Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 67, No. 1 (Jan., 2006), pp. 33-40 **--** Articles in the issue *--* James Steven Byrne, Humanist History of Mathematics? Regiomontanus's Padua Oration in Context (pp. 41-61) *--* Robert Goulding, Method and Mathematics: Peter Ramus's Histories of the Sciences (pp. 63-85) *--* Nicholas Popper, "Abraham, Planter of Mathematics": Histories of Mathematics and Astrology in Early Modern Europe (pp. 87-106) *--* Lauren Kassell, "All Was This Land Full Fill'd of Faerie," or Magic and the past in Early Modern England (pp. 107-122) -- helpful on recent historiography on humanists, science and history writing -- downloaded pdf to Note

Intro is afternoon spent at Christian writing conference with his friend the author Frederick Buechner, being constantly interrupted by readers -- almost all of them told the same story: Your writing has meant everything to my Christian faith. I don’t think I could be a Christian without your books.!Throughout that afternoon—rising to greet strangers, then sitting down and striving to remain inconspicuous as they poured out their hearts—I couldn’t help reflecting on the sheer oddity of the situation. These were people, by and large, who knew the Bible, who attended church, who had the benefits of Christian community. Yet they testified, almost to a person, that Christian belief would have been impossible for them without the mediation of the stories told by Frederick Buechner. I know literary history fairly well, especially where it intersects with Christian thought and practice, and it seemed to me that such radical dependence on literary experience would have been virtually impossible even a century earlier. But I also knew that Buechner’s role was anything but unique, that other readers would offer the same testimony to the fiction of Walker Percy or Flannery O’Connor or C.S. Lewis. How did such a state of affairs come about? How did literary writers come to be seen by many as the best custodians and advocates of Christian faith? It is a question with a curious and convoluted genealogy, one worth teasing out. -- downloaded as pdf to Note

(..) examines the reception history of Epicurean philosophy through a series of eleven case studies, (..). Rather than attempting to separate an original Epicureanism from its later readings and misreadings, this collection studies the philosophy together with its subsequent reception, focusing in particular on the ways in which it has provided terms and conceptual tools for defining how we read and respond to texts, artwork, and the world more generally. *--* Introduction, Brooke Holmes and W. H. Shearin -- 1. Haunting Nepos: Atticus and the Performance of Roman Epicurean Death, W. H. Shearin -- 2. Epicurus's Mistresses: Pleasure, Authority, and Gender in the Reception of the Kuriai Doxai in the Second Sophistic, Richard Fletcher -- 3. Reading for Pleasure: Disaster and Digression in the First Renaissance Commentary on Lucretius, Gerard Passannante -- 4. Discourse ex nihilo: Epicurus and Lucretius in 16thC England, Adam Rzepka -- 5. Engendering Modernity: Epicurean Women from Lucretius to Rousseau, Natania Meeker -- 6. Oscillate and Reflect: La Mettrie, Materialist Physiology, and the Revival of the Epicurean Canonic, James Steintrager -- 7. Sensual Idealism: The Spirit of Epicurus and the Politics of Finitude in Kant and Hölderlin, Anthony Adler -- 8. The Sublime, Today?, Glenn Most -- 9. From Heresy to Nature: Leo Strauss's History of Modern Epicureanism, Benjamin Aldes Wurgaft -- 10. Epicurean Presences in Foucault's The Hermeneutics of the Subject, Alain Gigandet -- 11. Deleuze, Lucretius, and the Simulacrum of Naturalism, Brooke Holmes

In the Renaissance, Epicureanism and other heterodox scientific theories were strongly associated with heresy and atheism, and frequently condemned. Yet, when Lucretius’s Epicurean poem De Rerum Natura reappeared in 1417, these associations did not prevent the poem’s broad circulation. A survey of marginalia in Lucretius manuscripts reveals a characteristic humanist reading agenda, focused on philology and moral philosophy, which facilitated the circulation of such heterodox texts among an audience still largely indifferent to their radical content. Notes in later sixteenth century print copies reveal a transformation in reading methods, and an audience more receptive to heterodox science. Article is on Project MUSE - the jstor archive is open through 2011, closed for 2012, and has no later volumes. The jstor page for articles from 2012 has the advantage of the full set of footnotes. I've copied the footnotes to Evernote. -- update, I've downloaded it to Note

Introduction gives a brief biography and discusses each of the papers in the issue, plus a short "further reading" -- Contents *--* Community, Prereflective Virtue, and the Cyclopean Power of the Fathers: Vico's Reflections on Unexpected Consequences (pp. 495-515) Edmund E. Jacobitti. *--* The Significance of Tacitus in Vico's Idea of History (pp. 517-535) Alexander U. Bertland. *--* Vico and the End of History (pp. 537-558) Patrick H. Hutton. *--* Vico, Rhetorical Topics and Historical Thought (pp. 559-585) Catherine L. Hobbs. *--* Situating Vico Between Modern and Postmodern (pp. 587-617) Sandra Rudnick Luft. *--* Interpretations and Misinterpretations of Vico (pp. 619-639) Cecilia Miller -- Introduction and all papers downloaded to Note and in separate folder in Dropbox

Downloaded pdf to Note

A review article - unfortunately the jstor information page doesn't have the references. likely it's the basis of his later book. Downloaded pdf to Note

This article considers the consequences of new reading histories that have pursued the question of reading practices -- how people read texts, rather than just who readers were and what it was that they read. New theoretical considerations widen our appreciation of the difficulty in recovering the history of reading, but they must also confront the limitations and peculiarities of the evidence available. Using eighteenth-century England as a case study, the article reviews recent work -- much from diverse research not usually associated with reading history -- and assesses the potential for future study. Important questions about the relationship between literature, belief and action, about the nature of 'popular' and 'elite' culture, about the archaeology of political and social thought, and about the dissemination and control of ideas, cannot be determined without asking what reading meant. Such enquiry is particularly rewarding in writing the history of the transitional and diverse society of eighteenth-century England. It also reinforces concern that pursuit of new reading histories through an exploration of reading practice can marginalise the evaluation of change by concentrating on an examination of the singular and the synchronic. Only by the broadest research strategies, the article suggests, can new reading history most fully contribute to an understanding of eighteenth-century English social history. -- interesting bibliography -- didn't download

The history of reading can link intellectual and cultural developments with social or political change in the eighteenth century. Historians of the book increasingly argue that an understanding of historical reading practices is essential if we are to understand the impact of texts on individuals and on society as a whole: textual evidence alone is inadequate. Recent work on eighteenth-century readers has used sources including book trade records, correspondence, and diaries to reconstruct the reading lives of individuals and of groups of readers. Such sources reveal the great variety of reading material many eighteenth-century readers could access, and the diversity and sophistication of reading practices they often employed, in selecting between a range of available reading strategies. Thus, any one theoretical paradigm is unlikely to capture the full range of eighteenth-century reading experience. Instead, we can trace the evolution of particular reading cultures, including popular and literary reading cultures, the existence of cultures based around particular genres of print, such as newspapers, and reading as a part of social and conversational life. There is now a need for a new synthesis that combines the new evidence of reading practice with textual analysis to explain continuity and change across the century. -- didn't download

Downloaded pdf to Note

(1) Reading, Society and Politics in Early Modern England by Kevin Sharpe; Steven N. Zwicker; (2) The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe by Brendan Dooley; Sabrina A. Baron; (3) Literature, Satire and the Early Stuart State by Andrew McRae; (4) The Writing of Royalism, 1628-1660 by Robert Wilcher; (5) Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum by Jason Peacey; (6)The Ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration Publicist by Lois G. Schwoerer -- downloaded pdf to Note

The reading "revolution" wrought by Rousseau's Julie has been characterized, by Robert Darnton and others, as the triumph of a nearly quixotic investment in fiction: sentimental readers, it would seem, believed in the reality of the characters they read about. Yet the archive of letters to Rousseau reveals readers quite attuned to the novel's exploration of different types, good and bad, of emotional involvement. Julie and the enthusiasm it provoked must be understood as rejecting previously dominant aesthetic theories predicating audience emotion on mimetic fusion between reader and text, in favor of emotions proper to distanced, even unbelieving, spectators.

JSTOR: Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies (HJEAS), Vol. 13, No. 1/2 (Spring-Fall, 2007), pp. 7-21 - nice essay on issues of theory and method studying what used to be "comparative literature" - now reception theory (suggests what got picked up in different countries at various times had much to do with which particular English work or author or genre filled a gap that may not have even been noticed until someone came in contact with a bit of English culture or an English work), history and sociology of the book, history of translation, channels of cultural influence, "representations" of England or part of English culture (eg Voltaire's Lettres)

JSTOR: Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 26, No. 1 (Autumn, 1992), pp. 1-27 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- limits on perpetual copyright of 1710 upheld in1774 -- creation of defined property rights simultaneously creates the public domain -- by 1774 a notion that English culture involved a tradition that belonged to everyone -- bibliography on 2ndry sources that have tracked the legal details and booksellers practices, cartel etc

JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 78, No. 1 (Mar., 1984), pp. 189-197 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Drawing upon a comprehensive list of political writings by Americans published between 1760 and 1805, the study uses a citation count drawn from these 916 items as a surrogate measure of the relative influence of European writers upon American political thought during the era. Contrary to the general tendencies in the recent literature, the results here indicate that there was no one European writer, or one tradition of writers, that dominated American political thought. There is evidence for moving beyond the Whig-Enlightenment dichotomy as the basis for textual analysis, and for expanding the set of individual European authors considered to have had an important effect on American thinking. Montesquieu, Blackstone, and Hume are most in need of upgrading in this regard. The patterns of influence apparently varied over the time period from 1760 to 1805, and future research on the relative influence of European thinkers must be more sensitive to this possibility.

JSTOR: Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 34, No. 4 (Summer, 2001), pp. 642-645 -- Works reviewed: --**-- The Reception of Locke's Politics: From the 1690s to the 1830s, by Mark Goldie ** vol. 1, The Glorious Revolution Defended, 1690-1704;  ** vol. 2, Patriarchalism, the Social Contract and Civic Virtue, 1705-1760; ** , vol. 3, The Age of the American Revolution, 1760-1780 ; ** vol. 4, Political Reform in the Age of the French Revolution, 1780-1838; ** vol. 5, Church, Dissent and Religious Toleration, 1689-1773; ** vol. 6, Wealth, Property and Commerce, 1696-1832;  --**-- John Locke: A Descriptive Bibliography by Jean S. Yolton; --**  The Dictionary of Eighteenth-Century British Philosophers by John W. Yolton, John Valdimir Price, John Stephens

Citation: Edelstein, Dan. “Humanism, l’Esprit Philosophique, and the Encyclopédie.”Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2009): http://rofl.stanford.edu/node/27. -- In "Rethinking the Republic of Letters" issue -- downloaded pdf to Note -- also downloaded attachments (1) Edelstein-Appendix1_citation_index.xls (2) Edelstein-Appendix2_discarded_names.xls (3) Edelstein- Appendix3_Etat_de_Nature_comparison_with_Locke.pdf -- Humanism, in this interpretation, no longer appears in opposition to the Enlightenment, but can be seen to lie at the heart of the philosophical project to diffuse knowledge and “change the common way of thinking.” The classification, extraction, and compilation of texts and ideas had indeed been elevated to an art form, if not a science, by early-modern scholars; their techniques could now serve the philosophical good of disseminating “general Enlightenment [lumières générales].” This important role, however, remained a fairly invisible one, given that a collège education had made humanist practices almost second nature for Enlightenment scholars. In fact, they often did not even seem aware of their debt to the past: 

JSTOR: Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France, 95e Année, No. 2 (Mar. - Apr., 1995), pp. 177-186 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Contrairement à ce que laisse attendre son titre, le Dictionnaire philosophique portatif de Voltaire foisonne des figures les plus recherchées, empruntées à l'enseignement de la rhétorique tel qu'il était pratiqué dans les collèges de la Compagnie de Jésus dans la jeunesse de l'auteur. Cette rhétorique d'inspiration baroque reflète des conceptions précartésiennes; privilégiant l' élocution et les figures de pensée, fondée sur la variation, l'ornement, la surprise, elle vise moins à démontrer qu'à convaincre.

Malcolm Smuts. Review of Hirst, Derek; Strier, Richard, ed., Writing and Political Engagement in Seventeenth-Century England and Woolf, D. R., Reading History in Early Modern England. H-Albion, H-Net Reviews. November, 2001.

Both are of high quality and make significant contributions to scholarship. Between them they also display something of the remarkable range of traditional and innovative methodologies now being used to explore the cultural history of the seventeenth century. But they also illustrate the degree to which intellectual history, literary analysis, and newer fields like the history of the book have tended to remain separate areas of research rather than coordinated aspects of a single holistic approach: a fully integrated cultural history.