by a hard-right government placed in power by its oldest citizens, in the face of the active hatred of its increasingly socialist-inclined youth. It’s fairly clear that for the Johnson team, Brexit was never anything but an electoral strategy, and that they don’t have the slightest idea how to translate it into economic prosperity. (It is an unacknowledged irony of the current situation that the people most likely to profit from the Brexit process are, precisely, lawyers—and, probably secondarily, accountants. For everyone else, it’s hard to imagine a scenario where they will improve their current situation, and quite easy to imagine Johnson being remembered as one of the most disastrous prime ministers in British history.)

The next few years are likely to be tumultuous. What remains to be seen is whether Labour can fully break from of the trap into which past generations of centrists have placed it: as a party that represents the interests and sensibilities of both carers and administrators at the same time.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  youth  elderly  LabourParty  ToryParty  Brexit  CorbynJeremy  Blairism  centrism  financialisation  regulation  membership  media  anti-Semitism  HodgeMargaret  racism  JohnsonBoris  deindustrialisation  services  work  labour  jobs  care  pay  wages  administration  bureaucracy  rules  healthcare  NHS  ge2017  softBrexit  Norway  PeoplesVote  referendum  ChangeUK  UmunnaChuka  SwinsonJo  dctagged  dc:creator=GraeberDavid 
3 days ago by petej
Here’s how it’s shaping up: Q1) Do you agree that labour lost because its members and supporters are awful metropolitan liberals who should feel ashamed of themselves for betraying the heroic working class by opposing Brexit? Q2) Do you want to do aba
Here’s how it’s shaping up:
Q1) Do you agree that labour lost because its members and supporters are awful metropolitan liberals who should feel ashamed of themselves for betraying the heroic working class by opposing Brexit?
Q2) Do you want to do abandon socialism?
UK  politics  LabourParty  leadership  Brexit  socialism  NandyLisa  Long-BaileyRebecca  StarmerKeir  LaveryIan  LewisClive  dctagged  dc:creator=GilbertJeremy 
17 days ago by petej
Brexit is a Tory mess. Labour’s future must not be shaped by it | Zoe Williams | Opinion | The Guardian
The party cannot resolve its hopes into a clear and programmatic set of ideas through the fog of someone else’s fantasy. It cannot make sense of its own values in the middle of someone else’s culture war. Too often, Labour has resolved such crises by simply jettisoning its values in favour of electoral calculation, whose abject failure was guaranteed by that very act. It must not make the same mistake again.
UK  politics  ToryParty  LabourParty  Brexit  immigration  freedomOfMovement  racism  deindustrialisation  jobs  manufacturing  climateChange  dctagged  dc:creator=WilliamsZoe 
18 days ago by petej
A long thread about my own personal experiences during this election dealing with my Labour voting family deciding to out themselves as casual racists by voting Tory / Brexit Party in traditional Labour "Red Wall" heartlands
A long thread about my own personal experiences during this election dealing with my Labour voting family deciding to out themselves as casual racists by voting Tory / Brexit Party in traditional Labour "Red Wall" heartlands
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  LabourParty  deindustrialisation  decline  jobs  exclusion  blame  immigration  racism  Brexit  media  misinformation  FarageNigel  JohnsonBoris 
24 days ago by petej
The populist right fought a dirty culture war. Labour failed to fight back | Rachel Shabi | Opinion | The Guardian
This is what Labour was coming up against. It is not to airbrush failures of leadership to suggest the Brexit-ification of political life helped to shape the fury and disappointment so many Labour canvassers encountered nationwide during the election campaign. The Brexit discourse amped up the right’s sense of wounded national pride, which found its perfect antithesis in a Labour leader so often accused of not being patriotic. And while these critiques of Corbyn were in ready supply, it is worth recalling that Boris Johnson was not characterised as anti-British, even while he attacked national institutions such as parliament, threatened public service broadcasting, or misled the Queen.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  Brexit  nationalism  populism  immigration  resentment  misinformation  ToryParty  patriotism  dctagged  dc:creator=ShabiRachel 
24 days ago by petej
‘It’s in the Air, It’s in Your Bones’: Notes on an Aftermath - Salvage
Salvage has always agree with the Lexiters that the EU is a neoliberal organisation, but contested that it follows that we should automatically always have been pro-Leave. Going into the referendum, our position – shared, we believe, with many on the left – was that it made little sense to be pro- or anti-Brexit in principle, because what was on offer was not an abstract Brexit but a Brexit in a particular political conjuncture overwhelmingly controlled by the hard right. Conversely, we were suspicious of the room for radical manoeuvre within the EU that the Remain-and-Reformers held would be available, and given the EU’s border barbarity and crushing of Greece – hence our plague-on-both-houses position in the referendum. Of course this by no means guarantees objectivity or rigour now: we have been wrong about much, and will be wrong again. But in terms of post-factum analysis of this appalling result, we can at least be confident that with regard to the party’s – clearly flawed – Brexit position, we are not falling prey to confirmation bias in one or the other direction.

Everyone can agree with Blakeley that the vacillation, the late decision-making, the palpable uneasiness with which Brexit policy was decided, Corbyn’s reluctance to commit to campaigning for one side or another in a future referendum, hurt the party badly. There were, of course, reasons for such hesitation, and it would be unfair to ignore them: the schism was very real and deeply divisive and destructive to the party. But the leadership’s ambiguity now looks pretty clearly not to have been constructive at all – rather the opposite. The least-bad of those bad options would surely have been to decide on a position earlier, to defend it full-throatedly.

But the fact that Brexit was the key variable and problem does not mean that it had a solution. Decide the policy earlier, certainly: but either way you decide it and no matter how early and how nimbly and how aggressively you defend it, there would have been cascading effects all the way down. In every case there is at least a reasonable argument that the cons would have outweighed the pros.

Retain Labour Remainers by supporting a second referendum much earlier, and make an impassioned and articulate case to Labour Leavers to stay with you on the grounds that the Leave on the table is in fact a wedge for Trumpian neoliberalism, a sizeable proportion of the latter might come on-side, perhaps enough to avoid this electoral melt-down. But given the long-term systemic collapse of Labour in the heartlands, which was already articulating in Brexit terms, there is every reason to be suspicious of this.

Retain those Leavers by accepting the referendum result early, and argue with passion to Remainers that as democrats we have no choice but to do so, and that the task now is to forge policies as radical as possible and a Brexit as positive and anti-racist as possible, perhaps large enough numbers of remain-supporting Labour voters, particularly in London and the south, would be persuaded. This seems at this point, with the clear-sightedness of hindsight, to have been probably the least bad-option. But even campaigning for a ‘progressive’ and anti-racist Brexit from the day of the referendum result is not without its own risks, particularly given the relative weakness of Labour tribalism among young metropolitan Remain voters offered the options of other pro-Remain parties, and given that floating signification of ‘Europe’ among many in that cohort. And bearing in mind that we could not take the Leavers for granted either – as Meadway points out, ‘[w]e were losing leave-voting seats like Mansfield already in 2017’, before the turn away from the referendum result.

And let us not forget that such a position would only have provoked even more attacks from the pro-Remain Labour centrists, causing chaos,possibly the further loss of MPs for Corbyn in the interim, if not another leadership challenge that would have done even more damage to the project. And even with such a position it would still have been possible for the Conservatives to paint Corbyn as an obstacle to democracy if his party had still voted down May’s dreadful deal.

In some principled Lexiters, no matter how judicious and careful they are about the analysis of class in the abstract, is in their pro-Brexitism a discernible nostalgia for the very traditional, ‘cultural’ or ‘income-based’ theories of class they would rightly criticise in others. Ash Sarkar persuasively contested John Curtice’s argument that Labour had become a party of the young rather than of the working class by pointing out the changing intersections of demographics, employment and income, to insist that his was a category error. And yet there are clear strains of such a position in Burtenshaw’s claim that ‘[a]s party memberships exploded in London and the South East, they were often stagnant in the very “heartlands” we lost … Labour lost not because it was too much of a working-class party, but because it was too little of one, in too few areas’. Of course, we would never disagree that it should always be more of a working-class party in more areas. But missing from this is the sense that the explosion of membership in the south might also be in substantial part of the working class – but a working class different from the traditionalist horny-handed-sons-of-toil image. This implicit culturalist workerism becomes explicit in Philip Cunliffe’s description, on the podcast Aufhebunga Bunga, of what he perceives from the Labour Party as a ‘shift towards a particular middle class, which is to say academics, cosmopolitan-minded academics, pro-EU areas of the country, and students’: to be a ‘pro-EU area’, seemingly to be ‘pro-EU’, is here definitionally to be middle-class, a position both circular in terms of justification for Lexit, and idealist in terms of theorising class. Missing, to go further, is any understanding of how the pro-Remain affiliation of many of these new, yes, in large numbers working-class, Labour members and supporters, is a class-inflected position. Such a position reflects the nature of class, culturally, politically, economically, professionally, as they experience it, no less than do the pro-Leave inclinations of a worker in the heartlands.

The point is not that one or the other of these is necessarily ‘correct’ class-for-itself class consciousness: it is that the Manichean Lexiter positing that Leave was, when you get down to brass tacks, the ‘real’ class vote, effaces the class consciousness of the multi-ethnic southern and urban working class – and any strategy to win back the heartlands that does not treat that other constituency as no less valuable, not ‘really’ working class, is ultimately nostalgic.

Relatedly, given that the key axis of contestation around Europe was always going to be immigration, the only way a ‘progressive’ Brexit could have been forged that would be acceptable in principle, let alone to the multi-ethnic left Remainers and abstainers like us, would have been to retain free movement after Brexit – or, even better, to expand it beyond Europe’s borders. And it is moot whether that would have been acceptable to large numbers of Labour Leavers. This is so whatever the stated concerns behind Brexit. The hard Lexiters like to point out – correctly – that attitudes to immigration have been softening over time. But their implied or stated conclusion that ‘therefore’ the Brexit vote was disentanglable in the past or future from racist immigration positions is wildly tendentious, overestimating the convergence of objective and subjective racism, the protean nature of immigration in the capitalist imaginary, the speed with which racism can be and has been whipped up, and the flotation of the Brexit signifier.

To repeat, none of this is to say that earlier, surer-footed respect for the referendum result, or even, just possibly, in similarly unapologetic and radical fashion, support for a second referendum – definitely wouldn’t have worked. It is to say that either might well not have, and that the implication that with this One Weird Brexit Trick the Labour Party could have ‘solved’ the problem of the 2019 election is profoundly unconvincing. Just because you can correctly diagnose a problem does not validate your proposed solution – nor even the assumption that there is any solution to be had.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  LabourParty  Brexit  JohnsonBoris  ToryParty  media  bias  BBC  CorbynJeremy  Facebook  misinformation  anti-Semitism  class  deindustrialisation  tradeUnions  workingClass  culture  leadership  Lexit  Leave  Remain  immigration  freedomOfMovement  TheLeft  PLP  BlueLabour  NandyLisa  Long-BaileyRebecca  authoritarianism  racism  fascism  electoralism  activism  community  Salvage  editorial 
27 days ago by petej
London Falling | Rafia Zakaria
That is the moment in their history where the British wish to stay. Brown (and black) visitors can be refused a cab at the airport—saying yes could require a white person to go where a brown person may tell them to, which is an unpalatable inversion of the way things should be. These tricks of time, the fervid clutching of the imperial past, are altogether harder to do when “bureaucrats in Brussels” pick and prod at one’s delusions. The choice the British have made this December is to recover the freedom to revel in their imperial delusions, sit among the looted treasures of what once was. With a fair-haired aristocratic son of Britain back in charge, they have chosen like the visitors in the Wallace Collection, to linger and languish amid the booty of old. Surrounded thus, they can believe if only for an instant, and only if they look askance, that they are (still) the lords of the world they once ruled.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  racism  immigration  colonialism  art  history  imperialism  delusion  Brexit 
28 days ago by petej
How long will it take Boris Johnson to betray his new friends in the north? | Rafael Behr | Opinion | The Guardian
Johnson knows he is not much trusted by his new, borrowed voters. He has a two-part strategy to convert them for good. First, get them out of the EU quickly. Second, spend money where they live. Brexit will be done, crumbling public services will be restored, local economies will be buoyed with new infrastructure.

The problem is that doing the first part of the plan makes it much harder to do the second. Johnson’s Brexit model requires a short transition followed by severe separation from continental markets. Even presuming a benign economic backdrop, tearing Britain away from Europe and installing trade barriers across the Channel (and in the Irish Sea) will cost jobs and shrink exchequer revenues before any of the mythological benefits of new free-trade deals come into play.

Moderate Tories who thought the cushion of a parliamentary majority might be used to soften Brexit have been swiftly disabused of the idea. Johnson plans to amend EU withdrawal legislation to prohibit any transition beyond December 2020. Apparently this is meant to reassure voters and show Brussels that Britain means business. In reality it proves that the Tories learned nothing from the article 50 negotiations or have forgotten that the ticking clock favours the bigger, better prepared side in trade talks. Without an extended transition, the UK will have to choose between quick and total capitulation to EU demands as the price for low-friction trade or being shut out of the single market.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  JohnsonBoris  ToryParty  TheNorth  Brexit  publicSpending  trade  transition  EU  negotiations  dctagged  dc:creator=BehrRafael 
4 weeks ago by petej
The UK chose barbarism. Now what? | The Outline
But what was most important about the Leeds hospital photo was not Johnson’s reaction, but rather that of the general public. Obviously, the force of the photo, when the Mirror published it, was supposed to be: “fucking hell, the Tories have let the health care system get really bad. How can anyone in good conscience vote for them?” But online, almost immediately, rumors spread that the photo had been staged by the child’s Labour-supporting mother simply to make the Tories look bad. Don’t worry everyone, the conspiracy around the photo seemed to say, you don’t actually need to care about any of this. Caring is just something they’re trying to trick you into doing to get you to vote for a better world.

In this conspiracy, then, I felt a desire I recognized from talking to people far less enthusiastic about the possibility of a Labour government than me, especially the property-owning middle-aged men who comprise the Tories’ demographically most solid basis of support. A desire that also manifests itself in the belief that climate change is a hoax, or that every homeless person you see begging on the street “really” lives a very comfortable life in an expensive house, or that if your colleague calls in sick they must be bunking off. This desire is, simply, the desire not to care. The desire to be able to explain away all of the horror and suffering in the world as an elaborate sham, created by people more comfortable and less hard-working than you, in order to line their own pockets.


The present conditions, increasingly common not only in the UK but across the developed world — where a populist hard-right government appears to be laying the ground to combat the looming disaster of climate change not by transitioning from a capitalist, fossil fuel-burning economy but rather with the “armed lifeboat” of eco-fascism — are of the sort that seem apt to inculcate stoicism: the resigned turn inward to the self, as the last vestige of possible goodness in the bad. This urge must be resisted. Granted, it may very well be necessary to “let yourself have nice things,” where such things are possible — live, at times, contentedly in the moment (I can’t be the only one who would dearly like to be able to spend Christmas with my mind completely turned off). But to live as if this is all anyone might hope for is to capitulate to the logic of atomization.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  ToryParty  Brexit  LabourParty  socialism  barbarism  desire  Leeds  hospital  photograph  Thatcherism  individualism  activism 
4 weeks ago by petej
I’ve read this three times, and I have thoughts.
So this is the criticism, that the result is culture war, not class war. That the coalition is based on “progressive social views” not “material class interest”. Leave, for a while, the fact that it is not easy to extricate the two.


Burtenshaw places the failure more or less squarely on the pivot to the confirmatory referendum, or the failure to “hold the line” as he calls it in a previous essay.

According to him, it turned Labour “into a party which stood against the democratic mandate on Brexit” and took Labour Leavers for granted, thinking they had nowhere to go.

The democratic mandate on Brexit thing is quite the bind. It’s like having a democratic mandate on capturing the moon. You can ask for it, but extricating yourself completely from the EU while keeping your Union anf your economy intact is nigh impossible.

But it was the ONE THING labour leavers asked for. The one policy they had ownership over. It may have only realistically resulted in a Norway style arrangement* under a Labour government.

*don’t know what that is, don’t tell me

And if Labour had negotiated it, the right wing press may have called it BrINO. But the Labour Leavers may well have looked past the propaganda if it looked like their party had tried its best for them.

Instead it looked like their party had looked past them and put the college educated culturally middle class city kid momentum campaigners first with this “do over”. As if the latter’s Erasmus and interrailing were more important than the Brexit they had “won”.

Even if most left remainers’ most animating concerns were about racism and migrants right, many of them migrants and minorities themselves.

Needless to say, the hysterical antics, often unconsciously racist and consciously classist, of remain diehards absolutely did. not. help.

I am left thinking that there were two groups of people who could very well have understood each other and joined forces talked past each other.

For very, very few of the people who put immense amounts of work into campaigning these past weeks would have insisted on a 2nd ref.

What most left remainers committed to the Corbyn project wanted was a commitment to migrants’ rights, anti-racism, and upholding the Good Friday Agreement, not red passports.

And leavers’ seeming lack of concern for these as evidenced by their abandoning Labour will cut deep.
UK  politics  generalElection  LabourParty  Brexit  BurtenshawRonan  Leave  Remain  referendum  softBrexit  freedomOfMovement  migration  migrants 
4 weeks ago by petej
As someone who's actually from one of these economically deprived Labour heartlands supposedly 'betrayed' by Labour, and whose family mostly voted Labour, I can't tell you how infuriating it is to read these bullshit 'takes' from people who've never even
As someone who's actually from one of these economically deprived Labour heartlands supposedly 'betrayed' by Labour, and whose family mostly voted Labour, I can't tell you how infuriating it is to read these bullshit 'takes' from people who've never even been to these areas.


Looking at the stats it's blindingly obvious that those who left Labour did so because they voted *for* Brexit. I was at a Hindu wedding in Wakefield in 2016, just before the Brexit referendum; the groom's parents were retired Labour councillors. Everyone there was voting Leave.

Ask people why they voted Leave, and the response (in my experience and from what I've heard since the election) is that they have been led to believe it will in some way turn around their fortunes. Of course, no one can explain this further, because it is not true.

Why do they believe Brexit is the answer? Because of the daily media blasts telling them that this is the case. Because of £350 million a week more for the NHS, scrawled on the side of a bus. Because of things like this pushed through their door, threatening the jobs they have.

The success of the right wing media and the propaganda campaigns of the Conservatives & UKIP in the last while has been convincing Northerners that a fully costed, workable, radical manifesto that would save their regions was untenable—and magical Brexit would save them instead.

Most of all, though, people believe that Brexit will be some economic miracle because they've got literally nothing to lose by believing it. These areas haven't recovered under Labour govts. They haven't recovered under Conservative govts. They haven't recovered under a coalition.

So really, there were two choices of radical shake ups on offer here: one was the Labour manifesto. Costed, thoughtful, with long-term goals. The other was Brexit.

And which one of these has the media been trashing day in, day out?
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  TheNorth  poverty  deindustrialisation  LabourParty  Brexit  Leave  jobs  employment  ToryParty  UKIP  propaganda  misinformation  media  dctagged  dc:creator=ParryHeather 
4 weeks ago by petej
We must learn to talk to leave voters without falling into the Clinton trap | Nesrine Malik | Opinion | The Guardian
A similar difficulty has haunted liberal discussions of voters who chose leave in the 2016 EU referendum. It became impossible to talk honestly about the complicated motivations for that vote. If its words were too strong – if anyone suggested that racism or xenophobia played a part – this was seized on as classic smug, elite contempt. “A slur on 17.4 million people”, Mark Francois called it, when Will Self said one didn’t “have to be a racist or an antisemite to vote for Brexit. It’s just that every racist and antisemite in the country did.”

Remainers and Labour supporters were constantly accused of losing the argument because they were condescending to voters. Any suggestion that a vote for Brexit or Boris Johnson might express darker motivations than simply admiring the Tory manifesto is always met with a gloating snarl: no wonder you lost.

So the real business of understanding what kind of resentments may motivate some of these votes – and, more seriously, how politicians and the tabloid press play on those fears – gets lost in a different scuffle about the right way to address these voters. And here we are, three years on: a Conservative party and prime minister with a history of racism and Islamophobia have just achieved the biggest majority since 1987, and we still don’t know how to talk to, or about, those who voted for such a party and such a man.

This is the Clinton trap – the trap of “some, not all”. Any question about some of the preferences on display gets cynically collapsed into an attack on all voters – even when the “some” is explicit. Francois’ comic spluttering about a slur on 17.4 million people is a classic of the genre. There are many reasons one might vote for a party that has been endorsed by Tommy Robinson and Katie Hopkins. But it is not wild to assume that for some, xenophobia might be one of those reasons.

Above all, it is a losing game to pretend that these qualities do not exist and aren’t being weaponised by the right, while trying to quietly and discreetly appeal to them. That way lies the dismal hedge of the Ed Miliband years, putting “Controls on immigration” on a mug and hoping it will slake voters’ appetite for some comforting nativism. There is a balance that can be struck between calling voters names and crudely pandering to them.

One defining feature of a populist political climate is a feigned preciousness about the motivations of voters. They are always pristine and unimpeachable, especially when the voters in question are “left behind” or authentically working class – a class that never seems to include black or brown people. En masse, these voters are seen to express a “will of the people”, which must not be questioned or challenged, only passively accepted.
UK  politics  generalElection  ge2019  LabourParty  Brexit  Leave  racism  xenophobia  ClintonHillary  USA  deplorables  Trumpism  populism  exclusion  resentment  willOfThePeople  dctagged  dc:creator=MalikNesrine 
4 weeks ago by petej
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dc:contributor=SeymourRichard  dc:contributor=SoubryAnna  dc:contributor=StarmerKeir  dc:contributor=VaroufakisYanis  dc:contributor=WalkerMichael  dc:contributor=WilliamsZoe  dc:creator=AdlerKatya  dc:creator=AdonisAndrew  dc:creator=AlexanderHeidi  dc:creator=AliTariq  dc:creator=AschersonNeal  dc:creator=AshTimothyGarton  dc:creator=BallJames  dc:creator=BallsKaty  dc:creator=BarnesJohn  dc:creator=BarnettAnthony  dc:creator=BarnierMichel  dc:creator=BastaniAaron  dc:creator=BeckettAndy  dc:creator=BeckettMargaret  dc:creator=BeerJanet  dc:creator=BeethamHelen  dc:creator=BehrRafael  dc:creator=BellAlice  dc:creator=BellFrances  dc:creator=BernalPaul  dc:creator=BertramChris  dc:creator=BlackburnRobin  dc:creator=BlakeleyGrace  dc:creator=BlanchflowerDavid  dc:creator=BoltonMatt  dc:creator=BonePeter  dc:creator=BradshawPeter  dc:creator=BraggBilly  dc:creator=BrownGordon  dc:creator=BurkemanOliver  dc:creator=BurtenshawRonan  dc:creator=BushStephen  dc:creator=ButlerJames  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