dunnettreader + political_spectacle   6

How do modern individuals form a sense of the vast societies in which they live? Social cognition has evolved to make sense of small, intimate social groups; but in complex mass societies, comparable vivid social cues are scarcer. Extant research on political attitudes and behavior has emphasized media and interpersonal networks as key sources of cues. Extending a classical argument, we provide evidence for the importance of an alternative and internal source: imagination. With a focus on social welfare, we collected survey data from two very different democracies; the United States and Denmark, and conducted several studies using explicit, implicit, and behavioral measures. By analyzing the effects of individual differences in imagination, we demonstrate that political cognition relies on vivid, mental simulations that engage evolved social and emotional decision-making mechanisms. It is in the mind's eye that vividness and engagement are added to people's sense of mass politics. - didn't download
political_spectacle  moral_psychology  jstor  images-political  imagined_communities  political_science  article  imagination  symbols-political  political_culture  social_psychology  mass_culture  discourse-political_theory  comparative_politics  politics-and-aesthetics  political_sociology  bibliography  political_press 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
Derek Hirst - Making Contact: Petitions and the English Republic | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 45, No. 1 (January 2006), pp. 26-50
A broader study of petitioning is particularly warranted when the prevailing narratives—as of the years of the republic of 1649–609—concentrate on revolution, coercion, and exclusion and thus put a singular slant on the relations of rulers and ruled. (...) The sword certainly put the republic in place, but it neither wrote all its history nor dictated all its practices. In fact, familiar patterns and mechanisms of reciprocity counterpointed the disturbances of revolutionary change, held groups and individuals together, and constituted assets on which the republic could draw. (...) This article will take petitions and the responses they elicited as a measure of the openness, of the responsiveness, of the regime.... In its examination of petitioning—the process, problems of access, tactics, and language used—the article will work within certain narrow limits. Wartime exigencies had proliferated committees and commissions (accounts, army, excise, indemnity, navy, and plundered ministers...) to which countless parties petitioned, before which they pleaded, and from which they often appealed to higher authorities. This article confines itself for several reasons to solicitations of those higher authorities, (...) The descent of Leveller petitioners on parliament, whether in 1649–50, 1653–54, or 1659, certainly produced some revealing exchanges—on each side coercive intentions and language tended to run high—but what was revealed tends to reinforce the traditional picture of an embattled and exclusionary order. This article will accordingly look elsewhere, to more mundane business of governance. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Interregnum  governance  government_officials  petitions  political_participation  political_culture  Cromwell  accountability  popular_politics  political_press  pamphlets  republicanism  political_nation  political_spectacle  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
OLIVER J. W. COX -- FREDERICK, PRINCE OF WALES, AND THE FIRST PERFORMANCE OF ‘RULE, BRITANNIA!’ (2013). | The Historical Journal, 56, pp 931-954. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
OLIVER J. W. COX - University College, Oxford -- The words and music of ‘Rule, Britannia!’ are synonymous with the expansionist, triumphalist, and imperialist Britain symbolized by fluttering Union Jacks on the Last Night of the Proms. This article explores the cultural and political contexts of the first performance of this important national cultural artefact as the finale of Alfred: a masque to suggest that this opening night served a very different purpose. The first audience was a court in exile from the metropolitan heart of London, popular amongst the general public, but without any prospects of government. Two of the most important members of this group of peers, politicians, poets and a prince had recently died, and with them any cohesive identity. Alfred is both a desperate plea for unity, a rallying cry which forcefully restated the key tenets of this group's identity, and a delayed expression of patriotic celebration occasioned by Admiral Vernon's capture of Portobello. Through addressing this performance, this article makes an important contribution to our understanding of Hanoverian political culture and highlights the continuing impact of Anglo-Saxon England on mid-eighteenth-century Britain. -* For comments and advice on earlier versions of my argument, I am grateful to Dr Hannah Smith and Dr Geoffrey Tyack. - Thanks are also due to John and Virginia Murray who ensured archival work at 50 Albemarle Street was always a pleasure.
article  paywall  find  18thC  British_history  British_politics  1740s  Whigs-opposition  Whigs-oligarchy  George_II  Walpole  Frederick_Prince_of_Wales  Britannia  Bolingbroke  Mallet  political_culture  political_nation  political_spectacle  theater  theatre-politics  elite_culture  patriotism  Anglo-Saxons  cultural_authority  cultural_pessimism  War_of_Austrian_Succession  British_Navy  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Alexander Livingston - Avoiding Deliberative Democracy? Micropolitics, Manipulation, and the Public Sphere | JSTOR: Philosophy & Rhetoric, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2012), pp. 269-294
This article examines the critique of deliberative democracy leveled by William Connolly. Drawing on both recent findings in cognitive science as well on Gilles Deleuze's cosmological pluralism, Connolly argues that deliberative democracy, and the contemporary left more generally, is guilty of intellectualism for overlooking the embodied, visceral register of political judgment. Going back to Deleuze and Guattari's A Thousand Plateaus, this article reconstructs the working assumptions of Connolly's critique and argues that it unwittingly leads to an indefensible embrace of manipulation. Against his micropolitics of visceral manipulation, I propose an alternative route for realizing Connolly's politics of agonistic negotiation in the form of a critical theory of the public sphere. -- paywall
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_science  democracy  deliberation-public  political_participation  political_spectacle  political_press  public_sphere  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Davide Panagia - Delicate Discriminations: Thomas Hobbes's Science of Politics | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 36, No. 1 (Oct., 2003), pp. 91-114
In the following, I argue that the Cold War image of Hobbes that presents him as a proponent of a state-centered conception of political power is misguided: it overlooks the aesthetic dimensions of 'representation' (a term that Hobbes infamously introduces in Leviathan, Chapter XVI) that, for someone writing in the seventeenth century, could not be distinguished from an account of 'political representation.' By focusing on Hobbes's scientific experiments in optics (within the Mersenne Circle) and the trompe-l'oeil artistic heritage whence these experiments derive, I show how Hobbes could not have been the kind of nominalist many historians of political thought make him out to be. Furthermore, Hobbes's persistent use of the theatre metaphor exemplifies a twinned aesthetic and political aspect of representation suggesting that citizens do not stop 'representing' once they consent to a sovereign. Rather, as the frontispiece Hobbes designed for Leviathan suggests, the sovereign is perpetually visible and hence subject to the spectator's ongoing discrimination and evaluation. In this regard, the sovereign is as much a subject of the citizen's opinion as she is a centripetal force guaranteeing stability; and, as an object of aesthetico-political evaluation, the sovereign occasions the perpetual production and circulation of opinions rather than merely unifying individual wills into a coherent and stable whole. -- a useful point re Hobbes needing to account for change, though not sure where "nominalism" comes in, but this doesn't contradict a state centric notion of power
jstor  article  political_philosophy  17thC  Hobbes  optics  representation  representative_institutions  political_spectacle  public_opinion  sovereignty  authority 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Al Coppola - Retraining the Virtuoso's Gaze: Behn's "Emperor of the Moon," the Royal Society, and the Spectacles of Science and Politics | JSTOR: Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Summer, 2008), pp. 481-506
Aphra Behn's The Emperor of the Moon (1687), so often marginalized in the wealth of recent criticism of her later career, is a savvy deconstruction of what the author calls-adapting Paula Backscheider's account of Restoration politics-a culture of spectacle in the post-Plot years, in which the feverish political speculations of Whigs and Tories, popular natural philosophy, and "non-rational" entertainments like opera and comedia dell'arte were inextricably enmeshed. A satiric restaging of John Dryden's Albion and Albanius, Behn's farce deliberately stimulates her audience's uncritical wonder in order to retrain it, a strategy it shares with the Musaeum Regalis Societatis. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  cultural_history  political_history  British_politics  17thC  theatre-Restoration  Behn  Dryden  Royal_Society  experimental_philosophy  virtuosos  James_II  public_opinion  Tories  Whigs  political_culture  political_spectacle  popular_politics  opera  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader

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