jm + new-yorker   4

The Language of the Trump Administration Is the Language of Domestic Violence | The New Yorker
God this is so awful.
Gaslighting, it needs not be said, is Trump’s preferred mode of communication, and it is encoded in the family-separation policy itself: once their parents have been taken into custody, the children are reclassified as “unaccompanied minors,” their parents effectively disappeared. On Friday, NPR reported on three Guatemalan mothers who were on trial in Alpine, Texas, after D.H.S. flew their children—ages eight, eight, and nine—more than two thousand miles away, to a shelter in Manhattan. “There is no mention in the Border Patrol narrative,” an immigration lawyer told NPR, “that these women had children with them when they entered the United States.” Can you prove this child is yours? Do you even have children? Well, then, where are they?
children  donald-trump  new-yorker  dhs  asylum-seekers 
4 weeks ago by jm
I Am the One Woman Who Has It All | The New Yorker

I have two kids and the unspoken pressure to act like they don’t exist when I’m on a conference call.

I have no problem lying about “being in a meeting” when I’m with my kids and no problem lying to my kids about “needing to work” when I’m on Facebook.
parenting  funny  new-yorker  women  life  work  work-life-balance  kids 
10 weeks ago by jm
Ryan Lizza: Why Won’t Obama Rein in the N.S.A.? : The New Yorker
Fantastic wrap-up of the story so far on the pervasive global surveillance story.
The history of the intelligence community, though, reveals a willingness to violate the spirit and the letter of the law, even with oversight. What’s more, the benefits of the domestic-surveillance programs remain unclear. Wyden contends that the N.S.A. could find other ways to get the information it says it needs. Even Olsen, when pressed, suggested that the N.S.A. could make do without the bulk-collection program. “In some cases, it’s a bit of an insurance policy,” he told me. “It’s a way to do what we otherwise could do, but do it a little bit more quickly.”

In recent years, Americans have become accustomed to the idea of advertisers gathering wide swaths of information about their private transactions. The N.S.A.’s collecting of data looks a lot like what Facebook does, but it is fundamentally different. It inverts the crucial legal principle of probable cause: the government may not seize or inspect private property or information without evidence of a crime. The N.S.A. contends that it needs haystacks in order to find the terrorist needle. Its definition of a haystack is expanding; there are indications that, under the auspices of the “business records” provision of the Patriot Act, the intelligence community is now trying to assemble databases of financial transactions and cell-phone location information. Feinstein maintains that data collection is not surveillance. But it is no longer clear if there is a distinction.
nsa  gchq  surveillance  spying  privacy  dianne-feinstein  new-yorker  journalism  long-reads  us-politics  probable-cause 
december 2013 by jm

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