petej + bluelabour   66

Senior Labour figures clash over concerns of working-class voters | Politics | The Guardian
Jones, who is standing as a candidate on Wednesday to become a representative of backbenchers on Labour’s parliamentary committee, said he would use the position to fight for greater attention of white working-class voters. He wants Corbyn to address perceptions that the leadership is not patriotic and does not support the deployment of nuclear weapons, he said.

“How thick does this party have to be? We have not learnt the lessons from the rise of the BNP [in the 90s]. Our core voters cannot be taken for granted. These are people who have been let down by political elites for decades. They see themselves as being at the back of every queue.

“We have to talk about their concerns – counter-terrorism, nationalism, defence and community, the nuclear deterrent and patriotism,” said Jones, who represents Hyndburn in Lancashire.

Asked if he was concerned that the party could sound as if it was appealing to racist sentiments, Jones said: “It is not about that. There are genuine concerns about wages being undercut. We have to arrived at a point where these communities in England can no longer be ignored. And if we fail to address it, we are finished.”
LabourParty  DePieroGloria  JonesGraham  BlueLabour  class  workingClass  UK  politics 
july 2017 by petej
Can Labour win back its heartlands? Not by turning blue | Jeremy Gilbert | Opinion | The Guardian
Cosmopolitan culture is not a bad idea. It implies a liberal, tolerant, non-exclusive attitude. Historically, this is a mindset typical of merchants, financiers, artists and intellectuals. But cosmopolitanism has also been embraced by radical workers, infused with the internationalist spirit of communism, and by the urban poor in places where multiculturalism has been a fact of daily life for generations.

I think cosmopolitanism was a key reason why the New Labour coalition held together for as long as it did. There were always Labour voters in cities, in the more militant unions, in university towns and in the public sector, who would have preferred a more radical programme. But we knew from the bitter experience of the 1980s that there were not enough of us to win an election, at least in a country whose media was so skewed to the right. And after 18 years of Tory rule, we were relieved to have a government that at least encouraged an open, tolerant, sexually liberal and multi-ethnic culture to thrive.

At the same time, as much as we resented the Iraq war and the private finance initiative, many of us were being offered a lifestyle that even our parents couldn’t have dreamed of. So we were acquiescent, even if never quite reconciled, to the New Labour agenda.

The leave-voting heartlands would certainly not vote for Blair’s brand of Europhile neoliberalism
But there were others, in the north and the Midlands, in small towns and post-industrial regions, who had a very different experience. They too belonged to social groups who had traditionally voted Labour. But the third way did not offer them the consolations that it offered those of us in the cities and professional classes. Instead it offered them an experience of permanent decline. Accepting globalisation as a fact of life, New Labour made no effort to bring back industrial jobs. When migrants came from eastern Europe, looking for work, many citizens of the post-industrial towns experienced this as a threat to their already precarious livelihoods, rather than as an opportunity for cultural enrichment.
UK  LabourParty  ge2017  generalElection  politics  socialDemocracy  Blairism  BlairTony  ClintonBill  cosmopolitanism  multiculturalism  internationalism  deindustrialisation  post-industrialism  migration  inequality  fear  conservatism  BlueLabour  CorbynJeremy  dctagged  dc:creator=GilbertJeremy 
may 2017 by petej
Why class won’t go away | Lynsey Hanley | Society | The Guardian
"You ask yourself what this means for society, when the powerlessness of one class in relation to another mutates into the power to hinder the progress of others. Nothing is done if not done together. If we refuse, or are unable, to work together because the classes have ossified into groups that do not trust each other and do not meet, does that mean an end to progress? The more polarised we become by advantage and its lack, the more thoughtlessly we will walk into parallel worlds of abundance and poverty, trust and suspicion. This is how the cynics win: by picking apart the unifying threads of culture and society and insisting that there are some people who never belonged, who never wanted to belong, in the first place."
UK  class  workingClass  middleClass  exclusion  poverty  post-industrialism  race  BlueLabour  socialMobility  aspiration  tradeUnions  rightToBuy  Brexit  polarisation  dctagged  dc:creator=HanleyLynsey  deindustrialisation  deprivation 
september 2016 by petej
The making of Ed Miliband | Politics | The Guardian
"The project had necessarily been marked by compromise. It had become a hybrid of New, Blue and Brown Labour. The slate of retail policy may not, to many on the left, look equivalent in scale to the mission of rewriting Britain’s social and economic order – a higher minimum wage, apprenticeships, a gentler trajectory of budget consolidation to protect public services, more midwives, free nursery places and nurses. Some of it looked like old-fashioned redistributive social democracy: taxing the very rich to pay for the NHS.

But for Miliband these were emblems of intent – flares sent up to illuminate the motive that had impelled him to run for the leadership five years earlier. Opposition had imposed severe constraints, not least the obligation to publish a manifesto whose first page delivered a commitment to budget discipline. But Miliband felt that need not extinguish Labour’s fervour for radical change. And he has revealed enough evangelical ability at the end of the journey for the party to get behind him with more relish than it had previously shown. Miliband often struggled to be heard, but he never lost sight of what it was he wanted to say.

Whether less partisan voters see it that way is another matter. Miliband has not amassed a great army of followers along the way; at times it felt more like a siege than a crusade. But for his small band of trusted advisers, it has been a triumph of intellectual consistency over political volatility. They see a potential prime minister whose platform is a concrete extension of the idea that brought them together in 2010: a belief that Labour could win without compromising its historic determination to fashion a more equal society.

If he fails, there will be no shortage of critics ready to point out the flaws in the original idea and its subsequent execution. Yet none can deny that there is a principled resilience that has driven him on. If Miliband makes it to Downing Street, it will be a vindication of his earliest conviction – that his vision for Britain would, in time, vanquish doubts about its bearer. “If you let that side of you shine through,” Axelrod had told him over dinner in May, “the man who has a cause he believes in and is prepared to lose for – then you can win.”"
UK  politics  LabourParty  NewLabour  socialDemocracy  TheLeft  MilibandEd  BrownGordon  MilibandDavid  KinnockNeil  BlueLabour  identity  ge2015  generalElection  election 
april 2015 by petej
Former Labour minister Frank Field hits out at Ed Miliband for being soft on immigration - UK Politics - UK - The Independent
Blue Labour is a group within the party which aims to win back working class voters with an appeal based on “faith, family and flag”.
LabourParty  politics  immigration  FieldFrank  BlueLabour  UK  populism  UKIP  MilibandEd 
october 2014 by petej
LENIN'S TOMB: The English ideology III: the 'white working class'
"But the language of class also provides a raiment of insurgency to what is actually a continuity exercise, a matey populist facade for an elitist politics. By adding the word 'white', moreover, the 'working class' becomes de-odorised, neutralised, cleansed of menacing cadences of militancy and leftism. It becomes an object of pathos and melancholia, inherently reactionary, and typified by the middle aged white male emoting about family and country, and probably organising one of the mythical millions of street parties to erupt in spontaneous planned celebration over the royal wedding next week. This sort of 'working class' is tame, dull, conformist, and deferential, but also vicious, sadistic, and vindictive. It is in this, and so many other ways, the ideal alibi for the Blairites."
class  workingClass  BlueLabour  LabourParty  GlasmanMaurice  immigration  racism  EDL  BNP  dctagged  dc:creator=SeymourRichard  politics  ideology  media  farRight 
april 2011 by petej

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