dunnettreader + unions   29

Strong Employers and Weak Employees: Study Sheds New Light on How Labor Market Concentration Hurts Workers -
New study finds that wages are significantly lower in concentrated labor markets—and even lower in labor markets where unionization rates are low. Strikers and…
Labor_markets  wages  unions  human_capital  monopsony  antitrust  competition  industry_concentration  Evernote  from instapaper
march 2018 by dunnettreader
Maximillian Kasy - Empirical Research on Economic Inequality -- AN OPEN ONLINE TEXTBOOK
AN OPEN ONLINE TEXTBOOK BY MAXIMILIAN KASY -- Welcome to
Empirical Research on Economic Inequality -- This textbook developed out of a class I taught at Harvard, and subsequently at IHS Wien and at the University of Zurich. The purpose of this textbook is twofold. First, to teach you about economic inequality, some of its causes, and how it is affected by policy. Second, to teach you econometric methods that have been used in the literature on economic inequality, so as to help you conduct your own research on these topics.
website  etexts  inequality  inequality-wealth  inequality-opportunity  inequality-global  econometrics  economic_sociology  justice  discrimination  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  gender  racism  1-percent  labor  unions  diversity 
july 2016 by dunnettreader
Mike Konczal, J.W. Mason, Amanda Page-Hoongrajok - Ending Short-Termism: An Investment Agenda for Growth - Roosevelt Institute - Nov 2015
The first part of this agenda will directly counter several of the specific trends known to increase short-termism. It will include ideas that are broadly applicable across industries, such as policies to address skyrocketing CEO pay, as well as more targeted solutions. A policy agenda to address corporate short-termism requires a comprehensive approach focused on building countervailing power, which is addressed in the second part of our proposal. The forces that push firms toward shorttermism will persist and find new ways to exert power, but the reforms outlined in this paper embrace wide-scale, long-term changes, such as granting workers power on boards, designed to attract long-term stakeholders. The agenda also includes practical, simple policy changes for regulators.The third part of our agenda contains solutions that point to a new role for the state. Taxes and full employment are two obvious and necessary ways of checking short-termism, and if companies are less interested in investment, government needs to fill in that gap, whether by providing high-speed cable or funding basic research. -- downloaded pdf to Note
US_economy  investment  investors  capital_markets  corporate_finance  corporate_governance  shareholder_value  shareholders  short-termism  financial_system  equity_markets  capital_formation  capital_allocation  executive_compensation  debt  buybacks  tax_policy  Labor_markets  labor_share  unions  investment-government  downloaded 
november 2015 by dunnettreader
Andrew Haldane: Labour's Share - speech to TUC | Bank of England - Nov 2015 - via Brad DeLong
Good overview of recent work on last 300 years by economic historians and technology impact projections -- lots on internal structural shifts within "labor" and vis a vis capital -- downloaded pdf to Note
speech  economic_history  labor_history  labor_share  Labor_markets  wages  productivity  productivity-labor_share  unemployment  skills  services  AI  IT  unions  UK_economy  monetary_policy  macroeconomic_policy  public_sector  Industrial_Revolution 
november 2015 by dunnettreader
Florence Jaumotte, Carolina Osorio Buitron - Union power and inequality | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal - 22 October 2015
IMF research department -- Inequality in advanced economies has risen considerably since the 1980s, largely driven by the increase of top earners’ income shares. This column revisits the drivers of inequality, emphasising the role played by changes in labour market institutions. It argues that the decline in union density has been strongly associated with the rise of top income inequality and discusses the multiple channels through which unionisation matters for income distribution. -- very interesting all the variables they looked at and excluded -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  political_economy  economic_history  20thC  21stC  OECD_economies  post-Cold_War  labor_share  labor_law  unions  executive_compensation  inequality  wages  wages-minimum  downloaded 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
Frédérique Leblanc , review essay - The FNAC: A Story of Standardization - Books & ideas - 5 January 2011
Reviewed: Vincent Chabault, La FNAC, entre commerce et culture, Paris, Puf, 2010. 272p., 25 €. -- What traces remain of the two individuals, both former Trotskyites, who founded the FNAC in 1954? What role did the FNAC play in the commodification of culture, and what remains of the company’s original mission? Who are the company’s employees, and under what conditions do they work? Vincent Chabault’s recent book retraces the history of this company, which has received as much high praise over the years as virulent criticism. Two sets of questions have been asked. First, how was the company able to “absorb” changes in the business environment, and at what cost to its original mission? Secondly, what working at the FNAC has meant to two generations of the firm’s employees? -- interesting on growth of the culturally middle class in the post-war period, -- as in the US with growth, stagnation and polarization of what were originally knowledge worker jobs strongly attached to the firm with significant worker autonomy and internal advancement into "management" and disengaged interchangeable low paid low skilled staff
books  reviews  20thC  social_history  France  business_practices  labor  middle_class  economic_culture  culture_industries  firms-organization  business-norms  business_history  unions 
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Médicins sans frontières - The Trans-Pacific Partnership: A Threat To Global Health? -:May 2015
The IP protections for big pharma not only go against consensus on improving global health policy, they are in the opposite direction of Obama administration domestic policy! The trade technocrats who've been committed to a career of trade negotiations seem to have completely lost the plot. Looks like a classic case of regulatory capture (sharing "business promotion" process and goals with US MNCs, their most important "partners") of one part of the policymaking bureaucracy, which isn't even registering the fact of conflict with other parts of the government. The White House (and Treasury? ) appear to have bought the negitiators' claim that the deal is the "best" they can get, and if a part of it is attacked the whole thing will come apart. Besides the MNCs who will be able to exploit monopolies on a global scale and protect their newly acquired"property rights" from pesky national regulations, it's unclear who in the US benefits. But the trade technocrats are working in a bubble where "doing a deal" would be a triumph, regardless of the merits, after Doha fell apart. It also looks like "intellectual capture" with a failure to mark policies to market in face of counter evidence. There's been nothing on the trade front that has vocally challenged neoliberal verities the way the IMF is openly questioning its dogmas. I bet USTR is still mandating capital account liberalization in bilaterals while it's been abandoned as "best practice" at the IMF, with no timely input from the right people at Treasury to change the boilerplate demands. Jason Furman, or somebody close to the President, needs to show him how much the TPP embodies a host of awful stuff he's been openly fighting against. The secrecy has been working against him -- it distorts the signals. People whose judgment he'd trust haven't opposed specifics they'd scream against, since they haven't seen the details and aren't willing to be seen to undermine him, and he's only been pressured from the Left which can be completely discounted, since they're expected to be unhappy. But it's looking not just "hold your nose" poor -- it's actively terrible -- especially since it's also to be used as a blueprint for bringing more countries on board! Total dig's breakfast!
US_economy  US_politics  trade-policy  trade-agreements  Trans-Pacific-Partnership  IP  IP-global_governance  pharma  health  development  LDCs  monopolies  rent-seeking  inequality  unions  neoliberalism  Democrats  Obama_administration  Obama  Instapaper  from instapaper
may 2015 by dunnettreader
Alan Manning - Shifting the Balance of Power: Workers, Wages and Employers over the Next Parliament | Resolution Foundation - April 2015
Professor of Economics in the Department of Economics and Director of the Community Programme at the Centre for Economic Performance at the LSE -- 40 years ago an improving labour market and prices rising faster than wages would have led trade unions to march into the boardroom demanding higher wages and threatening strike action if those demands were not met. Pretty soon, union leaders would have been invited round to Number 10 for beer and sandwiches to be cajoled into wage moderation to prevent an inflationary spiral taking hold. A lot has changed in the past 40 years.These days the Prosecco remains in the fridge and David Cameron used a speech to the British Chambers of Commerce in February to urge pay rises for workers, a somewhat surprising sight. But, there is a simple explanation. Since the crisis began, the average British worker has suffered a fall in living standards deeper and longer than anything experienced for more than a generation. The recent drop in oil prices and the resulting lower inflation will offer some respite but not much. -- Comparing the situation now and 40 years ago, it is hard to escape the conclusion that there has been a fundamental shift in the balance of power from workers to employers and that perhaps this shift has gone too far and it is time to redress the balance somewhat. -- copied to Pocket
article  political_economy  UK_economy  labor_history  Labor_markets  unemployment  wages  profit  productivity  productivity-labor_share  inequality  unions  British_politics  standard_of_living  employers  working_class  competition  Pocket 
april 2015 by dunnettreader
Clause IV [British Labour Party constitution] - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Adopted in 1918, the clause proclaimed that the party endorsed an economy where there was "common ownership" of the means of production. 1944 Labour Party victory seen as a mandate for nationalization, though the party had no well-developed plans. They proceeded rapidly to address major sectors and "commanding heights", starting with the Bank of England, and moving rapidly on: civil aviation in 1946, railways and telecommunications in 1947, along with the creation of the National Coal Board, which was responsible for supplying 90% of UK's energy needs. 1946 also saw the establishment of the National Health Service which came into force in July 1948. Also in 1948 came the nationalisation of railways, canals, road haulage and electricity. By 1951 the iron, steel and gas industries had been brought into public ownership. When they lost the general election of 1959, leader Gaitskell blamed it on nationalization becoming unpopular. It was a topic of ongoing intra-party disputes for the next few decades. Arguing that the text of clause 4 confused ends and means and ignored the necessity of ongoing need to modernize the party's approach as the nature of the economy changed, Blair made the party finally revise the text in 1995 -- seen by pundits as the moment when New Labour finally defeated the old guard, though the new text describes the party as "democratic socialist" thereby retaining "socialist" in the party's "modernized" constitution.
British_history  political_economy  British_politics  20thC  Labour  post-WWII  nationalization  socialism  social_democracy  utilities  transport  health_care  energy  post-Cold_War  Blair_Tony  neoliberalism  Third_Way  unions 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Chris Dillow - For worker control | Stumbling & Mumbling - Dec 2014
Neal Lawson is absolutely right. Social democracy is "hopelessly prepared for the 21st century." This is because it is yet another example of an idea that has outlived its usefulness. Social democrats used to think that they did not need to challenge the fundamental power structures of capitalism because, with a few good top-down economic and social policies, capitalism could be made to deliver increased benefits for workers and the poor in terms both of rising real wages and better public services. (..) Secular stagnation means real incomes mightn't grow much. Globalized (pdf) labour markets and mass unemployment might exacerbate the effect of this in depressing real wages. Job polarization and the degradation of once-good jobs means workers face deteriorating job quality. And (self-imposed) austerity means that what economic growth we do get won't translate into better public services. Times have changed. So the left must change. Neal says: "Instead of pulling policy levers, the job is to create the platforms so that people can collectively change things for themselves." There's one context in which this is especially necessary - the workplace.
21stC  political_economy  stagnation  labor  wages  social_democracy  left-wing  corporate_governance  worker_co-ops  unions  managrrialism  corporate_citizenship  common_good  profit  links  ideology  power-asymnetric 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Hyeng-Joon Park - Korea’s Post-1997 Restructuring: An Analysis of Capital as Power | forthcoming in Review of Radical Political Economics (2015) pp. 1-44 | bnarchives
This paper aims to transcend current debates on Korea’s post-1997 restructuring, which rely on a dichotomy between domestic industrial capital and foreign financial capital, by adopting Nitzan and Bichler’s capital-as-power perspective. Based on this approach, the paper analyzes Korea’s recent political economic restructuring as the latest phase in the evolution of capitalist power and its transformative regimes of capital accumulation. -- Keywords: differential accumulation dominant capital chaebols transnationalization strategic sabotage -- Subjects: BN State & Government, BN Institutions, BN Power, BN International & Global, BN Region - Asia, BN Business Enterprise, BN Value & Price, BN Crisis, BN Production, BN Conflict & Violence, BN Money & Finance, BN Distribution, BN Comparative, BN Capital & Accumulation, BN Policy, BN Class, BN Labour, BN Growth -- downloaded from author's blog to Note
article  international_political_economy  capital_as_power  globalization  Korea  East_Asia  20thC  21stC  economic_history  1990s  2000s  2010s  Asian_crisis  Asia_Pacific  international_finance  FDI  finance_capital  financialization  emerging_markets  oligopoly  chaebols  crony_capitalism  industry  production  capitalism  capitalism-systemic_crisis  capitalization  accumulation  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  cross-border  trade  productivity-labor_share  class_conflict  labor_share  Labor_markets  unions  violence  economic_growth  sabotage-by_business  business-and-politics  business-norms  power-asymmetric  public_policy  public_goods  corporate_finance  corporate_ownership  investment  banking  political_culture  economic_culture  economic_reform  economic_policy  democracy  opposition  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
What Is ISDS? | AFL-CIO Issues
What’s the risk? -- The risk is that foreign property owners can use this system of "corporate courts" to challenge anything from plain packaging rules for cigarettes to denials of permits for toxic waste dumps to increases in the minimum wage. For any law, regulation or other government decision that the foreign investor does not like, all it has to do is think of an argument for why the decision somehow violated its right to “fair and equitable treatment” or why it might reduce its expected profits and it’s got a case. And, sometimes, just threatening the case is enough for the proposed law or regulation to be withdrawn. -- downloaded pdf to Note "End Corporate Courts Now"
US_economy  US_politics  Congress  Obama_administration  US_government  state_government  regulation  regulation-harmonization  trade-agreements  Transatlantic_Trade_and_InvestmentPartnership  unions  investor-State_disputes  investment-bilateral_treaties  corporate_citizenship  MNCs  dispute_resolution  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Dave Johnson - The Cost To Our Economy From Republican Obstruction And Sabotage | Campaign for America's Future - September 2014
After listing key filibusters -- What would it have meant for the economy and jobs to launch a post-stimulus effort to maintain and modernize our infrastructure? How about reversing the tax structure that pays companies to move jobs out of the country? How about equal pay for women? How about a minimum wage increase? How about hundreds of thousands of teachers and first responders going back to work? How about being able to organize into unions to fight for wages, benefits and safer working conditions? How about relief from crushing student loan debt? -- In the House GOP leadership has been following the “Hastert Rule” to obstruct bills that would win with a majority vote. -- So instead of looking at what has been blocked in the House, we should look at what has passed. What has passed is a record of economic sabotage. Noteworthy is the GOP “Path to Prosperity Budget” (“Ryan budget”), described as “Cuts spending & implements pro-growth reforms that boost job creation.” It dramatically cuts taxes on the rich. It privatizes Medicare. It cuts spending on infrastructure, health care for the poor, education, research, public-safety, and low-income programs. It turns Medicaid, food stamps, and other poverty programs into state block grants. And lo and behold, this GOP budget that passed the House cuts taxes and cuts funding for even maintaining – never mind modernizing – our vital infrastructure needs. This is a budget of economic sabotage. Other GOP House “jobs” bills, listed at Boehner’s “jobs” page include: -- horrifyingly awful policies with Orwellian titles or red meat specials -- special attention to keeping oil & gas subsidies flowing and eviserating regulation, especially EPA -- Johnson stresses, the voters are unaware of all this thanks in part to the MSM which is ballanced re political parties, pro business & anti labor, and guilty of mindlessly peddling what Wren-Lewis calls mediamacro. Good links
US_economy  US_politics  Congress  Great_Recession  GOP  unemployment  public_finance  public_goods  state_government  welfare  social_insurance  poverty  infrastructure  Obama_administration  health_care  women-rights  women-work  wages  fiscal_policy  fiscal_drag  taxes  1-percent  energy  climate  regulation-environment  R&D  Senate  House_of_Representatives  polarization  student_debt  education-finance  education-privatization  corporate_tax  labor_law  unions  trickle-down 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
David H. Ciscel - The Living Wage Movement: Building a Political Link from Market Wages to Social Institutions | JSTOR: Journal of Economic Issues, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Jun., 2000), pp. 527-535
Plus çà change - even in the good times of the 1990s boom, low wages were not keeping up with maintaining minimum living standards without supplemental government assistance -- Looks at attempts in late 1990s to build political pressure for an increased minimum wage - already the low end service sector was seeing growing between their stagnant wages and growing GNP, with gains going to upper cohorts. Special issues already including (1) service sector jobs with lots of women, so degraded status, (2) outsourcing of jobs that would have been low end civil service, reducing both pay and benefits plus job security. Gives a history of the periodic movements for defining minimum wage levels to incorporate the costs of reproducing the labor force, from health care, child care, nutrition etc. Early 20thC movement was for a "family wage" pushed by unions, but problems for feminists that the focus on family defined women's roles in the home as part of determining what employment should produce as base compensation for maintaining the family, with women's work uncompensated. Short article, didn't download
article  jstor  economic_history  political_economy  economic_culture  US_economy  20thC  Progressive_Era  1990s  wages  wages-minimum  women-work  feminism  feminist_economics  unions  inequality  Democrats  productivity-labor_share  gender_gap  alliances-political  movements-political  US_politics  poor-working  poverty 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Smart Track Can't Be Fast Track in Disguise - Citizens Trade Campaign
FastTrackinDisguiseNearly 600 organizations, together representing millions of Americans, have sent a joint letter to Senate Finance Chair Ron Wyden (D-OR) expressing their steadfast opposition to Fast Track and outlining the minimum requirements for a new, democratic and accountable trade policy-making process. Earlier this year, Senator Wyden announced he is working on new “Smart Track” legislation to replace the expired Fast Track process that allows harmful trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to be rushed through Congress circumventing ordinary review, amendment and debate procedures. The sign-on letter promoted by CTC members such as the Sierra Club, Communications Workers of America, the Teamsters and Public Citizen, among others both inside and outside CTC, urges that Fast Track be eliminated and replaced with a new model of trade authority that includes transparency in trade negotiations, a Congressional role in selecting trade partners, a clear set of negotiating mandates and Congressional certification that mandates have been met before negotiations can conclude. -- downloaded pdf to Note
US_politics  US_economy  US_foreign_policy  Obama_administration  Congress  trade-policy  trade-agreements  unions  climate  environment  transparency  civil_society  grassroots  MNCs  globalization  global_economy  global_governance  international_political_economy  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Getting Action Strategy Check: Confronting ‘corporate super-rights’ in the TTIP | The Democracy Center - April 2014
The European Commission’s public consultation on the inclusion of the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism in the investment chapter of the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is clearly a result of growing citizen concern and civil society pressure. Even though the scope of the Commission’s consultation has come in for severe criticism from civil society groups, the high profile that this issue has garnered in Europe in recent months represents a unique opportunity for campaigners. In order to facilitate a strategy conversation among activists and civil society groups on ISDS in the TTIP campaign, the Network for Justice in Global Investment – a core Democracy Center project – recently interviewed two people at the center of campaigns on both sides of the Atlantic: Pia Eberhardt from the Corporate Europe Observatory and Arthur Stamoulis from the Citizen’s Trade Campaign in the United States. (The complete interview transcripts can be found here and here.) We began by asking them what strategic opportunities and challenges they see for campaigners given the current high profile of investment rules and ISDS in Europe.
investment-bilateral_treaties  investor-State_disputes  power-asymmetric  democracy  FDI  MNCs  international_political_economy  global_governance  trade-agreements  trade-policy  US_economy  US_foreign_policy  EU  EU_governance  Transatlantic_Trade_and_InvestmentPartnership  grassroots  unions  civil_society 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Harold Meyerson - The Revolt of the Cities The American Prospect - August 2014
20 years ago, half of America’s dozen largest cities had Republican mayors. -- of the nation’s 30 largest cities, just 4 (San Diego, Indianapolis, Fort Worth, and Oklahoma City) have Republican mayors, and even they have to swim with the urban tides. -- Demographic recomposition has proved a necessary but insufficient prerequisite for urban political change. The newcomers to America’s cities also have had to come together as an effective political force. With few exceptions, the cities that have elected left-populist governments have first reconfigured their power structures by building coalitions dedicated to greater economic and racial equity. Aided in some instances by liberal foundations, these coalitions consist chiefly of unions, community-based organizations in low-income minority neighborhoods, immigrants’ rights groups, affordable-housing advocates, environmental organizations, and networks of liberal churches, synagogues, and mosques. The unions that have been key to the formation of these new coalitions—it’s labor, after all, that has the capacity to provide the lion’s share of funding for these ventures—generally aren’t the municipal employee locals that have a bargaining relationship with elected officials that can limit their freedom of political action. They tend, rather, to be unions of private-sector workers—janitors, hotel housekeepers, hospital orderlies, supermarket clerks. Their members and potential members are often overwhelmingly minority and substantially immigrant. Indeed, the growing importance of these unions coincides with the growth of immigrants’ rights groups in most major cities. -- What’s happening in cities can be described as Obama’s agenda trickling down to the jurisdictions where it has enough political support to be enacted—but it’s also the incubation of policies and practices that will trickle up. With considerable creativity and limited power, the new urban regimes are seeking to diminish the inequality so apparent in cities and so pervasive nationwide. They are mapping the future of liberalism until the day when the national government can bring it to scale.
US_politics  local_government  local_politics  unions  immigration  wages  green_economy  inequality  housing  education  environment  coalitions-progressive  cities  grassroots  parties  progressivism  Obama_administration  state_government  blue_states  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Whatever Happened to Corporate Stewardship? - Rick Wartzman - Harvard Business Review
Rick Wartzman is the executive director of the Drucker Institute at Claremont Graduate University. Author or editor of five books, he is currently writing one about how the social contract between employer and employee in America has changed since the end of World War II -- In November 1956, Time magazine explored a phenomenon that went by various names: “capitalism with a conscience,” “enlightened conservatism,” “people’s capitalism,” and, most popularly, “The New Conservatism.” No matter which label one preferred, the basic concept was clear: Business leaders were demonstrating an ever increasing willingness, in the words of the story, to “shoulder a host of new responsibilities” and “judge their actions, not only from the standpoint of profit and loss” in their financial results “but of profit and loss to the community.” -- It is easy to overly romanticize 1950s corporate America. People of color faced terrible workplace discrimination at that time, as did women. Late in the decade, many big companies hardened their stance against organized labor, hastening its steep decline. Business culture could be rigid and stifling. Fear of communism and socialism, as much as altruism, was often at the root of corporate generosity. But for all the faults of that period, an ethos has been lost. The University of Michigan’s Mark Mizruchi, in his book The Fracturing of the American Corporate Elite, describes it as “concern for the well-being of the broader society.” Notably, Mizruchi points to the 1956 Time article as a good representative of the ideas that then “dominated in the corporate discourse.”
CSR  corporate_governance  corporate_citizenship  shareholders  elites  elite_culture  labor  labor_history  post-WWII  neoliberalism  unions  US_history  US_economy  norms-business  business_cycles  business  business-and-politics  firms-theory  tax_havens 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Ahmed White - The Wagner Act on Trial: The 1937 'Little Steel' Strike and the Limits of New Deal Reform (May 29, 2014) :: SSRN
University of Colorado Law School -- The National Labor Relations Act of 1935, or Wagner Act, played a crucial role in shaping the New Deal and eventually transforming the economic, political, and legal foundations of modern America. Although many aspects of the statute’s history, including its relationship to the rise of industrial unionism and the epic struggle to secure its constitutionality, have been well told by historians and legal scholars, key elements of its story remain obscured by misconceptions, oversight, and outright myth. Not least among these areas of uncertainty is how the new law actually functioned in the months and years immediately after the Supreme Court upheld its constitutionality, and what its fate in this crucial time says about the nature of the New Deal itself. This article undertakes to shed light on these questions by unfolding the history of one of the most important events in the Second New Deal period: the “Little Steel” Strike of 1937. Drawing on a host of sources, including five major archival collections, this article tells the story of this dramatic and violent episode, including its legal history. Presenting the strike as a key test of the Wagner Act and a critical bellwether of the New Deal, the article documents not only the virtues of new regime in labor rights just as it emerged from the shadow of unconstitutionality, but also congenital shortcomings in the labor law that have undermined workers’ rights ever since. In a further challenge to conventional narratives of the period, the story of the strike exposes the remarkable degree to which the power of the business community survived, relatively undiminished, the Wagner Act and the political changes that accompanied it. Moreover, giving credence to a broader literature on New Deal law and policy, the article presents the strike and litigation surrounding it as proof of the continuing weakness of the New Deal and as key moments in the conservative turn that marked course of reform in the late 1930s.
paper  SSRN  US_history  20thC  entre_deux_guerres  New_Deal  labor  labor_law  labor_history  unions  big_business  SCOTUS  power-asymmetric  capitalism  public_disorder  reform-legal  reform-economic  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Equity, Excellence and Inclusiveness in Education: Policy Lessons from Around the World (July 2014) - OECD iLibrary
Excellence in education without equity risks leading to large economic and social disparities; equity in education at the expense of quality is a meaningless aspiration. The most advanced education systems now set ambitious goals for all students, focusing on both excellence and equity. They also equip their teachers with the pedagogic skills that have been proven effective and with enough autonomy so that teachers can use their own creativity in determining the content and instruction they provide to their individual students. The fourth International Summit on the Teaching Profession brought together education ministers, union leaders and other teacher leaders from high-performing and rapidly improving education systems, as measured by PISA (the OECD Programme for International Student Assessment ). Their aim was to discuss equity, excellence and inclusiveness in education by exploring three questions: • How are high-quality teachers developed, and how do schools with the greatest need attract and retain them? • How can equity be ensured in increasingly devolved education systems? and • What kinds of learning environments address the needs of all students? - To underpin the discussions, this publication identifies some of the steps policy makers can take to build school systems that are both equitable and excellent. The analysis is complemented with examples that illustrate proven or promising practices in specific countries. -- Online access but pdf download requires $
education  inequality  poverty  culture  unions  governmentality  central_government  local_government  OECD_economies  US_government  US_society  university-contemporary  public_policy  public_goods 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Why it’s hard for the US to learn from other countries on education - Vox - July 2014
Summary of OECD report re US comparative position on different metrics and what lessons might be drawn from the report -- see other bookmark for OECD link (to read online - pdf requires $) -- New data on poverty, inequality and education are likely to reignite the conversation. But it's easier to point to what other countries are doing right than it is to figure out what lessons they can teach the US. That's evident in the latest education report from the OECD, a group of 34 mostly rich countries and economies. The OECD is a big player in the international-comparison game because it tests students around the world in math, reading and other subjects. Those tests are often used as benchmarks to show that the US is falling behind. The OECD, though, also reports on how different nations handle inequity in education. That data, like the test scores, shows the US has a long way to go.
education  inequality  poverty  culture  unions  governmentality  central_government  local_government  OECD_economies  US_government  US_society  university-contemporary  public_policy  public_goods 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Alfred Marshall - Industry and Trade (Vol 2) [1919] | Google Books
Vol 2 appears to be available only as a commercial ebook (price c $4) - Vol 1 is a full Google Books copy added to my Google_Books library -- Vol 2 looks interesting in his treatment of the English economy from at least the Black Death -- remarks on "mercantilism" and the economic policies of the British government in the mid 18thC (following Adam Smith characterized as"bad" and "selfish") -- Though the bulk of his work was completed before the turn of the 20th century, the global ramifications of World War I prompted him to reconsider his theories on international economics, and in 1919 he published the two-volume Industry and Trade. Here, in Volume II, he discusses. . how monopolies and competition impact prices . trusts and cartels in the American and German economies . the decline of class differences and advantages in industrial systems . unions, co-opts, and business federations . and much more.
books  etexts  Google_Books  economic_history  British_history  UK_economy  Germany  Prussia  mercantilism  merchants  international_political_economy  international_economics  trading_companies  trade-policy  trade  trade-agreements  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  Industrial_Revolution  industrialization  German_unification  monopolies  corporations  corporate_finance  labor  Labor_markets  wages  unions  imperialism  empire-and_business  US_economy  protectionism  Hamilton  Smith  free_trade  laisser-faire  institutional_economics  institution-building  firms-theory  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Clarles Andrews Professor Piketty Fights Orthodoxy and Attacks Inequality | Marxist-Leninist thought today - May 2014
First, the world wars were themselves not accidental. WWI was an inevitable outcome of early monopoly capitalism, and WWII was a continuation of the first as well as capital's attempt to obliterate the first socialist society. -- Second, Piketty's almost exclusive metrics are inequality of income and wealth. They are important, to be sure. Let us remember, though, that despite less inequality, most of the period 1913-1950 was hellish for the masses in the capitalist world. They died by millions in WWI, made little economic progress in the 1920s, suffered the hunger of the Great Depression in the 1930s, and died by millions more in WWII. On the other hand, while inequality was high in the late 19thC and up to 1913, the working class did make advances, by militant class struggle largely under the socialist banner, in obtaining fruits of industrial progress.And there is justified nostalgia today for the era after Piketty's exceptional period. In the 1950s and 1960s life got better for a majority of the working people in the US, Britain, and western Europe. The peak of working-class progress was 1973 – after Piketty's focus and years before neoliberalism, financialization, and globalization. Since 1973, real median earnings in the US have stagnated and fallen. That turning point is the fact that demands explanation and action. Piketty recalls the two world wars often. He buries the fact that WWI triggered the first successful socialist revolution in Russia, and WWII provided openings for anti-imperialist and sometimes socialist revolutions, ...
books  reviews  Piketty  political_economy  economic_history  19thC  20thC  21stC  capitalism  WWI  WWII  Great_Depression  labor  class_conflict  unions  revolutions  post-WWII  post-Cold_War  neoliberalism  inequality  wages  Marxist  social_order  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
EconoSpeak: Inequality and Sabotage: Piketty, Veblen and Kalecki (for anne at Economist's View)
Nearly a century ago, Thorstein Veblen offered insights into this mechanism in his The Engineers and the Price System. To Veblen r>g (although he didn't use that term) was a strategy pursued by business, not simply a statistical finding. As Veblen points out, "this is matter of course, and notorious. But it is not a topic on which one prefers to dwell." -- Kalecki outlined three categories of business objection to a full employment by government spending: "(i) dislike of government interference in the problem of employment as such; (ii) dislike of the direction of government spending... (iii) dislike of the social and political changes resulting from the maintenance of full employment." It is the first and third of these objections that have the most direct bearing on the issue of r>g -- There are different modes of efficiency and those differences result in different effects on the rate of return to capital. In other words, there are r>g efficiencies and there are r<g efficiencies. An example of an r>g efficiency would be a new machine that uses less fuel and less labour to produce a given amount of output. An example of an r<g efficiency would be a reduction in the length of the standard working day that improves worker productivity by reducing fatigue and increasing overall well being. Both are examples of efficiencies but they differ as to whom the benefit of the efficiency gain primarily accrues.
US_economy  US_history  19thC  20thC  Great_Depression  economic_history  economic_growth  political_economy  capital  capitalism  labor  Labor_markets  wages  unemployment  consumer_demand  profit  investment  unions  Veblen  Kalecki  productivity  inequality  EF-add 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
Alan Brooke - THE LUDDITE LEGACY (2012) | luddites200
Full text of a paper forming the basis of a talk given at York Guildhall, 19 January 2012, to commemorate the execution of the West Riding of Yorkshire Luddites in 1813.
paper  etexts  British_history  British_politics  19thC  20thC  Industrial_Revolution  industrialization  British_Empire  capitalism  Marxism  socialism  unions  Labor_markets  public_disorder  EF-add 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
Unions, Corporations, and Political Opt-Out Rights after Citizens United by Benjamin I. Sachs :: SSRN
Benjamin I. Sachs - Harvard Law School - August 15, 2011 - 112 Columbia Law Review 800 (2012) - Harvard Public Law Working Paper No. 11-21 - Last revised: June 4, 2012

Citizens United upends much of campaign finance law, but it maintains at least one feature of that legal regime: the equal treatment of corporations and unions. Prior to Citizens United, that is, corporations and unions were equally constrained in their ability to spend general treasury funds on federal electoral politics. After the decision, campaign finance law leaves both equally unconstrained and free to use their general treasuries to finance political spending. But the symmetrical treatment that Citizens United leaves in place masks a less visible, but equally significant, way in which the law treats union and corporate political spending differently. Namely, federal law prohibits a union from spending its general treasury funds on politics if individual employees object to such use - employees, in short, enjoy a federally protected right to opt out of funding union political activity. In contrast, corporations are free to spend their general treasuries on politics even if individual shareholders object - shareholders enjoy no right to opt out of financing corporate political activity. This article assesses whether the asymmetric rule of political opt-out rights is justified.
paper  SSRN  US_politics  US_constitution  Supreme_Court  elections  corporate_governance  unions  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Mark Graber: Balkinization: And the (1915, 2013) Winner is . . . Business |June 2013
the conservative majority is reverting to judicial practices before the New Deal, but not in the way many commentators expected.  The justices are not restoring ancient doctrinal categories or dramatically cutting back on civil liberties.  Rather, as was the case in 1915ish, the big winner is business.  When business is not involved, the judicial majority is often at least as liberal if not slightly more liberal than the rest of the ruling regime.
SCOTUS  US_constitution  US_politics  civil_liberties  business  unions 
july 2013 by dunnettreader

related tags

1-percent  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  1990s  2000s  2010s  accumulation  AI  alliances-political  antitrust  article  Asian_crisis  Asia_Pacific  banking  big_business  Blair_Tony  blue_states  books  British_Empire  British_history  British_politics  business  business-and-politics  business-norms  business_cycles  business_history  business_practices  buybacks  capital  capitalism  capitalism-systemic_crisis  capitalization  capital_allocation  capital_as_power  capital_formation  capital_markets  central_government  chaebols  cities  civil_liberties  civil_society  class_conflict  climate  coalitions-progressive  common_good  competition  Congress  consumer_demand  corporate_citizenship  corporate_finance  corporate_governance  corporate_ownership  corporate_tax  corporations  crony_capitalism  cross-border  CSR  culture  culture_industries  debt  democracy  Democrats  development  discrimination  dispute_resolution  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  diversity  downloaded  East_Asia  econometrics  economic_culture  economic_growth  economic_history  economic_policy  economic_reform  economic_sociology  economic_theory  education  education-finance  education-privatization  EF-add  elections  elites  elite_culture  emerging_markets  empire-and_business  employers  energy  entre_deux_guerres  environment  equity_markets  etexts  EU  EU_governance  Evernote  executive_compensation  FDI  FDR  feminism  feminist_economics  finance_capital  financialization  financial_system  firms-organization  firms-theory  fiscal_drag  fiscal_policy  France  free_trade  gender  gender_gap  Germany  German_unification  globalization  global_economy  global_governance  Google_Books  GOP  governmentality  grassroots  Great_Depression  Great_Recession  green_economy  Hamilton  health  health_care  House_of_Representatives  housing  human_capital  ideology  immigration  imperialism  industrialization  Industrial_Revolution  industry  industry_concentration  inequality  inequality-global  inequality-opportunity  inequality-wealth  infrastructure  Instapaper  institution-building  institutional_economics  international_economics  international_finance  international_political_economy  investment  investment-bilateral_treaties  investment-government  investor-State_disputes  investors  IP  IP-global_governance  IT  jstor  justice  Kalecki  Korea  labor  labor_history  labor_law  Labor_markets  labor_share  labor_standards  Labour  laisser-faire  LDCs  left-wing  links  local_government  local_politics  macroeconomics  macroeconomic_policy  managrrialism  Marxism  Marxist  mercantilism  merchants  middle_class  MNCs  monetary_policy  monopolies  monopsony  movements-political  nationalization  neoliberalism  New_Deal  norms-business  Obama  Obama_administration  OECD_economies  oligopoly  opposition  paper  parties  pharma  Piketty  Pocket  polarization  political_culture  political_economy  poor-working  post-Cold_War  post-WWII  poverty  power-asymmetric  power-asymnetric  production  productivity  productivity-labor_share  profit  Progressive_Era  progressivism  protectionism  Prussia  public_disorder  public_finance  public_goods  public_policy  public_sector  R&D  racism  reform-economic  reform-legal  regulation  regulation-environment  regulation-harmonization  rent-seeking  reviews  revolutions  sabotage-by_business  SCOTUS  Senate  services  shareholders  shareholder_value  short-termism  skills  Smith  socialism  social_democracy  social_history  social_insurance  social_order  speech  SSRN  stagnation  standard_of_living  state_government  student_debt  Supreme_Court  taxes  tax_havens  tax_policy  Third_Way  trade  trade-agreements  trade-policy  trading_companies  Trans-Pacific-Partnership  Transatlantic_Trade_and_InvestmentPartnership  transparency  transport  trickle-down  UK_economy  unemployment  unions  university-contemporary  US_constitution  US_economy  US_foreign_policy  US_government  US_history  US_politics  US_society  utilities  Veblen  violence  wages  wages-minimum  website  welfare  women-in-politics  women-intellectuals  women-rights  women-work  worker_co-ops  working_class  WWI  WWII 

Copy this bookmark:



description:


tags: