dunnettreader + public_opinion   97

DUMAS, Alexandre – Le Collier de la reine | Litterature audio.com
Reader: Gustave - 28.5 hr
Le Collier de la reine, deuxième volet de la série Mémoires d’un médecin, parut dans La Presse en 1849 et 1850. L’intrigue est librement inspirée de la fameuse affaire du collier de la reine, escroquerie qui défraya la chronique politique et judiciaire à la cour de Louis XVI dans les années 1780. Le roman idéalise la reine Marie-Antoinette et imagine une sombre machination hâtant la fin d’un Ancien Régime décadent. On y retrouve avec plaisir les personnages de la vaste fresque commencée avec Joseph Balsamo et qui se poursuivra avec Ange Pitou et La Comtesse de Charny.
audio-books  downloaded  18thC  Ancien_régime  French_Revolution  public_opinion  political_culture  political_press  monarchy  Dumas  historical_fiction  novels  French_lit  19thC  French_language 
june 2017 by dunnettreader
Dmitri N. Shalin - Critical Theory and theh Pragmatist Challenge (1992) | American Journal of Sociology
AJS Volume 98 Number 2 (September 1992): 237-79 -- Habermas's theory breaks with the Continental tradition that has denigrated pragmatism as an Anglo-Saxon philosophy subservient to technocratic capitalism. While Habermas deftly uses pragmatist insights into communicative rationality and democratic ethos, he shows little sensitivity to other facets of pragmatism. This article argues that incorporating the pragmatist perspective on experience and indeterminacy brings a corrective to the emancipatory agenda championed by critical theorists. The pragmatist alternative to the theory of communicative action is presented, with the discussion centering around the following themes: disembodied reason versus embodied reasonableness, determinate being versus indeterminate reality, discursive truth versus pragmatic certainty, rational consensus versus reasonable dissent, transcendental democracy versus democratic transcendence, and rational society versus sane community. -- downloaded via Air to DBOX - added to Evernote
article  downloaded  social_theory  political_philosophy  critical_theory  pragmatism  Habermas  Peirce  James_William  Dewey  democracy  community  public_sphere  public_reason  rationality  experience  indeterminacy  dissent  consensus  public_opinion  cultural_critique  change-social 
september 2016 by dunnettreader
M Starnini, M Frasca & A Baronchelli - Emergence of metapopulations and echo chambers in mobile agent - Scientific Reports (2016) - nature.com
Michele Starnini, Mattia Frasca & Andrea Baronchelli -- Scientific Reports 6, Article number: 31834 (2016), doi:10.1038/srep31834
Multi-agent models often describe populations segregated either in the physical space, i.e. subdivided in metapopulations, or in the ecology of opinions, i.e. partitioned in echo chambers. Here we show how both kinds of segregation can emerge from the interplay between homophily and social influence in a simple model of mobile agents endowed with a continuous opinion variable. In the model, physical proximity determines a progressive convergence of opinions but differing opinions result in agents moving away from each others. This feedback between mobility and social dynamics determines the onset of a stable dynamical metapopulation scenario where physically separated groups of like-minded individuals interact with each other through the exchange of agents. The further introduction of confirmation bias in social interactions, defined as the tendency of an individual to favor opinions that match his own, leads to the emergence of echo chambers where different opinions coexist also within the same group. We believe that the model may be of interest to researchers investigating the origin of segregation in the offline and online world. -- Downloaded to Tab S2
article  downloaded  systems-complex_adaptive  social_process  dynamic_attractors  segregation  epistemic_closure  public_opinion  social_media  multi-agent_models  agent-based_models  agency-structure  emergence 
august 2016 by dunnettreader
2016 Presidential Election Panel Survey | RAND
2016 Presidential Election Panel Survey-- Their "news" page - but with no "news"
elections-2016  public_opinion 
august 2016 by dunnettreader
The RAND 2016 Presidential Election Panel Survey (PEPS) - Methodology page
The RAND Presidential Election Panel Survey (PEPS), a subsample of the RAND American Life Panel (ALP), offers a unique perspective on voter attitudes and intentions as we near the
The RAND Corporation kicked off the PEPS with an initial survey covering late December 2015 and early January 2016, and will continue surveying through the months leading up to the presidential election in November. The PEPS is designed to examine voter attitudes, intentions, and choices, and how these change throughout the 2016 presidential election cycle using a representative sample of around 3,000 U.S. citizens over the age of 18. The PEPS will ask participants not only about their voting intentions and attitudes toward and preferences for potential candidates, but also opinions on a wide range of topics such as political and other issues in the news, and detailed information about the respondents themselves. RAND developed the survey instrument in collaboration with political scientists John Sides of George Washington University, Lynn Vavreck of UCLA and Michael Tesler of UC Irvine.
elections-2016  public_opinion 
august 2016 by dunnettreader
Codruţa Cuceu, Milestones in the Critique of the Public Sphere: Dewey and Arendt (2011) - PhilPapers
Journal for Communication and Culture 1 (2):99-110 (2011) -- This paper proposes a turnover to the theories which have fostered the 20th Century discourse upon the public sphere. By depicting the way in which the structural transformations suffered by the public sphere within the framework of modernity have been theorized by the pre-Habermasian discourse upon the public sphere, the present work aims at revealing the similarities as well as the differences between John Dewey‟s approach of the public sphere and Hannah Arendt‟s theory of the political realm. Although Arendt was not so much influenced by pragmatism, their theories share a normative dimension according to which the public sphere is structured in order to achieve certain functions, which were disrupted in modernity. Therefore Dewey‟s eclipse of the public, through the multiplication of its content, corresponds to Arendt‟s decay of the public realm through the rise of the social. -- Keywords Arendt Dewey modernity decay public sphere plurality political sphere
Categories: Political Theory in Social and Political Philosophy
Downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
article  republicanism  Dewey  social_theory  modernity  political_philosophy  public_opinion  political_culture  Arendt  civic_virtue  democracy  downloaded  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  political_participation  Habermas  public_sphere 
april 2016 by dunnettreader
Christian Ruby - Le « public » contre le « peuple » : une structure de la modernité (2005) - Cairn.info
Plan de l'article

Philosophie et « public », de nos jours
La constitution moderne de l’opposition « public »/« peuple »
Le statut historique de « public »
La formation et l’agencement des publics
L’importance actuelle de cette référence au « public »
La déprise nécessaire
Pour citer cet article

Ruby Christian, « Le « public » contre le « peuple » : une structure de la modernité. », Le Philosophoire 2/2005 (n° 25) , p. 89-104
URL : www.cairn.info/revue-le-philosophoire-2005-2-page-89.htm.
DOI : 10.3917/phoir.025.0089.
article  public_sphere  public_opinion  representative_institutions  masses-fear_of  political_participation  democracy  media  citizens  parties-transmission_belts  civic_virtue  Habermas  downloaded  interest_groups  consumerism  political_culture  general_will  political_press  solidarity  Dewey  citizenship  political_philosophy  legitimacy  rhetoric-political  modernity  republicanism  mass_culture 
february 2016 by dunnettreader
Scott Sowerby, review - Brian Cowan, The State Trial of Doctor Henry Sacheverell | H-Albion, H-Net Reviews. August, 2014.
Cowan’s erudite edition of primary sources charts contemporary reactions to the Sacheverell trial. Cowan sees the trial as an instance of the personalization of political ideas, as long-standing debates about church and state became “focused on one figure—Sacheverell, who could now be cast as either a hero or a scoundrel, depending upon one’s politics” (p. 15, emphasis in original). Unlike so many studies of print culture that focus on production, this volume is attuned to reception, with reproductions of commonplace books and marginalia that alternately endorsed and disputed the standard printed accounts of the trial. Cowan’s edition assembles sources from eleven libraries on two continents. Most of his selections are from unpublished manuscripts; five are from publications so rare that they are found in only one repository. The footnotes alone are worth the price of admission, providing a blow-by-blow account of the trial for the uninitiated. The volume is splendidly illustrated, with photographs of manuscripts, satirical prints, engravings of Sacheverell’s portrait, and depictions of the courtroom. The extended introduction surveys the history of printed transcripts of the trial, from Jacob Tonson’s official record to competing accounts by Tory and Whig authors. A helpful timeline and a comprehensive biographical guide round out the edition.
books  reviews  find  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Sacheverell  1710s  1720s  parties  Tories  Whig_Junto  Whigs  Church_of_England  tolerance  comprehension-church  Protestant_International  church-in-danger  Queen_Anne  impeachment  Parliament  House_of_Commons  House_of_Lords  political_press  public_sphere  public_opinion  Revolution_Principles  Walpole  print_culture  reception  Tonson  rhetoric-political  politics-and-religion  religion-established  Church-and-State  manuscripts  primary_sources 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Samuel Moyn - Religious freedom between truth and tactic « The Immanent Frame - March 2012
In the last issue of First Things, a self-described coalition of “Catholics and Evangelicals together” defends religious freedom. The coalition includes a number of notable Americans, like Charles Colson and George Weigel, with endorsements from the archbishops of Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia, along with many others. According to the statement, the situation is unexpectedly urgent. After the fall of the Soviet Union, “throughout the world, a new era of religious freedom seemed at hand.” But, now it is blatantly clear that the scourge of intolerance—especially secularist intolerance—persists. -- downloaded pdf to Note
US_politics  2010s  religious_culture  freedom_of_conscience  Catholics-and-politics  Evangelical  culture_wars  persecution  Vatican_II  Papacy  Protestants  Religious_Right  public_sphere  public_opinion  public_policy  Tocqueville  politics-and-religion  Christian_Right  Christianity  Christianity-Islam_conflict  secularism  liberalism-public_reason  liberalism  downloaded 
november 2015 by dunnettreader
Grégory Hû , review - Thomas Bouchet, et al, Quand les socialistes inventaient l’avenir (1825-1860) - La Vie des idées - 26 août 2015
Recensé : Thomas Bouchet, Vincent Bourdeau, Edward Castleton, Ludovic Frobert et François Jarrige (dir.), Quand les socialistes inventaient l’avenir (1825-1860), Paris, La Découverte, 2014, 300p., 25€. -- À travers une activité journalistique intense mais peu connue, les socialistes du XIXe siècle ont posé les jalons d’un courant politique aussi inventif que divers. Un ouvrage collectif revient sur les racines longtemps ignorées de ce premier socialisme à l’aune de sa presse . -- Cet ouvrage collectif, issu d’un colloque tenu à l’Université de Stanford aux États-Unis en 2013, entreprend d’analyser les doctrines et les modalités d’action des « premiers socialistes » à partir de l’analyse de leur presse entre 1825 et 1851. Il s’agit d’explorer le long cheminement des aspirations des courants politiques socialistes antérieurs à Karl Marx. Les auteurs s’appuient sur la nouvelle presse périodique qui connaît à cette époque un fort développement. En effet, la révolution de 1848, en plus d’être portée par les ouvriers et le peuple, a aussi été menée par les journalistes de l’époque. -- Cette publication collective s’inscrit dans une entreprise pluridisciplinaire rassemblant des économistes, des philosophes, des historiens et des politistes autour d’axes de réflexion communs (conditions de production d’un journal, thématiques l’animant, réseau des rédacteurs). -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  French_language  intellectual_history  19thC  French_politics  Industrial_Revolution  capitalism  socialism-19thC  July_Monarchy  1848_revolutions  French_government  political_culture  political_press  political_participation  working_class  public_opinion  publishing  journalism  Restoration-France  parties  political_philosophy  downloaded 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
New Books intetview - Tabetha Ewing, "Rumor, Diplomacy, and War in Enlightenment Paris" (2014)
Tabetha Ewing's Rumor, Diplomacy and War in Enlightenment Paris (Oxford University Studies in the Enlightenment, 2014) is all about the on dit, the word on the street that everyday Parisians might have picked up, and/or spread around town in the 1740s. Focused on rumor during the War of Austrian Succession that lasted from 1740-1748, Ewing's is a book that examines a range of urban voices and opinions across a pivotal decade of the Enlightenment. Taking very seriously the landscapes of gossip and fantasy, Rumor, Diplomacy, and War is intriguing in its subject matter and its methodology. Interested in the circulation of speech and ideas, Ewing tracks a variety of bruits–open and clandestine media, royal efforts to release and police information about matters of state and military conflict, and oral and written forms of communication. All this, with the aim of exploring a distinctively early-modern brand of political participation, and an "inchoate citizenship" that existed in the decades before the French Revolution. Questions of national identity, loyalty to the regime (or not), and political expression/representation were in the air during these years of war and Enlightenment. Ewing's is a book that shows us how much historians can hear if we listen carefully.
books  interview  audio  18thC  French_Enlightenment  French_politics  French_foreign_policy  military_history  political_culture  War_of_Austrian_Succession  public_opinion  diplomatic_history  publishing-clandestine  national_ID  national_interest  legitimacy  1740s  Louis_XV  political_press  political_participation  citizenship  representative_institutions  free_speech  public_sphere 
september 2015 by dunnettreader
Noah Millnan - Fighting Outrage Porn Addiction | The American Conservative - September 2015
Before writing this post, I took a scroll down my Facebook feed, to see what news stories my friends are linking to. Here are the first four stories I…
Instapaper  US_politics  US_society  social_media  social_psychology  partisanship  tribalism  bad_journalism  empathy  norms  emotions-manipulation  public_opinion  from instapaper
september 2015 by dunnettreader
Symposium on "Democracy Disfigured" - An Answer to My Criticis | Nadia Urbinati - Academia.edu
An answer to my critics in a symposium, organized by John McCormick, held on her book, Democracy Disfigured, by the journal European Political Science, 2015. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  political_philosophy  democracy  representative_institutions  democracy-direct  political_culture  republicanism  Machiavelli  political_participation  political_discourse  public_opinion  populism  common_good  community  political_nation  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Critical Dialogue: Nadia Urbinati (Democracy Disfigured) and Elizabeth Beaumont (The Civic Constitution) | - Academia.edu - Perspectives on Politics, June 2015
Critiques and responses(1) The Civic Constitution: Civic Visions and Struggles in the Path toward Constitutional Democracy. By Elizabeth Beaumont. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. 386p. (2) Democracy Disfigured: Opinion, Truth, and the People. By Nadia Urbinati. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. 320 -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  political_philosophy  democracy  civil_society  civic_virtue  constitutionalism  constitutions  constitutional_regime  public_opinion  political_participation  political_culture  community  political_discourse  political_nation  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Richard Bourke and Raymond Geuss, eds. - Political Judgement: Essays for John Dunn (2009) | Cambridge University Press
From Plato to Max Weber, the attempt to understand political judgement took the form of a struggle to define the relationship between politics and morals. (...) explores a series of related problems in philosophy and political thought, raising fundamental questions about democracy, trust, the nature of statesmanship, and the relations between historical and political judgement. (...) reconsiders some classic debates in political theory – about equality, authority, responsibility and ideology – Introduction **--** Part I. The Character of Political Judgement: *-* 1. What is political judgement? Raymond Geuss *-* 2. Sticky judgement and the role of rhetoric Victoria McGeer and Philip Pettit *-* 3. Theory and practice: the revolution in political judgement Richard Bourke **--** Part II. Trust, Judgement and Consent: *-* 4. On trusting the judgement of our rulers Quentin Skinner *-* 5. Adam Smith's history of law and government as political theory Istvan Hont *-* 6. Marxism in translation: critical reflections on Indian radical thought Sudipta Kaviraj **--** Part III. Rationality and Judgement: *-* 7. Pericles' unreason Geoffrey Hawthorn
8. Accounting for human actions: individual agency and political judgement in Montaigne's Essais Biancamaria Fontana *-* 9. Nehru's judgement Sunil Khilnani **--** Part IV. Democracy and Modern Political Judgement: *-* 10. Democracy, equality and redistribution Adam Przeworski *-* 11. Democracy and terrorism Richard Tuck -- excerpt from Intro downloaded pdf to Note
books  kindle-available  intellectual_history  political_history  political_philosophy  political_economy  judgment-political  public_policy  political_culture  ancient_Greece  Europe-Early_Modern  16thC  18thC  Montaigne  Smith  agency  decision_theory  democracy  equality  redistribution  political_participation  public_opinion  rhetoric-political  Marxism  India  colonialism  post-colonial  terrorism  legitimacy  authority  moral_philosophy  responsibility  accountability  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Interview with Seyla Benhabib - On the Public Sphere, Deliberation, Journalism and Dignity | Reset Dialogues on Civilizations - 4 August 2008
Yale philosopher Seyla Benhabib interviewed by Karin Wahl-Jorgensen Seyla --“We are facing a generation who is getting all its information online. The consequence is that one’s points of reference are so multiple that they may not intersect and a common world may not emerge. But fragmentation can also bring effervescence - says Seyla Benhabib, philosopher and Professor of political science and philosophy at Yale. - One medium that is in great crisis is television. I would like to see a citizens’ forum, rather than these continuously self-referential talking heads and so-called experts. We extend the boundaries of our sympathy by understanding the conditions of others who may be radically different than us – she concludes – At its best journalism does this; it extends your vision of the world by making you see the world through the eyes of the others.” -- downloaded pdf to Note
political_philosophy  political_culture  democracy  Internet  information-intermediaries  information-markets  media  public_sphere  Habermas  public_opinion  empathy  citizenship  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Eurozine - Where is the power? - Wojciech Przybylski, Bartlomiej Sienkiewicz A conversation with Bartlomiej Sienkiewicz - July 2015
Original in Polish -- Translation by Aleksandra Malecka
First published in Res Publica, Nowa 30 (2015) -- In Europe all political thought is imperialist, says Bartlomiej Sienkiewicz. This means that politics as we know it today incorporates the experience of imperial politics from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, when the foundations of what we call "the political" were forged. -- downloaded pdf to Note
geopolitics  Europe  Europe-Early_Modern  empires  state-building  nation-state  national_interest  EU  EU_governance  imperial-soft  Germany  Germany-Eurozone  Russia  Russian_foreign_policy  Poland  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  post-WWII  post-Cold_War  empire-and_business  globalization  sovereignty  hierarchy  authority  public_policy  policymaking  public_opinion  political_culture  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Luca Corchia - Europe: Streeck replies to Habermas, and the debate goes on | Reset Dialogues on Civilizations - April 2014
The task of this brief presentation is to “establish a dialogue” with Streeck’s text, attempting to fill the hiatus between the answer and the original question that Habermas’ interpretation intended to pose to those wishing to simply dispose of economic and monetary union, ending up by dismantling the political and cultural integration project that inspired the founding fathers. -- downloaded pdf to Note
political_economy  international_finance  EU  EU_governance  ECB  Greece-Troika  monetary_union  Eurozone  Habermas  Europe-federalism  European_integration  nationalism  nation-state  national_interest  political_press  political_culture  economic_culture  financial_crisis  finance_capital  Great_Recession  democracy_deficit  public_opinion  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Heather K. Gerken and Joseph Fishkin - Whose party is it anyway? | Balkinization - June 2015
Description of key portion of paper published *downloaded from SSRN to Note) we imagine three models of who should control a party: 1. The equality model: On this model, each party member should have equal influence over the direction of the party. 2. The elite-driven model: On this model, the parties are not democracies; they are more like firms, competing in the broader democratic arena. In this analogy, party elites are the executives; the donors are the shareholders; and ordinary voters are like consumers who can accept or reject what the elites are selling. This model has its roots in a Schumpeterian conception of democracy. -- Neither of these models, we think, is adequate—either positively or normatively. (..) So we propose 3. The pluralist model: This hybrid model takes into account the party’s multi-layered role in our politics. On this model, the party stands in part for ordinary voters who make up the base of the party, in part for the party elites who run it, and in part for the activists in between—the party faithful, who knock on doors and show up at rallies and caucuses and provide much of the party’s energy. The party faithful are much more heavily involved in the party than ordinary voters, but much less influential than the Koch brothers. One major worry we have about the shift from official parties to shadow parties is that the party faithful may get squeezed out, leaving us with a politics that is more centralized and broadcast-like.
Instapaper  paper  SSRN  US_politics  parties  shadow_parties  political_participation  pluralism  voting  elections  democracy  democracy-direct  elites-political_influence  oligarchy  politics-and-money  partisanship  parties-transmission_belts  public_sphere  public_opinion  competition-political  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron -Judicial Review and Judicial Supremacy (Nov 2014) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 14-57 -- This paper attempts to identify a particular constitutional evil -- namely, judicial supremacy -- and to distinguish the objection to judicial supremacy from the broader case that can be made against judicial review. Even if one supports judicial review, one ought to have misgivings about the prospect of judicial supremacy. The paper associates judicial supremacy with three distinct tendencies in constitutional politics: (1) the temptation of courts to develop and pursue a general program (of policy and principle of their own) rather than just to intervene on a piecemeal basis; (2) the tendency of the highest court to become not only supreme but sovereign, by taking on a position of something like broad sovereignty within the constitutional scheme (thus confirming Thomas Hobbes in his conviction that the rule of law cannot be applied at the highest level of political authority in a state because any attempt to apply it just replicates sovereignty at a higher level)); (3) the tendency of courts to portray themselves as entitled to "speak before all others" for those who made the constitution, to take on the mantle of pouvoir constituant and to amend or change the understanding of the constitution when that is deemed necessary. -- Pages in PDF File: 44 -- Keywords: constitutions, Hobbes, judicial review, judicial supremacy, judges, judiciary, popular constitutionalism, rule of law, Sieyes, sovereignty -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  philosophy_of_law  jurisprudence  legal_theory  legal_system  political_philosophy  government-forms  Hobbes  Sieyes  sovereignty  authority  democracy  accountability  constitutions  constitutionalism  judicial_review  judiciary  conflict  public_policy  public_opinion  change-social  political_change  policymaking  downloaded 
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Mark Schmitt - The Old Progressives Messages Aren’t Working: a New, Comprehensive Approach to “Government Reform” | Washington Monthly
Next installment of reactions to Stan Greenberg's article on connecting with disenchanted working class white voters -- they'd be enthusiastic supporters of government action to address their increasingly precarious economic situation, but their distrust of government is profound. Greenberg claims Democrats can "get" a lot of these voters, but only if they convincingly tackle reforming government 1st. -- Schmitt thinks the standard Progressive responses to "government reform" won't speak to concerns of new generations of voters. The "technocratic efficiency" orientation of Clinton/Gore "reinventing government" has run out of steam for these voters, who are or potentially would be major consumers of government services. It's not the old DNV horror stories, but a lack of connectiveness that, with IT and customer services technology, has increasingly become part of expectations of the overall relation of citizens to "their" government that's supposed to be there for them. He gives a couple of examples to address the barriers to a sense of connection (which would also address efficiency issues but in a manner different from the bureaucratic orientation of cutting, reorganizing and outsourcing specific agency programs in "reinventing government"). Given the allergy in US politics to simple money transfers for redistributive programs, the tax code has become the preferred mechanism, with all sorts of different types of credits, exemptions and deductions that have made filing taxes and receiving benefits as complicated for those at or near the poverty line as for those in the upper brackets. Dems should make simplification for lower bracket taxpayers a top, visible priority, linked with the IRS focusing on evasion by ultra wealthy. Schmitt also gives examples of states that have a single entry point for all programs, with navigation tools that help users integrate their needs and questions across government services.
Instapaper  US_politics  Democrats  Democrats-strategy  political_messaging  working_class  voters-white  voters-demographics  public_opinion  public_policy  government_agencies  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Matt Taibbi - Forget What We Know Now: We Knew Then the Iraq War Was a Joke | Rolling Stone
So presidential hopeful Jeb Bush is taking a pounding for face-planting a question about his brother’s invasion of Iraq. Apparently, our national media priests…
US_politics  US_foreign_policy  US_government  Bush_administration  Iraq  bad_history  bad_journalism  public_opinion  intelligence_agencies  GWOT  Pentagon  Instapaper  from instapaper
may 2015 by dunnettreader
Raymond Boudon - Utilité ou Rationalité (2002) | Scribd
21 page article -- Explains why "rational choice" fails as explanatory theory in lots of collective action, public opinion, game theory, etc. -- domains where decisions to act aren't based exclusively on instrumental, consequentialist, cost-benefit calculative, and egoistic (directly concerned with impact on self) forms of, and context for, reasoning. Boudon finds "rational choice" superior to hand-wavy explanations that are speculative "black boxes" -- e.g. (1) sociobiology or evo-devo that we're hardwired, (2) Kahneman and Tversky heuristics and biases -- fascinating observations but aren't explanatory, (3) social/cultural explanations such as "socialization" which are tautological or a black box that provide no mechanisms that can differentiate situations or variations in outcomes. E.g. in Roman Empire peasants were more likely to remain pagan and soldiers were more likely to be attracted to the new religion. "Socialization" doesn't explain why soldiers raised in the traditional religious milieu and belief system were more likely to change their beliefs. Great examples of how rationality includes cognitive processes dealing with (1) non-instrumental contexts - e.g. identification with communitarian concerns ranging from voting to immigration policies, (2) aligning actions with one's judgment of what's more likely "true" based on core beliefs and how one has learned to evaluate "evidence" [e.g. Swedes are even more likely to reject "lump of labor" than Americans!] (3) axiological reasoning, including norms of fairness that may be fairly universal (e.g. reaction to Antigone, ultimatum game) or specific to a culture (e.g. due process in political application of "rule of law") -- see article for his tripartite classification of rationality and types of cognition that "rational choice" rejects in its definition. He thinks Weber and Adam Smith got there before, and better than, Becker.
article  Scribd  social_theory  mechanisms-social_theory  evolutionary_biology  evo_psych  rational_choice  rationality-economics  rationality-bounded  rationality  reasons  Weber  Smith  Becker_Gary  Simon_Herbert  fairness  community  identity  norms  epistemology-social  game_theory  altruism  cognitive_bias  cognition  cognition-social  democracy  citizens  voting  political_participation  collective_action  political_culture  public_choice  public_opinion  common_good  socialization  social_psychology  cost-benefit  self-interest  self-interest-cultural_basis  self-and-other  EF-add 
april 2015 by dunnettreader
Tim Neff, review - Andrew Pettegree, The Invention of News: How the World Came to Know About Itself | Public Books — April 2015
How did we go from that to the news as we now know it, broadcast across the globe and in cycles measured in milliseconds? Pettegree, a professor of modern history at the University of St. Andrews, in Scotland, finds answers by linking the emergence of news as a mass commodity to Western Europe’s development of communications networks between the 15th and 18th centuries. This network perspective decenters news as a singular object. Instead, what we get is a richly detailed history that shows the invention of news as a messy cultural process, with abrupt turns and setbacks. Major advances in information networks were quickly followed by retreats. Printers would reinvent news, only to fold a year or two later. When newspapers first appeared, a mass readership had to learn how to read brief accounts that provided much less context than the narrative histories with which they were familiar. Pettegree’s history of news suggests that crisis has shadowed journalism from the start. The Invention of News divides the earliest stirrings of modern news into three epochs, starting with the 15th and early 16th centuries, when the printing press spurred the transition from largely private news networks to the earliest forms of public news industries. Next, in the 16th and early 17th centuries, improved communications networks enabled the news to spread faster and to more people at less cost. Finally, in the 17th and 18th centuries, advertising expanded circulations, and Enlightenment ideals brought an empirical approach to news that led it to shed moral overtones.
books  reviews  kindle-available  cultural_history  cultural_change  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  Europe-Early_Modern  news  newspapers  publishing  readership  journalism  communication  information  information-markets  Enlightenment  mass_culture  networks-information  public_sphere  disinformation  witchcraft  public_opinion  public_disorder 
april 2015 by dunnettreader
The Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA) Brochure | GSA - US government
Advisory committees have played an important role in shaping programs and policies of the federal government from the earliest days of the Republic. Since President George Washington sought the advice of such a committee during the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794, the contributions made by these groups have been impressive and diverse. Today, an average of 1,000 advisory committees with more than 60,000 members advise the President and the Executive Branch on such issues as the disposal of high-level nuclear waste, the depletion of atmospheric ozone, the national fight against Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS), efforts to rid the Nation of illegal drugs, to improve schools, highways, and housing, and on other major programs. Through enactment of the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA) of 1972 (Public Law 92-463), the U.S. Congress formally recognized the merits of seeking the advice and assistance of our nation's citizens. At the same time, the Congress also sought to assure that advisory committees: ** Provide advice that is relevant, objective, and open to the public; ** Act promptly to complete their work; and ** Comply with reasonable cost controls and record keeping requirements. -- With the expertise from advisory committee members, federal officials and the nation have access to information and advice on a broad range of issues affecting federal policies and programs. The public, in return, is afforded an opportunity to provide input into a process that may form the basis for government decisions.
US_government  administrative_agencies  open_government  public_policy  public_opinion  public-private_partnerships  governments-information_sharing  government_agencies  technocracy  governance  public_interest 
february 2015 by dunnettreader
Full transcript: President Obama, Dec 4 2013 - Inequality and rolling back Reagan Revolution | The Washington Post
But starting in the late ‘70s, this social compact began to unravel.Technology made it easier for companies to do more with less, eliminating certain job occupations. A more competitive world led companies ship jobs anyway. And as good manufacturing jobs automated or headed offshore, workers lost their leverage; jobs paid less and offered fewer benefits. As values of community broke down and competitive pressure increased, businesses lobbied Washington to weaken unions and the value of the minimum wage. As the trickle-down ideology became more prominent, taxes were slashes for the wealthiest while investments in things that make us all richer, like schools and infrastructure, were allowed to wither. And for a certain period of time we could ignore this weakening economic foundation, in part because more families were relying on two earners, as women entered the workforce. We took on more debt financed by juiced-up housing market. But when the music stopped and the crisis hit, millions of families were stripped of whatever cushion they had left. And the result is an economy that’s become profoundly unequal and families that are more insecure. (..) it is harder today for a child born here in America to improve her station in life than it is for children in most of our wealthy allies, countries like Canada or Germany or France. They have greater mobility than we do, not less.(..) The combined trends of increased inequality and decreasing mobility pose a fundamental threat to the American dream, our way of life and what we stand for around the globe. And it is not simply a moral claim that I’m making here. There are practical consequences to rising inequality and reduced mobility. -- downloaded as pdf to Note
speech  Obama  inequality  supply-side  labor_share  business-ethics  norms  norms-business  morality-conventional  morality-Christian  utilitarianism  globalization  technology  US_foreign_policy  US_economy  US_politics  US_society  US_government  US_history  common_good  civic_virtue  economic_growth  economic_culture  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  unemployment  health_care  public_goods  public_opinion  public_policy  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Andrew Sprung - Reagan Revolution rollback | xpostfactoid - Jan 2015
Thanks largely to Piketty it's become increasingly clear that in the Reagan Revolution, middle class America sold its birthright for a mess of supply-side pottage. Dems willingness to credit GOP dogma -- raising taxes on high incomes and investment gains inhibits growth, deregulation spurs it -- are melting away. Post midterm losses, Dems are beginning to heighten rather than soft-pedal the policy contrasts between the parties. Wounded politically by perceptions that the ACA helps the poor at the expense of working people, they are looking for proposals attractive to the middle class. Emboldened by accelerating growth and employment gains, they are perhaps shedding inhibitions about leveling the playing field between workers and management. (..)To mess up my timeline a bit, Obama delivered a Pikettian narrative in Dec 2013 ..should have been a landmark speech on inequality (..) if he (and Dems) hadn't (tried to) protect their Senate majority. [In the Dec 2013 soeech] Obama zeroed in on policy choices. "As values of community broke down and competitive pressure increased, businesses lobbied Washington to weaken unions and the value of the minimum wage. As the trickle-down ideology became more prominent, taxes were slashes for the wealthiest while investments in things that make us all richer, like schools and infrastructure, were allowed to wither. And for a certain period of time we could ignore this weakening economic foundation (..) But when the music stopped and the crisis hit, millions of families were stripped of whatever cushion they had left. And the result is an economy that’s become profoundly unequal and families that are more insecure. -- terrific links roundup
US_economy  US_politics  Obama  Obama_administration  Reagan  supply-side  trickle-down  neoliberalism  inequality  middle_class  wages  wages-minimum  labor  labor_law  labor_share  labor_standards  Labor_markets  investment  executive_compensation  1-percent  infrastructure  education  education-higher  civic_virtue  common_good  Piketty  economic_growth  economic_culture  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  unemployment  health_care  public_goods  public_opinion  public_policy  elections  political_culture  political_economy  political_discourse  political_participation  Pocket 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Stephanie Snow, review - Michael Brown, Performing Medicine: Medical Culture and Identity in Provincial England, c.1760-1850 (Manchester University Press, 2011) | Reviews in History
Dr Stephanie Snow, Centre for the History of Science, Technology and Medicine, University of Manchester -- Brown takes a cultural historical approach (..) the ways in which medical identity and culture were transformed over the period from the late 18thC importance of liberal learning and the values of gentility and politeness to the early 19thC focus on vocationally specific forms of knowledge and association. (..) Through a case study of the social and intellectual activities of medical practitioners in the city of York, (..) crucial shifts in the culture of medicine between the 1760s and the 1850s. York (..) a geographical midway point between two key medical metropolises – London and Edinburgh; it did not experience the transformations associated with the processes of industrialization; yet it was shaped by many of the specific characteristics of the period such as political factionalism, the urban renaissance movement and ideologies of socio-scientific progressivism. (..) the ways through which medical practitioners fashioned their identities through public displays of knowledges such as botany, natural history, poetry and literature. Improvements in the health of the population (..) were principally due to the civic improvements in York such as paving and new drains as well as inoculation and other medical advances. [In the later 1830s] successive enactments of medical identity and authority set the stage for a new compact between medicine and society in which medical practitioners were nationally cast as experts in medical science with a collective desire and duty to alleviate disease and suffering. The transformations (..) are underlined by the public’s acceptance of the Medical School’s authority, under the provisions of the Anatomy Act, to dissect the body of a local man who had drowned in the river Ouse in 1835. Only 3 years earlier, (..) popular resistance to such activities during the cholera epidemic was high indeed. (..)case for the relevance of this history to the present dilemmas and controversies over professionalism and medicine and rightly stresses the social and political contingency of medical ideas and values. -- downloaded as pdf to Note
books  reviews  18thC  19thC  British_history  cultural_history  history_of_science  medicine  professionalization  scientific_culture  public_health  politeness  gentility  networks-social  networks-information  authority  improvement  urbanization  education-training  education-professional  public_policy  public_opinion  status  self-fashioning  identity  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Jacob Weisberg, review essay - Bridge Too Far - Rick Perlstein, The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan | Democracy Journal - Issue #34, Fall 2014
Rick Perlstein’s account of Ronald Reagan’s rise acknowledges his popularity, but doesn’t take the reasons behind it seriously enough. --
The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan By Rick Perlstein • Simon & Schuster • 2014 • 810 pages -- see Perlstein’s response -- both downloaded as pdf to Note
books  reviews  article  US_politics  US_history  US_society  US_government  US_foreign_policy  Cold_War  20thC  post-WWII  right-wing  Reagan  GOP  public_opinion  public_policy  elections  parties  partisanship  faction  historiography-20thC  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Rick Perlstein - The Reason for Reagan, A response to Jacob Weisberg. | Democracy Journal: Issue #35, Winter 2015
In 1984, the year Reagan won 49 states and 59 percent of the popular vote, only 35 percent of Americans said they favored substantial cuts in social programs in order to reduce the deficit. Given these plain facts, historiography on the rise of conservatism and the triumph of Ronald Reagan must obviously go beyond the deadening cliché that since Ronald Reagan said government was the problem, and Americans elected Ronald Reagan twice, the electorate simply agreed with him that government was the problem. But in his recent review of my book The Invisible Bridge [“A Bridge Too Far,” Issue #34], Jacob Weisberg just repeats that cliché—and others. “Rick Perlstein’s account of Reagan’s rise acknowledges his popularity,” the article states, “but doesn’t take the reasons behind it seriously enough.” Weisberg is confident those reasons are obvious. Is he right? -- downloaded as pdf to Note
books  reviews  article  US_politics  US_history  US_society  US_government  US_foreign_policy  Cold_War  20thC  post-WWII  right-wing  Reagan  GOP  public_opinion  public_policy  elections  parties  partisanship  faction  historiography-20thC  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Charles Walton, « Politics and Economies of Reputation », | Books and Ideas - La Vie des Idèes, 30 October 2014
Reviewed: (1) Jean-Luc Chappey, Ordres et désordres biographiques: Dictionnaires, listes de noms, réputation des Lumières à Wikipédia, Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2013. (2) Clare Haru Crowston, Credit, Fashion, Sex: Economies of Regard in Old Régime France, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. -- Historians of 18thC France have become increasingly interested in the ‘individual’. Inspired by the conceptual framework of such theorists as Foucault and Bourdieu, research on identity, self-fashioning and reputation has in recent years become bound up with the study of historical processes (social mobility, rising consumption, public opinion) that reveal a historically unstable and contingently produced ‘self’. The two monographs under consideration here investigate these themes, especially the problem of ‘regard’, that is, how individuals saw and assessed each other. Although the authors analyze different phenomena – biographical notices for Jean-Luc Chappey, fashion and credit for Clare Haru Crowston – both explore the practices that developed in the 18thC and early 19thC for representing and managing reputations. To be sure, the use of print and fashion to assert one’s standing in society had existed for centuries. Two developments, however, altered their importance in the 18thC. First, the consumer revolution, which made print and fashion increasingly accessible. This revolution offered new means for understanding the world (print) and expressing oneself (fashion). Second, the rise of a critical public sphere in which moral assessments about individuals – what they wrote, for example, and what they wore – became increasingly difficult to control. Struggles over social standing took place in an increasingly competitive world, where textual accounts of one’s life and work (Chappey) and sartorial strategies (Crowston) became vulnerable to the vicissitudes of market forces and public opinion. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  18thC  19thC  France  cultural_history  social_history  social_order  status  identity  self  self-fashioning  print_culture  readership  fashion  credit  public_sphere  celebrity  consumers  consumerism  public_opinion  reputation  social_capital  Bourdieu  Foucault  biography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Amanda Vickery - Those Gorgeous Georgians - Tercentenary Review | academia.edu
Downloaded docx to iPhone -- We tend to associate the Georgian era with glacial calm, tinkling tea cups, and whispering silk dresses, an oasis of elegance and calm between the strife of the Civil War and the grime and class struggle of the Victorians. But this is a pallid Sunday teatime vision of the eighteenth century. Th... - published as article in The Telegraph(?)
paper  academia  downloaded  memory-cultural  cultural_history  social_history  British_history  English_lit  art_history  music_history  elite_culture  court_culture  18thC  19thC  monarchy  change-social  historiography  politeness  public_opinion  popular_culture  consumers  urbanism  social_order  crime  fiscal-military_state  colonialism  trade  status  hierarchy  religious_history 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Chris Dillow - Blair the ideologue | Stumbling & Mumbling Jan 2015
In his interview with the Economist, Tony Blair seems like a sad old man living in the past. He says that "the Labour Party succeeds best when it is in the centre ground" - something which entails "not alienating large parts of business, for one thing”. What this misses is that things have changed since the 1990s. What worked for Labour then might well not work now. What I mean is that in the 1990s Labour could plausibly offer positive-sum redistribution and could therefore please both left and right. (..) Such policies were centrist, vote-winning and (within limits) reasonable economics. However, we don't live in the 90s any more. There are at least five big differences between then and now.
political_economy  20thC  21stC  UK_politics  UK_evonomy  Labour  Tories  right-wing  parties  neoliberalism  public_opinion  Blair_Tony 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Patrick Wallace Hughes - Antidotes to Deism: A reception history of Thomas Paine's "The Age of Reason", 1794--1809 (2013 dissertation) | ProQuest Gradworks
Hughes, Patrick Wallace, Ph.D., UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH, 2013, 362 pages; 3573259 - Adviser: Paula M. Kane -- In the Anglo-American world of the late 1790s, Thomas Paine's The Age of Reason was not well received, and his volumes of Deistic theology were characterized as extremely dangerous. Over 70 replies to The Age of Reason appeared in Britain and the US. It was widely criticized in the periodical literature, and it garnered Paine the reputation as a champion of irreligion. This dissertation is a study of the rhetoric of refutation, and I focus on the replies to The Age of Reason that were published during Paine's lifetime (d. 1809). To effectively refute The Age of Reason, Paine's respondents had to contend not only with his Deistic arguments, but also with his international reputation, his style of writing, and his intended audience. I argue that much of the driving force behind the controversy over The Age of Reason stems from the concern that it was geared towards the “uneducated masses” or the “lower orders.” (..) For Paine's critics, when the masses abandon their Christianity for Deism, bloody anarchy is the inevitable result, as proven by the horrors of the French Revolution. (..) Drawing on Habermas's theories of the bourgeois public sphere, I focus on how respondents to The Age of Reason reveal not only their concerns and anxieties over the book, but also what their assumptions about authorial legitimacy and expectations about qualified reading audiences say about late 18thC print culture. -- downloaded pdf to Note
thesis  18thC  19thC  Paine  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  theology  Deism  natural_religion  Christianity  religious_lit  religious_culture  political_culture  publishing  pamphlets  journalism  lower_orders  public_opinion  public_sphere  print_culture  hierarchy  mass_culture  anarchy  readership  social_order  public_disorder  Radical_Enlightenment  masses-fear_of  French_Revolution  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Clement Fatovic - Reason and Experience in Alexander Hamilton’s Science of Politics | JSTOR: American Political Thought, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring 2013), pp. 1-30
Alexander Hamilton is often described as an enterprising modernist who promoted forward-looking reforms that broke with established institutions and ideas. However, the scale and apparent novelty of his reforms have tended to obscure the extent to which those innovations were rooted in a belief that knowledge and practice must be guided by “experience.” This article argues that even Hamilton’s most far-reaching reforms were grounded in a Humean understanding of the limits of rationality in explaining and controlling the world. Hamilton’s agreement with David Hume on the epistemic authority of experience helps explain his positions on constitutional design, executive power, democratic politics, public opinion, and other important political issues. Moreover, the epistemological underpinnings of Hamilton’s political thought are significant because they suggest that a “science of politics” grounded in experience can avoid some of the dangers associated with more rationalistic approaches yet still be quite open to significant innovation in politics. - as much or more Hume's various essays as Hamilton
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  18thC  British_history  British_politics  US_history  US_constitution  US_politics  US_economy  political_economy  political_culture  economic_culture  epistemology  epistemology-social  US_government  public_opinion  public_finance  democracy  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  fiscal-military_state  sovereign_debt  Hume  Hume-politics  Hamilton  Founders  Early_Republic  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
The Irrelevance of Legitimacy by Xavier Marquez :: SSRN - Sept 2014
Xavier Marquez , Victoria University of Wellington - September 17, 2014 --  Both popular and academic explanations of the stability, performance, and breakdown of political order make heavy use of the concept of legitimacy. But prevalent understandings of the idea of legitimacy, while perhaps useful and appropriate ways of making sense of the political world in ordinary public discourse, cannot play the more rigorous explanatory roles with which they are tasked in the social sciences. To the extent that the concept of legitimacy appears to have some explanatory value, this is only because explanations of social and political order that appeal to legitimacy in fact conceal widely different (and often inconsistent) accounts of the mechanisms involved in the production of obedience to authority and submission to norms. I suggest in this paper that explanatory social science would be better off abandoning the coarse concept of legitimacy for more precise accounts of the operation of these mechanisms in particular contexts. -- Keywords: legitimacy, Max Weber, social explanation, norms, David Beetham - Posted: March 22, 2012 ; Last revised: Sept 25, 2014 -- downloaded to Dropbox
paper  SSRN  political_philosophy  political_science  political_sociology  social_theory  government-forms  authority  legitimacy  public_opinion  causation-social  norms  mechanisms-social  Weber  downloaded  EF-add 
november 2014 by dunnettreader
Laura Lunger Knoppers, review - Derek Hirst, Richard Strier eds, Writing and Political Engagement in 17thC England; Brendan Dooley, Sabrina Baron, eds, The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe | JSTOR: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Spri
Review gives a thumbnail of each contribution to the 2 collections. In the Hirst book his chapter on Marvell's satire of Mr. Bays looks particularly interesting, also a chapter on Algernon Sidney and his attack on Filmer. The information book looks more "ground breaking" studying the pattern across the 17thC of how people in England got news and where print comes in, the continuing life of manuscript newsletters, etc. The latter part of the book has chapters on a number of Continental polities (including Venice, Dutch Republic, Spain), highlighting major periods of development and comparing with the English pattern. -- worth hunting down in a library though since it's from 1999 a lot more news and information studies have been published, so it may be a bit dated -- didn't download
books  reviews  jstor  find  libraries  cultural_history  social_history  literary_history  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Interregnum  Restoration  Exclusion_Crisis  newspapers  news  political_press  propaganda  censorship  readership  public_opinion  Venice  Dutch  Spain  espionage  diplomacy  diplomats  intelligence_agencies  poetry  Marvell  Sidney_Algernon  Filmer  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Suzanne J. Konzelmann - The political economics of austerity | Cambridge Journal of Economics 2013
Birkbeck, University of London. -- The 2007/08 financial crisis has reignited the debate about economic austerity. With the aim of understanding why a government would pursue such a policy in the current context of persistent economic recession, this article traces the social, political and economic developments that have together shaped the evolution of ideas about austerity, from the earliest theorising by the classical political economists some 300 years ago. Throughout the historical narrative, important analytical themes revolve around the arguments used to justify austerity—notably appeals to ethics and morality (reinforced by misleading analogies drawn between government budgets and the accounts of firms and households). These include concerns about inflation and the observed relationship between inflation and unemployment; ‘Ricardian equivalence’ and ‘non-Keynesian’ effects of austerity; and the correlation between public debt levels and economic growth. The class analytics of austerity—who bears the burden of austerity and who benefits—and the process by which alternative ideas penetrate the mainstream and reconstitute the conventional wisdom are also important analytical themes. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  intellectual_history  political_economy  economic_theory  economic_sociology  economic_policy  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  Great_Recession  austerity  business_cycles  business-and-politics  ideology  macroeconomics  fiscal_policy  monetary_policy  inflation  unemployment  moral_economy  historical_sociology  class_conflict  public_opinion  public_finance  sovereign_debt  economic_growth  debt  debtors  creditors  intermediation  Labor_markets  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
LLOYD BOWEN -- ROYALISM, PRINT, AND THE CLERGY IN BRITAIN, 1639–1640 AND 1642. (2013). | The Historical Journal, 56, pp 297-319. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
LLOYD BOWEN - University of Cardiff -- Charles I and his clerical supporters are often said to have been wary of print and public discussion, only entering the public sphere reluctantly and to comparatively little effect during the political crisis of 1642. This article challenges such views by focusing on the neglected role of official forms of print such as proclamations, declarations, and state prayers and their promulgation in the nation's churches. It traces the ways in which the king utilized the network of parish clergy to broadcast his message and mobilize support during the Scottish crisis of 1639–40 and again in the ‘paper war’ of 1642. The article argues that traditional forms of printed address retained their potency and influence despite the proliferation of polemical pamphlets and newsbooks. The significance of these mobilizations is demonstrated by the profound disquiet they caused among the king's Covenanter and parliamentarian opponents as well as the ‘good effects’ they had in generating support for the royalist cause. -* I am most grateful to Mark Stoyle, Mark Kishlansky, John Walter, Jacqueline Eales, and the anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts of this article. -- available for download
article  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Charles_I  propaganda  monarchy  Church_of_England  clergy  parish  politics-and-religion  political_culture  public_opinion  religious_culture  authority  political_order  publishing  pamphlets  political_press  prayers-state  religion-established  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Brian Leiter - The Case Against Free Speech (July 2014 working paper) :: SSRN
Free societies employ a variety of institutions — including courts and schools — in which speech is heavily regulated on the basis of its content ... in order to promote other desirable ends, including discovery of the truth. I illustrate this with the case of courts and rules of evidence. Three differences between courts and the polity might seem to counsel against extending that approach more widely. First, the courtroom has an official and somewhat reliable (as well as reviewable) arbiter of the epistemic merits, while the polity may not. Second, no other non-epistemic values of speech are at stake in the courtroom, whereas they are in the polity. Third, the courtroom’s jurisdiction is temporally limited in a way the polity’s may not be. I argue that only the first of these poses a serious worry about speech regulation outside select institutions like courts. I also argue for viewing "freedom of speech" like "freedom of action": speech, like everything else human beings do, can be for good or ill... and thus the central question in free speech jurisprudence should really be how to regulate speech effectively — to minimize its very real harms, without undue cost to its positive values — rather than rationalizing (often fancifully) the supposed special value of speech. In particular, I argue against autonomy-based defenses of a robust free speech principle. I conclude that the central issue in free speech jurisprudence is not about speech but about institutional competence; I offer some reasons — from the Marxist "left" and the public choice "right"— for being skeptical that capitalist democracies have the requisite competence; and make some suggestive but inconclusive remarks about how these defects might be remedied. - No of Pages: 41
paper  SSRN  philosophy_of_law  political_philosophy  free_speech  Mill  Hayek  Adorno  Frankfurt_School  Kant  Kant-ethics  Marx  autonomy  networks-information  evidence  epistemology-social  education  regulation  public_choice  public_sphere  public_opinion  political_participation  competition 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Charles Howard McIlwain, Constitutionalism: Ancient and Modern [1947] - Online Library of Liberty
Charles Howard McIlwain, Constitutionalism: Ancient and Modern (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2008). 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2145> -- Constitutionalism: Ancient and Modern explores the very roots of liberty by examining the development of modern constitutionalism from its ancient and medieval origins. Derived from a series of lectures delivered by Charles Howard McIlwain at Cornell University in the 1938–39 academic year, these lectures provide a useful introduction to the development of modern constitutional forms. -- Introduction states the "problem" beginning with Bolingbroke's definition of the Septennial Act and Whig abandonment of Revolution Principles, and Burke, Paine, arbitrary government and written constitutions. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  political_philosophy  political_history  political_culture  government-forms  constitutionalism  English_constitution  US_constitution  French_Revolution  American_Revolution  legal_system  legal_history  legal_theory  judiciary  checks-and-balances  separation-of-powers  Absolutism  representative_institutions  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  medieval_history  feudalism  monarchy  limited_monarchy  resistance_theory  social_contract  public_opinion  political_participation  reform-political  reform-legal  Bolingbroke  Revolution_Principles  Whigs-oligarchy  Whigs-opposition  Burke  Paine  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works and Life of Walter Bagehot, vol. 3 (Historical & Literary Essays) - Online Library of Liberty
BéRANGER. (1857.) *--* THE WAVERLEY NOVELS. (1858.) *--* CHARLES DICKENS. (1858.) *--* PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. (1859.) *--* NOTE. *--* JOHN MILTON. (1859.) *--* THE HISTORY OF THE UNREFORMED PARLIAMENT, AND ITS LESSONS. (1860.) *--* MR. GLADSTONE.1 (1860.) *--* MEMOIR OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JAMES WILSON. (1860.) *--* “To the Right Honourable Sir Charles Wood, Bart., G.C.B., Secretary of State for India. *--* THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AT THE PRESENT CRISIS. CAUSES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.
books  etexts  17thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  English_lit  Milton  Scott_Sir_Walter  Dickens  Parliament  franchise  elections  parties  political_change  political_culture  Gladstone  US_Civil_War  British_Empire  British_foreign_policy  popular_politics  public_opinion  reform-political  historical_fiction  reform-social  US_constitution  Bagehot  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Paolo Ramazzotti - Policymaking and Learning Actors, or Is a 'Double Movement' in Cognition Possible? | JSTOR: Journal of Economic Issues, Vol. 41, No. 3 (Sep., 2007), pp. 765-781
Focus is on Polanyi's theory of implications of widening split between economic and societal goals - posits market efficiency and prices etc functions as coordination mechanisms require broadly shared images of the political economy. Uses Simon's bounded rationality to examine how learning happens, why business is likely to have oversized influence on shared images, and that policy changes may require a commitment to influencing the learning process so alternatives to business images can be shared basis of action -- interesting bibliography of classic political economy and social theory. -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_economy  social_theory  rationality-economics  economic_culture  moral_economy  capitalism  political_culture  common_good  reform-economic  efficiency  public_policy  public_sphere  public_opinion  Polanyi_Karl 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Christian Nadeau, review essay - Blaise Bachofen (dir.), Le libéralisme au miroir du droit. L’État, la personne, la propriété - Philosophiques v36 n1 2009, p. 249-253 | Érudit 
Christian Nadeau - Université de Montréal -- Ces auteurs, pour la plupart spécialistes de philosophie politique moderne, se sont penchés sur des notions fondamentales du libéralisme en les situant dans leur contexte théorique d’émergence. Sont ainsi passés au crible de l’analyse philosophique les oeuvres de Locke, Hume, Montesquieu, Bentham, Constant et Tocqueville, mais aussi, celles des auteurs associés au conservatisme, comme Burke ou Bonald. Dans son introduction, Blaise Bachofen explique les raisons pour lesquelles les textes rassemblés dans ce recueil se recoupent sur la notion de libéralisme normatif, et plus précisément de libéralisme juridique. La norme de droit propre au libéralisme permet en effet de rendre compte à la fois de sa dimension politique et de sa dimension économique. L’égal traitement de droit contient en lui-même les motivations morales des principes fondamentaux du libéralisme. -- Trois grandes notions ont été retenues pour expliciter le paradigme du libéralisme juridique : L’État, comme lieu des échanges et des protections individuelles ; la personne, comme sujet du droit et de la liberté ; la propriété, comme notion canonique du rapport de l’individu à lui-même et aux objets qu’il peut légitimement faire siens. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  intellectual_history  18thC  19thC  British_history  France  Locke-2_Treatises  Hume-politics  Hume-ethics  Montesquieu  Bentham  Burke  Constant  Tocqueville  liberalism  property  property_rights  equality  civil_liberties  nation-state  utilitarianism  legal_system  counter-revolution  social_contract  legitimacy  public_opinion  political_culture  natural_law  natural_rights  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Thomas Cogswell - John Felton, Popular Political Culture, and the Assassination of the Duke of Buckingham | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Jun., 2006), pp. 357-385
This article analyses the motivation behind John Felton's assassination of the duke of Buckingham in August 1628. It focuses attention on his family's tortured relationship with the regime, and it highlights Felton's military service in Spain, Ireland, and France. Wounded in the disastrous withdrawal from the Ile de Ré, he returned to London to convalesce, and there he slipped into the metropolitan 'underground' manuscript culture that was saturated with poems and tracts excoriating the duke. Finally he was able to witness the mounting violence in the city in the summer of 1628 that culminated in the murder of the duke's sorcerer, Dr Lamb. Felton's murder of the duke was far from inevitable, but as this article hopes to show, his ability to slot his own personal frustration into the increasingly virulent hostility to the favourite ultimately transformed Felton into the instrument of public retribution. -- didn't download
article  jstor  17thC  British_history  British_politics  political_culture  public_opinion  publishing  political_press  popular_politics  underground_culture  Charles_I  Buckingham_1st_Duke  public_disorder  violence  London  City_politics 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
David Cressy - Revolutionary England 1640-1642 | JSTOR: Past & Present, No. 181 (Nov., 2003), pp. 35-71
Both an historiographical review of the revisionism debates on the English Civil War and n elaboration of Cressy views that inform his work on the 17thC -- Sees decline and rise of Charles I position linked to explosion of revolutions in every category of English society - not only political and religious - and Parliamentarians failure to manage or bring under control. Civil War when governing class, long anxious re social change, took different sides in what to be done. The conflict continued to play out the next 2 decades. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  change-social  social_history  cultural_history  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  religious_history  religious_culture  church_history  politics-and-religion  monarchy  Absolutism  mixed_government  middle_class  lower_orders  public_sphere  public_opinion  local_government  godly_persons  Laudian  Church_of_England  Puritans  Presbyterians  City_politics  merchants  mercantilism  Protestant_International  anti-Catholic  elite_culture  landed_interest  gentry  court_culture  courtiers  legal_system  legal_culture  common_law  James_I  Charles_I  downloaded  English_constitution 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
John Walter - Confessional Politics in Pre-Civil War Essex: Prayer Books, Profanations, and Petitions | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Sep., 2001), pp. 677-701
This article contributes to the debate over the value of petitions for the recovery of 'public opinion' in early modern England. It argues for a greater attentiveness to the politics and processes in their production. An analysis of a hitherto unknown draft Essex 'prayer book' petition explores the construction of contrasting royalist and parliamentarian confessional politics. A reading of the content of the petitions offers evidence of the popular response to the Laudian ceremonialism; a reconstruction of the politics of its production provides evidence of the attempt to construct a political alliance in support of the crown around defence of the prayer book; a reconstruction of the occasion for the petition - the capture of the Essex grand jury by the godly and well affected - suggests a very different, and ultimately more successful, confessional parliamentarian politics. In identifying the critical role played by the middling sort - translating their role in the politics of the parish to the politics of the state - the article argues that a marriage of the research strategy of the social historian with the agenda of a 'new political history' will help to establish the enlarged social depth to the public sphere in early modern England. -- huge bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  political_history  historiography  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  religious_history  Laudian  godly_persons  Puritans  political_culture  religious_culture  petitions  Royalists  Parliamentarians  Church_of_England  local_politics  local_government  middle_class  public_sphere  public_opinion  Bolingbroke-family  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
David Zaret - Petitions and the "Invention" of Public Opinion in the English Revolution | JSTOR: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 101, No. 6 (May, 1996), pp. 1497-1555
Current accounts of the capitalist and Protestant origins of the democratic public sphere are inconsistent and speculative. This empirical account explains the transition in political communication from norms of secrecy to appeals to public opinion. Popular communicative change in the English Revolution anticipated, in practice, the democratic theory of the public sphere when printing transformed a traditional instrument of communication-the petition. Petitions had medieval origins and traditions that upheld norms of secrecy and privilege in political communication. Economic and technical properties of printing-namely, heightened commercialism and the capacity to reproduce texts-demolished these norms by changing the scope and content of communication by petition. This practical innovation appears in all factions in the revolution. But among radical groups, the political use of printed petitions led to novel theories and to democratic speculation on constitutional provisions that would ensure the authority of public opinion in politics. This analysis contradicts key assumptions on communicative change that fuel pessimistic assessments of the modern public sphere in post-modernism and critical theory. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  public_sphere  social_process  change-social  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  mixed_government  public_opinion  democracy  arcana_imperii  political_culture  social_order  printing  print_culture  communication  political_press  political_participation  petitions  radicals  commonwealth  Levellers  postmodern  critical_theory  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add  English_constitution 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
On Compromise (1874) -- The works of Lord Morley, Vol 3 - John Morley - Google Books
Concerned about erosion of acting according to moral and political principles. Analysis of causes (1) French example of claiming that policies deduced from general principles gives principle a bad name (2) historicism (1st rumbles of "relativism" accusation) (3) newspapers responding to short term opinions and prejudices of buyers (4) State Church puts important part of educated elite into defense of status quo and rejection of thinking through implications of new information, conditions etc - as well as encourage hypocrisy (5) nouveau riche that has neither the class tradition of noblesse oblige nor what he takes to be widely shared American attachment to the notion of the common good -- a political and intellectual_history of 19thC England, including reaction to Enlightenment - last chapter focus on free thought vs free speech, Locke, JS Mill, liberty and toleration, ending with remarks by Diderot -- added to Google_Books library
books  etexts  Google_Books  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  intellectual_history  France  Anglo-French  Enlightenment  Hume  Diderot  Locke-religion  Mill  tolerance  free-thinkers  free_speech  public_opinion  newspapers  haute_bourgeoisie  moral_philosophy  political_philosophy  political_culture  Church_of_England  religious_culture  religious_belief  historicism  evolution-social  evolution-as-model  liberalism  Victorian  Morley  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Trenchard & Girdon - The Independent Whig, 4 vols. - Online Library of Liberty
Thomas Gordon, The Independent Whig: or, a Defence of Primitive Christianity, And of Our Ecclesiastical Establishment, against The Exorbitant Claims and Encroachments of Fanatical and Disaffected Clergymen. (London: J. Peele, 1743-47). 4 vols. 5/5/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2381> Trenchard and Gordon wrote articles for this weekly journal during the period 1720-21 just before they began work on their better known periodical Cato’s Letters which appeared 1720-23. In a total of 53 essays they criticized the power and abuses of the ecclesiastical establishment in Britain. As Trenchard died in 1723, Gordon edited the essays for later publication. The second edition was published in 1741. -- The text is in the public domain. It was scanned and originally put online by Google for non-commercial, educational purposes. We have retained the Google watermark as requested but have added tables of contents, pagination, and other educational aids where appropriate
etexts  18thC  British_politics  1720s  Whigs-opposition  journalism  publishing  public_opinion  theology  Early_Christian  anticlerical  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Hugh Dunthorne - Britain and the Dutch Revolt 1560-1700 (2013) :: Cambridge University Press
Hardback and ebook - not yet pbk -- England's response to the Revolt of the Netherlands (1568–1648) has been studied hitherto mainly in terms of government policy, yet the Dutch struggle with Habsburg Spain affected a much wider community than just the English political elite. It attracted attention across Britain and drew not just statesmen and diplomats but also soldiers, merchants, religious refugees, journalists, travellers and students into the conflict. Hugh Dunthorne draws on pamphlet literature to reveal how British contemporaries viewed the progress of their near neighbours' rebellion, and assesses the lasting impact which the Revolt and the rise of the Dutch Republic had on Britain's domestic history. The book explores affinities between the Dutch Revolt and the British civil wars of the seventeenth century - the first major challenges to royal authority in modern times - showing how much Britain's changing commercial, religious and political culture owed to the country's involvement with events across the North Sea. --

** Reveals the wide-ranging impact of the Dutch Revolt on Britain's political, religious and commercial culture
** Connects the Dutch Revolt and Britain's seventeenth-century civil wars
** Places early modern Dutch and British history in international context
books  find  kindle-available  16thC  17thC  British_history  British_politics  British_Navy  Dutch  Spain  Dutch_Revolt  Thirty_Years_War  Protestant_International  English_Civil_War  diplomatic_history  military_history  Elizabeth  James_I  Charles_I  Restoration  economic_culture  political_culture  religious_culture  Calvinist  Absolutism  public_opinion  political_participation  political_press  politics-and-religion  William_III  Glorious_Revolution  Whigs  Whigs-Radicals  exiles  pamphlets  travel  Europe-Early_Modern  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Neil Brody Miller - "Proper Subjects for Public Inquiry": The First Unitarian Controversy and the Transformation of Federalist Print Culture | JSTOR: Early American Literature, Vol. 43, No. 1 (2008), pp. 101-135
Lots of primary and secondary references - continues debate against seeing Jeffersonians as innovative in using press to expand public sphere and speak for common man but Federakists as reactive and manipulative for similar activity that in fact did more for wider public participation and voice -- episode also sets pattern for triumph of non-sectarian, Trinitarian, evangelical, bible and tract version of Christianity as public sphere religion -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_history  religious_history  public_sphere  18thC  19thC  Early_Republic  New_England  cultural_capital  cultural_authority  civic_virtue  public_opinion  political_participation  politics-and-religion  political_culture  religious_culture  republicanism  publishing  deference  consensus  anti-Trinitarian  Unitarian  Calvinist  Evangelical  religion-established  clergy  education-higher  Federalist  Jeffersonians  political_press  community  elites  elite_culture  cultural_critique  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Jonathan G. W. Conlin - High Art and Low Politics: A New Perspective on John Wilkes | JSTOR: Huntington Library Quarterly, Vol. 64, No. 3/4 (2001), pp. 356-381
Fascinating for mid to late 18thC issues for both Continental Enlightenment and British thinkers and artists re scope of public sphere and state responsibility for promotion of the arts, its benefits for polite culture including middle classes with polite aspirations -- Wilkes connections with philosophes including Holbach and Diderot -- and how Wilkes wove his political reforms and promotion of arts and industry together. Useful discussion of range of historian takes on Wilkes, who he mobilized, relation with older republican opposition and later dissenters and radical opposition. Hume opposition to Wilkes' anti monarchy and anti aristocracy republicanism leads to different assessment of progress in civilizing arts and role of doux commerce. Each historian seems to put Wilkes in their own narrative resulting in dramatically different assessments of both Wilkes himself and his impact. -- useful references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_history  cultural_history  art_history  18thC  French_Enlightenment  British_history  British_politics  George_III  Wilkes  Hume  Diderot  d'Holbach  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  republicanism  opposition  public_sphere  public_opinion  governing_class  political_nation  political_culture  accountability  Parliament  franchise  Septennial_Act  nationalism  national_ID  xenophobia  anti-monarchy  anti-aristocracy  middle_class  merchants  state-roles  Grand_Tour  patriotism  Prussia  Frederick_the_Great  Catherine_the_Great  Walpole  Walpole_Horace  museums  academies  bibliography  enlightened_absolutism  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
James Raven - New Reading Histories, Print Culture and the Identification of Change: The Case of 18thC England | JSTOR: Social History, Vol. 23, No. 3 (Oct., 1998), pp. 268-287
This article considers the consequences of new reading histories that have pursued the question of reading practices -- how people read texts, rather than just who readers were and what it was that they read. New theoretical considerations widen our appreciation of the difficulty in recovering the history of reading, but they must also confront the limitations and peculiarities of the evidence available. Using eighteenth-century England as a case study, the article reviews recent work -- much from diverse research not usually associated with reading history -- and assesses the potential for future study. Important questions about the relationship between literature, belief and action, about the nature of 'popular' and 'elite' culture, about the archaeology of political and social thought, and about the dissemination and control of ideas, cannot be determined without asking what reading meant. Such enquiry is particularly rewarding in writing the history of the transitional and diverse society of eighteenth-century England. It also reinforces concern that pursuit of new reading histories through an exploration of reading practice can marginalise the evaluation of change by concentrating on an examination of the singular and the synchronic. Only by the broadest research strategies, the article suggests, can new reading history most fully contribute to an understanding of eighteenth-century English social history. -- interesting bibliography -- didn't download
article  jstor  social_history  cultural_history  intellectual_history  historiography  historical_change  literacy  reading  reader_response  readership  popular_culture  elite_culture  intelligentsia  public_opinion  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Esther Snell - Discourses of criminality in the eighteenth-century press: the presentation of crime in The Kentish Post, 1717–1768 | Continuity and Change (2007) - Cambridge Journals Online
In the eighteenth century the newspaper became the most important source for the printed dissemination of criminological stories and information. In bringing together thousands of narratives about crime and justice it far outstripped any other printed source of the period. As the primary literary means of accessing stories and information about crime, it is likely that newspapers influenced their readers' perceptions of and attitudes towards crime and the justice system. This article offers a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the crime content of one provincial newspaper, The Kentish Post, or Canterbury Newsletter. The study reveals the newspaper to have been constructed to a template, which privileged crime as one of its most important subjects. However, the editorial imperatives of compiling a regular text with an unprecedented number of stories resulted in a discourse of the nature, causes and consequences of crime very different to that expounded in the pamphlet literature, which had been the mainstay of printed discourses about crime before the arrival of newspapers and with which historians are more familiar.
article  paywall  social_history  cultural_history  18thC  public_opinion  crime  judiciary  public_disorder  public_policy  lower_orders  sociology_of_knowledge  newspapers  pamphlets  political_press  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Jonathan White - The “Slow but Sure Poyson”: The Representation of Gin and Its Drinkers, 1736–1751 | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 42, No. 1 (January 2003), pp. 35-64
It can often seem that William Hogarth's famous Gin Lane (1751) says all that would ever need to be said about the “gin craze” of the early eighteenth century. The engraving has come to be virtually identified with its subject, revealing and circumscribing possible histories within its familiar lines. Yet, Gin Lane appeared at a determinate moment, chronologically marking the end of the gin craze and the culmination of one phase in the history of proletarian drinking. During this phase, as I will argue, there were significant changes in both the social conditions and relations that shaped laboring-class drinking and the ideas through which the propertied classes attempted to understand and control it. That this has not been argued before suggests how many historians have approached this phenomenon as a distinct social problem with fairly simple, basic features. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  cultural_history  political_history  18thC  British_history  British_politics  lower_orders  popular_culture  popular_politics  gin_craze  public_disorder  crime  violence  riots  public_opinion  Parliament  taxes  Whigs-oligarchy  1730s  1740s  Hogarth  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Julian Hoppit - Political Arithmetic in Eighteenth-Century England | JSTOR: The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 49, No. 3 (Aug., 1996), pp. 516-540
With regard to public policy, in late seventeenth-century Britain there was a remarkable development of social statistics, what Petty called 'political arithmetic'. The general view, however, is that this new approach ended early in the eighteenth century only to be rediscovered by the early Victorian statistical movement. In fact, through the eighteenth century public policy continued to be considered partly in quantitative terms. This article explores some of the dimensions and peculiarities of this varied and extensive political arithmetic. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  economic_history  political_history  18thC  British_politics  political_arithmetick  UK_economy  UK_Government  Parliament  public_policy  public_opinion  political_press  economic_growth  wages  prices  trade  fiscal_policy  sovereign_debt  fiscal-military_state  taxes  Excise_Crisis  luxury  UK_government-colonies  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Robert A. Manzer - Hume's Constitutionalism and the Identity of Constitutional Democracy | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 488-496
Modern constitutional democracy entails a particular kind of political self-understanding that uniquely centers on a constitution. While many recent studies have focused on how constitutional text shapes this self-understanding, little attention has been paid to the implications of different views of constitutional authority. This is a critical consideration, however, because constitutional authority has always been intrinsically fragile within constitutional democracy, and never more so than at present. In this article, I explore the potential of constitutional science to generate a conception of constitutional authority and collective identity. I focus on David Hume's effort to use constitutional science to shape opinion about liberty and the nature of the political community. This analysis also provides a basis for reflecting on the problematic relation of democracy to constitutionalism and on the peculiar problem of constitutional opinion in constitutional democracy. -- extensive bibliography -- didn't download
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  British_history  Hume  Hume-politics  constitutionalism  democracy  public_opinion  legitimacy  national_ID  community  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John P. McCormick - Machiavelli against Republicanism: On the Cambridge School's "Guicciardinian Moments" | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 31, No. 5 (Oct., 2003), pp. 615-643
Scholars loosely affiliated with the "Cambridge School" (e.g., Pocock, Skinner, Viroli, and Pettit) accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from republicanism for contemporary politics reinforce rather than reform the "senatorial," electorally based, and socioeconomically agnostic republican model (devised by Machiavelli's aristocratic interlocutor, Guicciardini, and refined by Montesquieu and Madison) that permits common citizens to acclaim but not determine government policies. Cambridge School textual interpretations and practical proposals have little connection with Machiavelli's "tribunate," class-specific model of popular government elaborated in The Discourses, one that relies on extra-electoral accountability techniques and embraces deliberative popular assemblies.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  historiography  16thC  21stC  Machiavelli  republicanism  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  oligarchy  elites  populism  public_opinion  popular_politics  political_participation  neo-Roman  class_conflict  accountability  tribune  Guiccidarini  Cambridge_School  rule_of_law  common_good  non-domination  liberty  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Natasha Glaisyer - "A due Circulation in the Veins of the Publick": Imagining Credit in Late 17thC and Early 18thC England | JSTOR: The Eighteenth Century, Vol. 46, No. 3 (FALL 2005), pp. 277-297
Thinks too much has been made of fickle Lady Credit and Pocock's Machiavelli reading of anti commerce. Shows other metaphors, eg circulation of blood, and rich pamphlet literature of proposals for dealing with credit necessary for commercial prosperity as well as state financing - shows people weren't such ninnies as Pocock's version would have it. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  economic_history  economic_culture  political_economy  17thC  18thC  British_history  sovereign_debt  credit  money_supply  capital_markets  money_market  political_press  public_opinion  public_finance  public_policy  fiscal-military_state  commerce  Pocock  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Kate Loveman, review essay - Political Information in the Seventeenth Century | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 48, No. 2 (Jun., 2005), pp. 555-565
(1) Reading, Society and Politics in Early Modern England by Kevin Sharpe; Steven N. Zwicker; (2) The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe by Brendan Dooley; Sabrina A. Baron; (3) Literature, Satire and the Early Stuart State by Andrew McRae; (4) The Writing of Royalism, 1628-1660 by Robert Wilcher; (5) Politicians and Pamphleteers: Propaganda during the English Civil Wars and Interregnum by Jason Peacey; (6)The Ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration Publicist by Lois G. Schwoerer -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  jstor  17thC  18thC  cultural_history  political_history  political_culture  political_press  public_sphere  public_opinion  censorship  reader_response  readership  reading  propaganda  English_Civil_War  Restoration  Interregnum  English_lit  satire  pamphlets  Grub_Street  history_of_book  publishing  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Daniel J. Kapust - The Problem of Flattery and Hobbes's Institutional Defense of Monarchy | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 73, No. 3 (JULY 2011), pp. 680-691
This paper explores Hobbes's defense of monarchy in light of the problem of flattery. In doing so, it addresses two central issues in Hobbes scholarship: his relationship to republicanism, and his attitude toward rhetoric. Faced with criticisms of monarchy rooted in the monarch's susceptibility to flattery, Hobbes defends monarchy by focusing on the benefits of its unitary character. Rather than look to the virtue of monarchs as a bulwark against flattery, Hobbes argues that the singularity of the monarch diminishes the space and scope for flattery. Moreover, the unitary structure of monarchy provides an institutional context more favorable to taking counsel than forms of sovereignty incorporating many individuals. Hobbes's defense of monarchy counters contemporary republicans, incorporating his suspicion of rhetoric without relying on claims of monarchical virtue. -- Cambridge paywall
article  jstor  paywall  17thC  Hobbes  political_philosophy  sovereignty  monarchy  counsel  rhetoric-political  public_opinion  republicanism  civic_virtue  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Davide Panagia - Delicate Discriminations: Thomas Hobbes's Science of Politics | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 36, No. 1 (Oct., 2003), pp. 91-114
In the following, I argue that the Cold War image of Hobbes that presents him as a proponent of a state-centered conception of political power is misguided: it overlooks the aesthetic dimensions of 'representation' (a term that Hobbes infamously introduces in Leviathan, Chapter XVI) that, for someone writing in the seventeenth century, could not be distinguished from an account of 'political representation.' By focusing on Hobbes's scientific experiments in optics (within the Mersenne Circle) and the trompe-l'oeil artistic heritage whence these experiments derive, I show how Hobbes could not have been the kind of nominalist many historians of political thought make him out to be. Furthermore, Hobbes's persistent use of the theatre metaphor exemplifies a twinned aesthetic and political aspect of representation suggesting that citizens do not stop 'representing' once they consent to a sovereign. Rather, as the frontispiece Hobbes designed for Leviathan suggests, the sovereign is perpetually visible and hence subject to the spectator's ongoing discrimination and evaluation. In this regard, the sovereign is as much a subject of the citizen's opinion as she is a centripetal force guaranteeing stability; and, as an object of aesthetico-political evaluation, the sovereign occasions the perpetual production and circulation of opinions rather than merely unifying individual wills into a coherent and stable whole. -- a useful point re Hobbes needing to account for change, though not sure where "nominalism" comes in, but this doesn't contradict a state centric notion of power
jstor  article  political_philosophy  17thC  Hobbes  optics  representation  representative_institutions  political_spectacle  public_opinion  sovereignty  authority 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Al Coppola - Retraining the Virtuoso's Gaze: Behn's "Emperor of the Moon," the Royal Society, and the Spectacles of Science and Politics | JSTOR: Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Summer, 2008), pp. 481-506
Aphra Behn's The Emperor of the Moon (1687), so often marginalized in the wealth of recent criticism of her later career, is a savvy deconstruction of what the author calls-adapting Paula Backscheider's account of Restoration politics-a culture of spectacle in the post-Plot years, in which the feverish political speculations of Whigs and Tories, popular natural philosophy, and "non-rational" entertainments like opera and comedia dell'arte were inextricably enmeshed. A satiric restaging of John Dryden's Albion and Albanius, Behn's farce deliberately stimulates her audience's uncritical wonder in order to retrain it, a strategy it shares with the Musaeum Regalis Societatis. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  cultural_history  political_history  British_politics  17thC  theatre-Restoration  Behn  Dryden  Royal_Society  experimental_philosophy  virtuosos  James_II  public_opinion  Tories  Whigs  political_culture  political_spectacle  popular_politics  opera  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Tom Furniss, review essay - Re-Reading the Politics of Romanticism | JSTOR: Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Fall, 2008), pp. 161-166
Review of (1) Writing against Revolution: Literary Conservatism in Britain, 1790-1832 by Kevin Gilmartin; (2) The Burke-Wollstonecraft Debate: Savagery, Civilization, and Democracy by Daniel I. O'Neill -- mostly on Gilmartin which doesn't include Burke. A main theme of the review the problem for counter-revolutionary writers that to promote loyalism in wide public involved vehicles (press, associations etc) developed by the radicals, and assumed a broad extra-parliamentary public relevant to the political nation. Focus on Hannah More, Southey and Coleridge. Burke Wollenstonecraft of interest re each reacting to stadial historiography of Scottish Enlightenment. -- didn't download paper
books  reviews  jstor  British_history  British_politics  18thC  19thC  English_lit  political_press  political_culture  public_opinion  French_Revolution  counter-revolution  Church_of_England  moral_reform  Scottish_Enlightenment  historiography-18thC  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Gary Alan Fine and Aaron Beim - Intro to issue: Interactionist Approaches to Collective Memory | Symbolic Interaction, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Winter 2007), pp. 1-5
Introduction: Interactionist Approaches to Collective Memory Gary Alan Fine and Aaron Beim Symbolic Interaction Vol. 30, No. 1 (Winter 2007) (pp. 1-5) Downloaded pdf to Note [M]uch of the analytic value in the concept of collective memory is found in its reification.A reified notion of the group mind allows us to analyze patterns of social thought that adhere at a level of social life that transcends the individual, just as long as such a strategy does not neglect the individuals and groups that are conse- quential in establishing memory through reputation work. Although a substantive focus that reifies memory flattens out individual or even group-level behavior, it can reveal behavior patterns that affect individuals and groups even in the absence of their intentions. Ultimately, collective memory is produced through symbolic interaction. Even if collective memory is treated as a reified concept, interactionism is a necessary para- digm for examining how that objectification operates. The articles in this special issue isolate mechanisms of that process.
article  jstor  social_theory  symbolic_interaction  collective_memory  sociology-process  cognition-social  public_opinion  media  institutionalization  methodology  levels_of_analyis  reputation  cultural_objects  downloaded  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
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