jerryking + criminal_justice_system   13

Cause or effect? The link between gentrification and violent crime
July 12, 2018 | | Financial Times | by Nathan Brooker YESTERDAY.

London, which is experiencing a sustained increase in violent offences as crime rates in other global cities such as New York, Sydney and Hong Kong continue to fall......The escalation of violence has been linked to provocation on social media, increased competition in the drugs trade, a reduction in police measures such as stop and search and an overall drop in police funding— the Met has seen its annual budget cut by about 20 per cent since 2010-11, and it has lost 10 per cent of its police officers in that time......However, one factor that is often overlooked and, according to professional and academic observers, has played a key role in exacerbating London’s recent crime wave, is its gentrifying property market.

Areas of London that have higher levels of deprivation also tend to have higher crime rates.........The level of violence you see is getting much more extreme......Gentrification has had a significant impact on the area....“One of the issues young people have in Hackney Wick is the lack of aspiration, the lack of hope,” says Allen. “They’re all living in a rich, diverse city, but it still feels very separate to them. It’s not their development; it’s somebody else’s. They think they won’t be able to live in the area they were brought up in because they’re not going to be able to spend £600,000 on an apartment.”.........gentrification has not only affected gang recruitment..... it has fundamentally altered how some gangs operate.........“It changed their idea of territory, since some senior members were forced out of the area [by the redevelopment] and had to commute in, for want of a better term,” he says. “Ten years ago there was a very strong connection to territory. There was an emotional connection. But the redevelopment changed that. The only territory that was left was the market place — the drugs market place — and that needs to be protected.”

It’s the protection of that market — one both lucrative and highly nebulous — that is behind some of the increase in violent crime. Without the clear boundaries an estate or a postcode might provide, he says, and with the high value of the drugs trade upping the stakes, transgressions are met with more intense violence.....The reasons behind the dramatic decline in New York’s murder count are much argued over: the growing economy, the end of the crack epidemic have all been put up as possible causes. Yet improvements to policing brought in under former New York police commissioner Bill Bratton cannot be overlooked.

Bratton’s policies, which included clampdowns on various low-level offences, and an increase in stop-question-and-frisk, are often mischaracterised as a zero-tolerance approach to policing, he says.

“What he really did was a management innovation.” Bratton, who was in the office 1994-96 and returned in 2014-16, introduced CompStat, measures that used computer programs to map where and when crimes were taking place, and how police resources were being shared. “When [Bratton] took over, the largest number of cops were on the day shift, but the largest number of crimes took place on the evening shift and the night shift,” he says. Bratton reallocated officers accordingly. They had a slogan: “Put cops on the dots”.......the most important thing Bratton did, Kleiman says, was make management more accountable, hauling in three precinct captains each week to grill them on their CompStat data. During his first year as commissioner, Bratton replaced something like two-thirds of the city’s 76 precinct commanders......The problem with fear is that it’s an unhelpful response. Fear raises money for private security firms, not community programmes; it improves funding to free schools, not failing academies; it promotes only the most brutal, careless forms of policing. In communities that are undergoing gentrification, fear further divides the haves and the have-nots: decreasing the kinds of relationships that might aid social mobility and better connect disadvantaged youth with the city they live in.

And what gets forgotten, says Allen, is that fear goes both ways. “A lot of the young people that get caught up in youth violence are caught up because they’re vulnerable and they’re frightened,”
accountability  Bill_Bratton  budget_cuts  carding  causality  CompStat  criminality  criminal_justice_system  data  deprivations  disaffection  fear  gentrification  homicides  killings  London  New_York_City  NYPD  organized_crime  policing  property_markets  redevelopments  United_Kingdom  violent_crime  youth 
july 2018 by jerryking
‘Locking Up Our Own,’ What Led to Mass Incarceration of Black Men - The New York Times
By JENNIFER SENIOR APRIL 11, 2017

LOCKING UP OUR OWN
Crime and Punishment in Black America
By James Forman Jr.
Illustrated. 306 pages. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. $27

Part of the power of “Locking Up Our Own” is that it’s about Washington — not the swamp of deceit merchants and influence-peddlers that Donald J. Trump promised to drain, but a majority-black city that hundreds of thousands call home, regardless of whose bum is in the Oval Office. Washington only first got the chance to elect its own mayor and city council in 1975, and the city’s coming-of-age story — and the challenges it faced — in some ways mirrored that of other cities with large African-American populations, like Atlanta and Detroit.

“Locking Up Our Own” is also very poignantly a book of the Obama era, when black authors like Alexander and Bryan Stevenson and Ta-Nehisi Coates initiated difficult conversations about racial justice and inequality, believing that their arguments might, for once, gain more meaningful traction. (Often, in fact, they said things the president, burdened with the duty to represent everyone, might not have felt free to say himself.......Forman does not minimize the influence of racism on mass incarceration. And he takes great pains to emphasize that African-Americans almost inevitably agitated for more than just law-enforcement solutions to the problems facing their neighborhoods — they argued for job and housing programs, improvements in education. But their timing in stumping for social programs was terrible. “Such efforts had become an object of ridicule by 1975, a symbol of the hopeless naïveté of 1960s liberalism,” Forman writes.

One result: A wide range of African-American leaders championed tougher penalties for drug crimes and gun possession in the 1970s, ’80s and ’90s. It was the one option they consistently had, and it seemed a perfectly responsible, moral position. Wasn’t the safety of black law-abiding citizens a basic civil right?
mass_incarceration  African-Americans  men  books  book_reviews  penalties  prisons  unintended_consequences  criminal_justice_system  difficult_conversations 
april 2017 by jerryking
The Danger of a Single Story - The New York Times
David Brooks APRIL 19, 2016

American politics has always been prone to single storyism — candidates reducing complex issues to simple fables. This year the problem is acute because Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders are the giants of Single Storyism. They reduce pretty much all issues to the same single story: the alien invader story....As in life generally, every policy has the vices of its virtues. Aggressive policing cuts crime but increases brutality. There is no escape from trade-offs and tragic situations. The only way forward is to elect people who are capable of holding opposing stories in their heads at the same time, and to reject those who can’t....As F. Scott Fitzgerald once said, “The test of a first-rate mind is the ability to hold two diametrically opposed ideas in your head at the same time.”"
David_Brooks  storytelling  public_policy  single_action_bias  critical_thinking  history  philosophy  skepticism  tradeoffs  oversimplification  criminal_justice_system  incarceration  narratives  dual-consciousness  F._Scott_Fitzgerald 
april 2016 by jerryking
What O.J. Simpson Taught Me About Being Black - The New York Times
By JOHN McWHORTER FEB. 3, 2016

The [O.J. Simpson} case was about much more than bloody gloves and bloody footprints. It was about the centrality of police brutality to black Americans’ very sense of self....After a while I realized that the rub was that my life had spared me from experiencing or even seeing police abuse. ...what prevents real racial conciliation and understanding in America is the poisonous relations between blacks and the police.....Many non-black Americans who were disgusted by the Simpson verdict have become more aware of the ubiquity of police brutality in black lives.
African-Americans  John_McWhorter  O.J._Simpson  police_misconduct  '90s  identity  celebrities  symbolism  race  criminal_justice_system  police_brutality 
february 2016 by jerryking
America’s racial divide widens under Obama’s watch - The Globe and Mail
KONRAD YAKABUSKI
The Globe and Mail
Published Thursday, May. 07 2015,

African-Americans are sliding down an economic ladder they had been gradually climbing. Millions of black people who moved north during the Great Migration of the mid-20th century found jobs in bustling factories. Millions more found public-sector jobs – as teachers, postal employees or city workers – as black people took over city governments and congressional seats in places such as Baltimore and Detroit. These workers formed the basis of a black middle class.

But the previous recession hit black people harder than any other group. Manufacturing was shedding jobs before the crash; governments and the post office followed suit when it hit. As Bard College professor Walter Russell Mead has noted, black people accounted for less than 12 per cent of the U.S. work force in 2011, but 21 per cent of postal employees and 20 per cent of all government workers. But with government and manufacturing in retreat, black people faced bleak job prospects.

The new economy is largely a black-free zone. A USA Today analysis last year found that African-Americans occupied only 2 per cent of the jobs at seven big Silicon Valley companies. That’s not hard to understand given the state of public schools in places such as Baltimore, Detroit and Washington, where political nepotism and unions have stood in the way of reform.

Meanwhile, systemic racism in the U.S. criminal justice system – black people are far more likely than white people to be sentenced to jail for minor drug violations, ending up with criminal records that make them virtually unemployable – is so deep as to cry out for a national inquiry.
racial_disparities  Silicon_Valley  Ted_Cruz  Konrad_Yakabuski  Campaign_2016  digital_economy  race_relations  Obama  downward_mobility  African-Americans  public_sector  middle_class  Walter_Russell_Mead  systemic_discrimination  criminal_justice_system  joblessness  public_schools  Great_Migration  sentencing  downward_spirals  institutional_path_dependency 
may 2015 by jerryking
SOMETIMES RACE IS SIMPLY A FACTOR
October 31, 2002 | National Post | Christie Blatchford

As the Star study also apparently revealed, black people represent almost 27% of all violence charges such as homicides, sex assaults and gun-related offences -- a percentage way out of whack in a city where, according to the most recent census figures, only 8.1% of Torontonians described themselves as black.

(Interestingly, the headline on this story, which read ''Black crime rates highest,'' was corrected the next day, lest anyone got the wrong impression: It was true, the correction said, that black Torontonians accounted for the highest amount of violent crime, but that did not mean they have the highest crime rate, ''which the Star's analysis of Toronto police data did not measure.'' Huh?)
Christie_Blatchford  statistics  Julian_Fantino  murders  Toronto  race  criminality  killings  political_correctness  silence  demographic_changes  African_Canadians  overrepresentation  Toronto_Police_Service  criminal_justice_system  violent_crime 
november 2011 by jerryking

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