dunnettreader + partisanship   33

Politics and numbers | The Enlightened Economist
I’m thoroughly enjoying William Deringer’s Calculated Values: Finance, Politics and the Quantitative Age – almost finished. The book asks, why from the early…
reviews  17thC  18thC  19thC  economic_history  economic_culture  economic_models  statistics  rhetoric-political  political_press  parties  partisanship  books  review  kindle-available  from instapaper
march 2018 by dunnettreader
Michael Kang - Gerrymandering and the Constitutional Norm Against Government Partisanship (2017) :: SSRN
Win election law prize - Michigan Law Review, Vol. 116, No. 3, Dec. 2017, Forthcoming- Emory Legal Studies Research Paper
71 Pages
Posted: 17 Aug 2017; Last revised: 28 Oct 2017
Michael S. Kang, Emory University School of Law
The Article challenges the basic premise in the law of partisan gerrymandering that government partisan purpose is constitutional at all. The central problem, Justice Scalia once explained in Vieth v. Jubelirer, is that partisan gerrymandering becomes unconstitutional only when it “has gone too far,” giving rise to the intractable inquiry into “how much is too much.” But the premise that partisanship is an ordinary and lawful purpose, articulated as settled law and widely understood as such, is largely wrong as constitutional doctrine. The Article surveys constitutional law to demonstrate the vitality of an important, if implicit norm against government partisanship across a variety of settings. From political patronage, to government speech, to election administration and even in redistricting itself, Vieth is the exception in failing to bar tribal partisanship as a legitimate state interest in lawmaking. The puzzle therefore is why the Supreme Court in Vieth diverged from this overarching norm for legislative redistricting where the need for government nonpartisanship is most acute and so rarely met. The Article proposes a purpose-focused approach that identifies partisanship as an illegitimate basis for lawmaking and requires the government to justify its redistricting with reference to legitimate state interests beyond partisanship, irrespective of extreme partisan effects. The importance of consolidating and reifying the norm against government partisanship, in its most salient legal context, cannot be overstated at a time when hyperpolarization between the major parties dominates national politics and is at its most severe in our lifetime.
Keywords: gerrymandering, redistricting, Whitford v. Gill, partisanship, parties, Bandemer
constitutional_law  political_participation  Evernote  gerrymandering  public_interest  SSRN  accountability  partisanship  liberalism-public_reason  democracy  article  downloaded  US_constitution  corruption  legitimacy  SCOTUS  elections 
november 2017 by dunnettreader
Jonathan Chait - American Politics Really Went Insane - June 2016
Responding to long read in the Atlantic that went through the last 3 decades of break down in norms, increased difficulties with constitutions veto points etc, Chait points out that only 1 of the 2 parties reacted in the destructive ways the author bemoans
Pocket  US_politics  political_culture  parties  partisanship  GOP  from pocket
june 2016 by dunnettreader
Kathleen Knight - Transformations of the Concept of Ideology in the Twentieth Century | JSTOR- The American Political Science Review - Centennial Issue )2006)
Transformations of the Concept of Ideology in the Twentieth Century
Kathleen Knight
The American Political Science Review
Vol. 100, No. 4, Thematic Issue on the Evolution of Political Science, in Recognition of the Centennial of the Review (Nov., 2006), pp. 619-626
Ideology has been the subject of a surprising amount of attention during the lat half of the twentieth century. Although it has been argued that the term has been "thoroughly muddied by diverse uses" (Converse 1964, 207), an empirical investigation of the pages of the Review reveals substantial convergence among political scientists over time on a core definition. This essay traces the use of the concept in the Review since its launch in 1906. It reveals changing fashions in the connotation of the term, but suggests an underlying agreement on the essential components—coherence, stability and contrast—and underlines the centrality of the concept of ideology in political science. - downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
downloaded  article  social_theory  Marxist  political_science  Cold_War  social_sciences-post-WWII  sociology_of_knowledge  US_history  20thC  political_participation  elites  identity  bibliography  parties  jstor  post-Cold_War  partisanship  intellectual_history  political_history  ideology 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Robert P. Irvine - Labor and Commerce in Locke and Early 18thC English Georgic (2009) | JSTOR - ELH
ELH, Vol. 76, No. 4 (Winter, 2009), pp. 963-988 -- importance of (agricultural) labor from Locke’s 2nd Treatise to "naturakize" money not just within the economy but within politics of the mercantilist imperial state - comparing Virgil use of georgics to encompass the Roman imperial state. Contrasts political agendas of Philips (Cyder 1707) and Pope (Windsor Forest 1713) in their use of georgics, both working within the Lockean framework of property. Extensive lit survey - lots of recent work on 18thC georgics to say nothing of cultural dimensions of political economy of expanding trade, commercialization and imperialism. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  literary_history  English_lit  18thC  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  Locke-2_Treatises  property  mercantilism  imperialism  trade  commerce  commerce-doux  civility-political  politeness  civil_society  public_sphere  nature  parties  partisanship  Whigs  Whig_Junto  City  Tories  gentry  landed_interest  national_ID  national_interest  War_of_Spanish_Succession  Queen_Anne  Spectator  Addison  political_culture  economic_culture  British_politics  British_Empire  poetry  poetics  nature-poetry  nature-mastery  Virgil  Pope  1700s  1710s  peace  Peace_of_Utrecht  labor_theory_of_value  labor  agriculture  Davenant  political_economy  bibliography  downloaded 
november 2015 by dunnettreader
Noah Millnan - Fighting Outrage Porn Addiction | The American Conservative - September 2015
Before writing this post, I took a scroll down my Facebook feed, to see what news stories my friends are linking to. Here are the first four stories I…
Instapaper  US_politics  US_society  social_media  social_psychology  partisanship  tribalism  bad_journalism  empathy  norms  emotions-manipulation  public_opinion  from instapaper
september 2015 by dunnettreader
Joseph Fishkin, Heather Gerken - The Party's Over: McCutcheon, Shadow Parties, and the Future of the Party System :: SSRN - Supreme Court Review, Vol. 2015, No. 1, 2015
Joseph Fishkin, University of Texas School of Law -- Heather Gerken, Yale University - Law School -- McCutcheon v Federal Election Commission can only be understood against the deep shifts taking place in American politics. By some measures, party identity is very strong, and the Democratic Party and the Republican Party are at the height of their power. Other measures suggest that the parties are losing their grip on politics to “outside groups” (..) which have taken over a startling array of core party functions. But these “outside groups” are are deeply and durably aligned with one party or the other and run by consummate party insiders. That’s why we call them shadow parties.(..) What we are witnessing is not outside spenders pulling power away from the parties but an intraparty battle for the heart and soul of the party writ large. Although we see this battle as an intraparty fight, its likely outcome is one that “small-d” democrats ought to find disquieting. The parties have been important sites of pluralist competition. The shift toward shadow parties threatens to flatten the party structure and inhibit pluralist politics. (..) They are closed to most and controlled by few. We are especially concerned that the shift to the shadow parties will permanently squeeze out the party faithful – the activists and highly engaged citizens who serve as a bridge between everyday citizens and political elites – and largely eliminate their already-diminished role within the party writ large. The shift toward shadow parties thus raises important questions about the future of American politics and who ought to control political parties. -- PDF File: 28 -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  SCOTUS  elections  campaign_finance  parties  partisanship  political_participation  politics-and-money  shadow_parties  business_influence  democracy_deficit 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Heather K. Gerken and Joseph Fishkin - Whose party is it anyway? | Balkinization - June 2015
Description of key portion of paper published *downloaded from SSRN to Note) we imagine three models of who should control a party: 1. The equality model: On this model, each party member should have equal influence over the direction of the party. 2. The elite-driven model: On this model, the parties are not democracies; they are more like firms, competing in the broader democratic arena. In this analogy, party elites are the executives; the donors are the shareholders; and ordinary voters are like consumers who can accept or reject what the elites are selling. This model has its roots in a Schumpeterian conception of democracy. -- Neither of these models, we think, is adequate—either positively or normatively. (..) So we propose 3. The pluralist model: This hybrid model takes into account the party’s multi-layered role in our politics. On this model, the party stands in part for ordinary voters who make up the base of the party, in part for the party elites who run it, and in part for the activists in between—the party faithful, who knock on doors and show up at rallies and caucuses and provide much of the party’s energy. The party faithful are much more heavily involved in the party than ordinary voters, but much less influential than the Koch brothers. One major worry we have about the shift from official parties to shadow parties is that the party faithful may get squeezed out, leaving us with a politics that is more centralized and broadcast-like.
Instapaper  paper  SSRN  US_politics  parties  shadow_parties  political_participation  pluralism  voting  elections  democracy  democracy-direct  elites-political_influence  oligarchy  politics-and-money  partisanship  parties-transmission_belts  public_sphere  public_opinion  competition-political  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Elaine Karmack - Jonathan Rauch: Political realism - In praise of old fashioned politics | Brookings Institution - May 2015
Jonathan Rauch's paper “Political realism: How hacks, machines, big money and back-room deals can strengthen American democracy” marks the beginning of a serious effort on behalf of Brookings scholars to open up a conversation challenging the reform assumptions of the past few decades. In the coming months we will be convening social scientists and public intellectuals along with politicians and activists in order to explore a new way of looking at solutions to the polarization of contemporary American politics. Not everyone will agree—with Rauch—or with each other. But we feel the time has come to take on the conventional reform wisdom and begin an intellectual dialogue on why our democracy seems to be failing. Taking a page from international relations where realism assumes conflict among nations; political realism also assumes that conflict is a constant part of the system. According to Rauch realism, “…sees governing as difficult and political peace and stability as treasures never to be taken for granted.” He goes on to argue the virtues of transactional politics and to point out how, in the name of reform, weakening the bulwarks of transactional politics has weakened democracy as a whole. “Where the realist tends to believe that governing is inherently difficult, that politics is inherently transactional and that success is best judged in terms of reaching social accommodation rather than achieving some abstract purpose, the progressive tends to see government as perfectible and politics as a path toward a higher public good.” In practice this means that the political realist advocates things that have been anathema to reformers. -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  democracy  US_politics  US_government  US_legal_system  good_government  sunshine_laws  transparency  realism-political  IR-realism  reform-political  parties  partisanship  faction  extremism  polarization  conflict  common_good  political_philosophy  political_culture  political_sociology  political_participation  political_science  politics-and-money  campaign_finance  elections  public_sphere  public_policy  downloaded 
may 2015 by dunnettreader
José Luis Martí & Félix Ovejero - « Républicanisme et participation citoyenne. Réponse à "La démocratie directe de la Puerta del Sol" » | La Vie des idées - Sept 2011
José Luis Martí et Félix Ovejero répondent à l’analyse du mouvement des indignés espagnols proposée dans la Vie des idées par Eva Botella, et prennent la défense de Philip Pettit. Son républicanisme est certes attentif aux risques d’excès de démocratie, mais rien dans sa théorie politique, qui valorise la délibération publique, ne s’oppose aux réclamations du mouvement du 15M. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  political_history  political_culture  Spain  political_philosophy  republicanism  political_participation  social_movements  socialism  social_democracy  democracy  democracy_deficit  Pettit  parties  partisanship  faction  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Jacob Weisberg, review essay - Bridge Too Far - Rick Perlstein, The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan | Democracy Journal - Issue #34, Fall 2014
Rick Perlstein’s account of Ronald Reagan’s rise acknowledges his popularity, but doesn’t take the reasons behind it seriously enough. --
The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan By Rick Perlstein • Simon & Schuster • 2014 • 810 pages -- see Perlstein’s response -- both downloaded as pdf to Note
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january 2015 by dunnettreader
Rick Perlstein - The Reason for Reagan, A response to Jacob Weisberg. | Democracy Journal: Issue #35, Winter 2015
In 1984, the year Reagan won 49 states and 59 percent of the popular vote, only 35 percent of Americans said they favored substantial cuts in social programs in order to reduce the deficit. Given these plain facts, historiography on the rise of conservatism and the triumph of Ronald Reagan must obviously go beyond the deadening cliché that since Ronald Reagan said government was the problem, and Americans elected Ronald Reagan twice, the electorate simply agreed with him that government was the problem. But in his recent review of my book The Invisible Bridge [“A Bridge Too Far,” Issue #34], Jacob Weisberg just repeats that cliché—and others. “Rick Perlstein’s account of Reagan’s rise acknowledges his popularity,” the article states, “but doesn’t take the reasons behind it seriously enough.” Weisberg is confident those reasons are obvious. Is he right? -- downloaded as pdf to Note
books  reviews  article  US_politics  US_history  US_society  US_government  US_foreign_policy  Cold_War  20thC  post-WWII  right-wing  Reagan  GOP  public_opinion  public_policy  elections  parties  partisanship  faction  historiography-20thC  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
- DAVID LEWIS JONES - British Parliaments and Assemblies: A Bibliography of Printed Materials (2009) Parliamentary History - Wiley Online Library
Each section a pdf downloaded to Note - combined, c 25,000 entries *--* Section 1: Preface, Introduction, The Westminster Parliament 1-4005. **--** Section 2: The Medieval Parliament 4006-4728 **--** Section 3: Tudor Parliaments 4729-5064 **--* Section 4: Stuart Parliaments 5063-6805 **--** Section 5: The Unreformed Parliament 1714-1832 6806-9589. **--** Section 6: The Reformed Parliament 1832-1918 9590-15067 **--** Section 7: Parliament 1918-2009 15068-21582. **--** Section 8: The Judicial House of Lords 21583-21835. -- The Palace of Westminster 21836-22457. -- The Irish Parliament 22458-23264 -- The Scottish Parliament (to 1707) 23265-23482 -- The New Devolved Assemblies 23483-23686 -- The Scottish Parliament (1999-) 23687-24251 -- Northern Ireland 24252-24563 -- The National Assembly for Wales 24537-24963 -- Minor Assemblies
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december 2014 by dunnettreader
Jack A. Goldstone and Bert Useem - Putting Values and Institutions Back into the Theory of Strategic Action Fields | JSTOR: Sociological Theory, Vol. 30, No. 1 (MARCH 2012), pp. 37-47
Neil Fligstein and Doug McAdam have presented a new theory of how collective action creates the structure and dynamics of societies. At issue is the behavior of social movements, organizations, states, political parties, and interest groups. They argue that all of these phenomena are produced by social actors (which may be individuals or groups) involved in strategic action. This allows Fligstein and McAdam to advance a unified theory of "strategic action fields." This article takes issue with aspects of Fligstein and McAdam's important contribution. We argue that that all organizations are not essentially the same; in addition to the location and interactions of their strategic actors, their dynamics are shaped and distinguished by differing values and norms, by the autonomy of institutions embedded in strategic action fields, and by the fractal relationships that nested fields have to broader principles of justice and social organization that span societies. We also criticize the view that social change can be conceptualized solely in terms of shifting configurations of actors in strategic action fields. Rather, any theory of social action must distinguish between periods of routine contention under the current institutions and norms and exceptional challenges to the social order that aim to transform those institutions and norms. -- Sage paywall on a 3 year delay for jstor
article  jstor  paywall  social_theory  collective_action  social_movements  organizations  nation-state  parties  partisanship  institutions  strategic_action_fields  political_culture  civil_society  social_order  institutional_change  old_institutionalism  new_institutionalism  rational_choice  norms  contention  conflict  social_process  change-social  change-intellectual  levels_of_analyis  networks-political  networks-social  networks  networks-policy  networks-religious  power  action-social  action-theory  revolutions  reform-social  reform-political  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
PHILIP LOFT -- POLITICAL ARITHMETIC AND THE ENGLISH LAND TAX IN THE REIGN OF WILLIAM III. (2013). | The Historical Journal, 56, pp 321-343. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
PHILIP LOFT - University College London -- This article explores the role of the method of political arithmetic and political arithmeticians in the changing methods of raising finance during the Nine Years War. It discusses the actions of parliament-men in committees and their interaction with reports containing data, and the influence of projectors on the decision to introduce, and later abandon, the pound rate. Throughout this period, political arithmeticians were active participants, providing data, advice, and schemes to the treasury and parliament, and when they were not, ‘country’ MPs, in particular, were active in calling for data and leading its cross-examination. This article suggests that debates on public finance did not occur along party lines, with ‘county communities’ given fresh presence by the quantification of the inequality of the land tax burden. Political arithmetic is shown to have played an important role in the processes and negotiations that occurred over the setting of taxation policy in the ‘long eighteenth century’. -* I thank Julian Hoppit for his generous encouragement and comments on this article. Thanks also to Clare Jackson, Andrew Preston and the anonymous reviewers. - available for download - to Note
article  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  economic_history  political_economy  Glorious_Revolution  William_III  Nine_Years_War  taxes  landed_interest  land_tax  fiscal_policy  fiscal-military_state  political_arithmetick  Parliament  House_of_Commons  Parliamentary_supremacy  Country_Party  oversight-legislature  public_finance  public_policy  partisanship  Whig_Junto  Tories  Whigs-opposition  sovereign_debt  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
BRENT S. SIROTA -- THE OCCASIONAL CONFORMITY CONTROVERSY, MODERATION, AND THE ANGLICAN CRITIQUE OF MODERNITY, 1700–1714 (2014) | The Historical Journal, 57, pp 81-105 - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
BRENT S. SIROTA - North Carolina State University -- The occasional conformity controversy during the reign of Queen Anne has traditionally been understood as a straightforward symptom of the early eighteenth-century ‘rage of party’. For all the pious rhetoric concerning toleration and the church in danger, the controversy is considered a partisan squabble for short-term political gain. This traditional interpretation has, however, never been able to account for two features of the controversy: first, the focus on ‘moderation’ as a unique characteristic of post-Revolutionary English society; and second, the prominence of the Anglican nonjurors in the debate. This article revisits the occasional conformity controversy with an eye toward explaining these two related features. In doing so, it will argue that the occasional conformity controversy comprised a referendum on the Revolution settlement in church and state. Nonjurors lit upon the practice of occasional conformity as emblematic of the broader malady of moderation afflicting post-Revolutionary England. From their opposition to occasional conformity, the nonjurors, and soon the broader Anglican high-church movement, developed a comprehensive critique of religious modernity that would inform the entire framework of debate in the early English Enlightenment. -* I thank James Vaughn, Steve Pincus, Bill Bulman, Robert Ingram, and the participants in the ‘God and the Enlightenment’ conference at Ohio University in October 2012 for their generous engagement with earlier drafts of this article. Thanks also to Phil Withington and the anonymous reviewers for their assistance in shaping this article into its final form.
article  paywall  find  18thC  British_history  British_politics  1700s  1710s  occasional_conformity  nonjurors  High_Church  Church_of_England  religious_history  church_history  religious_culture  religion-established  politics-and-religion  political_press  pamphlets  political_participation  tolerance  latitudinarian  secularization  atheism_panic  partisanship  Tories  Whigs  dissenters  Whig_Junto  moderation  modernity  Enlightenment  Queen_Anne  Harley  Bolingbroke  comprehension-church  Convocation  church-in-danger  sermons  religious_lit  cultural_critique  Atterbury  popular_politics  popular_culture  Revolution_Principles  Glorious_Revolution  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
JORDAN S. DOWNS - "THE CURSE OF MEROZ" AND THE ENGLISH CIVIL WAR (2014). | The Historical Journal, 57, pp 343-368. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
JORDAN S. DOWNS -- University of California, Riverside -- This article attempts to uncover the political significance of the Old Testament verse Judges 5:23, ‘the curse of Meroz’, during the English Civil War. Historians who have commented on the printed text of Meroz have done so primarily in reference to a single edition of the parliamentarian fast-day preacher Stephen Marshall's 1642 Meroz cursed sermon. Usage of the curse, however, as shown in more than seventy unique sermons, tracts, histories, libels, and songs considered here, demonstrates that the verse was far more widespread and politically significant than has been previously assumed. Analysing Meroz in its political and polemical roles, from the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion in 1641 and through the Restoration of Charles II in the 1660s, sheds new light on the ways in which providentialism functioned during the Civil Wars, and serves, more specifically, to illustrate some of the important means by which ministers and polemicists sought to mobilize citizens and construct party identities. --* I am grateful to Richard Cust, Barbara Donagan, Peter Lake, Isaac Stephens, Stefania Tutino, and the two anonymous reviewers who read and commented on earlier versions of this article. Special thanks are due to Tom Cogswell for his guidance and extensive feedback
article  paywall  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Restoration  religious_history  religious_culture  Providence  sermons  religious_lit  Bible-as-history  Biblical_authority  Old_Testament  political_press  pamphlets  popular_culture  popular_politics  partisanship  parties  identity  identity_politics  Parliamentarians  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - The Principle of Loyal Opposition (last revised 2012) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 12-22 -- The Principle of Loyal Opposition is key to the way in which modern democracies organize themselves. It is bound up with the existence of political parties, of which we need to take much more notice in political theory (as Nancy Rosenblum has argued) and with the significance of reasonable disagreement in politics. The principle is exhibited most clearly in systems that actually assign a role to an official Opposition party and an Opposition Leadership. But versions of it are also apparent in American-style constitutions, albeit they are harder to discern in a context in which different functions of government may assigned, branch by branch, to members of different political parties. Finally, the paper interrogates the idea of "loyalty" in "loyal opposition." Loyalty to what? The paper argues that the phrase should not connote any sort of litmus test of support for constitutional essentials, but should rather convey a sense that as far as possible opposition parties are always to be regarded as loyal, no matter what policies or constitutional changes they favor. -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 44 -- Keywords: constitution, constitutional essentials, democracy, loyal opposition, political parties -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  political_philosophy  government-forms  mixed_government  partisanship  parties  faction  opposition  political_culture  political_order  competition-political  loyalty  political_nation  constitutionalism  democracy  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
David Womersley, ed. - Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century (2006) - Online Library of Liberty
David Womersely, Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century, edited and with an Introduction by David Womersley (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2006). 07/13/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/1727> -- This volume is a collection of essays which examines some of the central themes and ideologies central to the formation of the United States including Edmund Burke’s theories on property rights and government, the influence of Jamaica on the American colonies, the relations between religious and legal understandings of the concept of liberty, the economic understanding of the Founders, the conflicting viewpoints between moral sense theory and the idea of natural rights in the founding period, the divisions in thought among the revolutionaries regarding the nature of liberty and the manner in which liberty was to be preserved, and the disparity in Madison’s political thought from the 1780s to the 1790s. -- authors include Jack Greene, David Wootton, Gordon Wood. -- downloaded pdf to Note
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july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works of John Adams, vol. 6 (Defence of the Constitutions Vol. III cont’d, Davila, Essays on the Constitution) - Online Library of Liberty
John Adams, The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 6. 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2104> -- A 10 volume collection of Adams’ most important writings, letters, and state papers, edited by his grandson. Vol. 6 contains (Defence of the Constitutions Vol. III cont’d, Davila, Essays on the Constitution. The last continued part of the Defence of the Constitutions deals with Marchmont Nedham and writings on the commonwealth. Davila is the history of the 16thC French Wars_of_Religion. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  18thC  intellectual_history  Enlightenment  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  Adams_John  political_history  political_philosophy  government-forms  mixed_government  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  English_constitution  US_constitution  state_government  federalism  commonwealth  historiography  France  Wars_of_Religion  English_Civil_War  Glorious_Revolution  French_Revolution  Terror  Directoire  Napoleon  Napoleonic_Wars  separation-of-powers  checks-and-balances  centralization  central_government  local_government  parties  partisanship  faction  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works and Life of Walter Bagehot, vol. 4 (Political & Literary Essays) - Online Library of Liberty
WILLIAM PITT. (1861.) *--* THE PRINCE CONSORT. (1861.) *--* COUNT YOUR ENEMIES AND ECONOMISE YOUR EXPENDITURE. (1862.) -- POSTSCRIPT. *--* LADY MARY WORTLEY MONTAGU.1 (1862.) -- “To Mr. Wortley Montagu. -- “TOWN ECLOGUES. *--* THE IGNORANCE OF MAN. (1862.) *--* MR. CLOUGH’S POEMS. (1862.) *--* BOLINGBROKE AS A STATESMAN. (1863.) *--* WHAT LORD LYNDHURST REALLY WAS. (1863.) *--* SIR GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS.1 (1863.) -- Right Hon. Sir George C. Lewis to Earl Stanhope. -- The same to the same. *--* THE TRIBUTE AT HEREFORD TO SIR G. C. LEWIS. (1864.) *--* STERNE AND THACKERAY.1 (1864.) *--* SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF MRS. ELIZABETH DRAPER, IN WHOM GENIUS AND BENEVOLENCE WERE UNITED. SHE DIED AUGUST 3, 1778, AGED 35. *--* WORDSWORTH, TENNYSON, AND BROWNING OR PURE, ORNATE, AND GROTESQUE ART IN ENGLISH POETRY.1 (1864.) *--* CÆSARISM AS IT EXISTED IN 1865. *--* MR. COBDEN. (1865.) *--* LORD PALMERSTON. (1865.) *--* BOSCASTLE.1 (1866.) -- downloaded pdf to Note
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july 2014 by dunnettreader
Isabel Karremann and Anja Müller, eds. - Mediating Identities in Eighteenth-Century England (2011) | Ashgate
This volume engages in a critical discussion of the connection between historically specific categories of identity determined by class, gender, nationality, religion, political factions and age, and the media available at the time, including novels, newspapers, trial reports, images and the theatre. Recognizing the proliferation of identities in the epoch, these essays explore the ways in which different media determined constructions of identity and were in turn shaped by them. *--* Introduction: mediating identities in 18th-century England, Isabel Karremann; *--* Identifying an age-specific English literature for children, Anja Müller; *--* Found and lost in mediation: manly identity in Defoe's A Journal of the Plague Year, Isabel Karremann; *--* Gender identity in sentimental and pornographic fiction: Pamela and Fanny Hill, Franz Meier; *--* Paratexts and the construction of author identities: the preface as threshold and thresholds in the preface, Katharina Rennhak; *--* Owning identity: the 18th-century actress and theatrical property, Felicity Nussbaum; *--* Constructing identity in 18th-century comedy: schools of scandal, observation and performance, Anette Pankratz; *--* Material sites of discourse and the discursive hybridity of identities, Uwe Böker; *--* Constructions of political identity: the example of impeachments, Anna-Christina Giovanopoulos; *--* The public sphere, mass media, fashion and the identity of the individual, Christian Huck; *--* Topography and aesthetics: mapping the British identity in painting, Isabelle Baudino; *--* The panoramic gaze: the control of illusion and the illusion of control, Michael Meyer; *--* Peripatetics of citizenship in the 1790s, Christoph Houswitschka; *--* Critical responses, Rainer Emig, Hans-Peter Wagner and Christoph Heyl - downloaded introduction to Note
books  find  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  cultural_history  politics-and-literature  English_lit  literary_history  novels  theater  theatre-Restoration  gender  masculinity  partisanship  Whig_Junto  Tories  impeachment  Somers  Harley  public_sphere  Habermas  aesthetics  consumers  children  family  citizenship  national_ID  identity  identity_politics  Defoe  comedy  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Simon Targett - Government and Ideology during the Age of Whig Supremacy: The Political Argument of Sir Robert Walpole's Newspaper Propagandists | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 37, No. 2 (Jun., 1994), pp. 289-317
Contrary to received historical wisdom, Sir Robert Walpole, the pragmatist par excellence, was diverted by political ideas. Thus he invested time and an unprecedented amount of money in political newspapers. This article investigates the primary pro-government newspapers and, as well as identifying the leading circle of political writers sponsored by Walpole, addresses the varied and complex arguments that appeared in their `leading essay' each week for twenty years. After identifying some common but misleading historical representations of Walpolean political thought, the article examines the treatment of three broad philosophical questions - human nature, the origin, nature and extent of government, and political morality - so demonstrating that Walpole's spokesmen were not narrowly pragmatic. Subsequently, the article focuses upon the careful pro-government response to the common charges that Walpole corrupted the political system and betrayed traditional whig values. In doing so, the article highlights the skills of some underrated eighteenth-century political writers and, more importantly, emphasizes the union of government and ideology in Walpolean political thinking. -- very useful references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  18thC  1720s  1730s  1740s  British_history  British_politics  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  human_nature  mixed_government  English_constitution  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  partisanship  elections  franchise  political_culture  corruption  government_officials  governing_class  political_economy  political_press  Walpole  Hervey  Whigs-oligarchy  Whigs-opposition  Tories  Craftsman  Bolingbroke  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Kevin Sharpe, review essay - Print, Polemics, and Politics in 17thC England | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 41, No. 2 (Apr., 2002), pp. 244-254
Writing and Society: Literacy, Print and Politics in Britain, 1590-1660 by Nigel Wheale; Whores of Babylon: Catholicism, Gender and Seventeenth-Century Print Culture by Frances E. Dolan; Political Passions: Gender, The Family and Political Argument in England, 1680-1714 by Rachel Weil; The Age of Faction: Court Politics, 1660-1702 by Alan Marshall -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  bookshelf  reviews  jstor  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  cultural_history  publishing  print_culture  public_sphere  political_press  anti-Catholic  gender_history  family  patriarchy  Restoration  Elizabeth  James_I  Charles_I  Charles_II  James_II  William_III  Queen_Anne  partisanship  faction  parties  court_culture  courtiers  Whigs  Whig_Junto  Tories  Glorious_Revolution  English_Civil_War  literacy  downloaded  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Separation of Parties, Not Powers by Daryl J. Levinson, Richard H. Pildes :: SSRN (Harvard Law Review 2006)
Few aspects of the Founding generation's political theory are now more clearly anachronistic than their vision of legislative-executive separation of powers. Nevertheless, few of the Framers' ideas continue to be taken as literally or sanctified as deeply by courts and constitutional scholars as the passages about interbranch relations in Madison's Federalist 51. This Article reenvisions the law and theory of separation of powers by viewing it through the lens of party competition. In particular, it points out that during periods - like the present - of cohesive and polarized political parties, the degree and kind of competition between the legislative and executive branches will vary significantly, and may all but disappear, depending on whether party control of the House, Senate, and Presidency is divided or unified. The practical distinction between party-divided and party-unified government thus rivals, and often dominates, the constitutional distinction between the branches in predicting and explaining interbranch political dynamics. Recognizing that these dynamics will shift from competitive when government is divided to cooperative when it is unified calls into question basic assumptions of separation of powers law and theory. More constructively, re-focusing the separation of powers on parties casts numerous aspects of constitutional structure, doctrine, and institutional design in a new and more realistic light. Numbers of Pages in PDF File: 74 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  US_government  US_politics  parties  partisanship  separation-of-powers  US_constitution  Founders  Madison  Congress  executive  downloaded  EF-add 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
Your Evening Jemmy - National Gazette, February 20, 1792 | Esquire
A government operating by corrupt influence, substituting the motive of private interest in place of public duty; converting its pecuniary dispensations into bounties to favorites, or bribes to opponents; accommodating its measures to the avidity of a part of the nation instead of the benefit of the whole; in a word, enlisting an army of interested partizans, whose tongues, whose pens, whose intrigues, and whose active combinations, by supplying the terror of the sword, may support a real domination of the few, under an apparent liberty of the many. Such a government, wherever to be found, is an imposter.
-- James Madison, National Gazette, February 20, 1792
quote  Madison  corruption  partisanship  parties  common_good  propaganda 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
John A. Phillips, review essay - Peers and Parliamentarians versus Jacobites and Jacobins: Eighteenth-Century Stability? | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Oct., 1986), pp. 504-514
Reviewed works - (1) Aristocratic Century: The Peerage of Eighteenth-Century England by John Cannon; *--* (2) British Parliamentary Parties, 1742-1832: From the Fall of Walpole to the First Reform Act by Brian W. Hill; *--* (3) Britain in the Age of Walpole by Jeremy Black; *--* (4) British Radicalism and the French Revolution, 1789-1815 by H. T. Dickinson -- he's not impressed with Cannon who focuses on peerage and thereby misses the aristocracy and elite changes more generally, plus dodgy statistics
books  bookshelf  reviews  article  jstor  18thC  British_history  British_politics  elites  elite_culture  parties  partisanship  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  foreign_policy  Walpole  Whigs-opposition  Jacobites  radicals  French_Revolution  anti-Jacobin  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
JONATHAN WHITE and LEA YPI - On Partisan Political Justification | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 105, No. 2 (May 2011), pp. 381-396
Paywall -- see bibliography on jstor information page -- Political justification figures prominently in contemporary political theory, notably in models of deliberative democracy. This article articulates and defends the essential role of partisanship in this process. Four dimensions of justification are examined in detail: the constituency to which political justifications are offered, the circumstances in which they are developed, the ways in which they are made inclusive, and the ways in which they are made persuasive. In each case, the role of partisanship is probed and affirmed. Partisanship, we conclude, is indispensable to the kind of political justification needed to make the exercise of collective authority responsive to normative concerns.
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_science  democracy  deliberation-public  parties  partisanship  accountability  bibliography  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Simone Chambers - Rhetoric and the Public Sphere: Has Deliberative Democracy Abandoned Mass Democracy? | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 37, No. 3 (June 2009), pp. 323-350
The pathologies of the democratic public sphere, first articulated by Plato in his attack on rhetoric, have pushed much of deliberative theory out of the mass public and into the study and design of small scale deliberative venues. The move away from the mass public can be seen in a growing split in deliberative theory between theories of democratic deliberation (on the ascendancy) which focus on discrete deliberative initiatives within democracies and theories of deliberative democracy (on the decline) that attempt to tackle the large questions of how the public, or civil society in general, relates to the state. Using rhetoric as the lens through which to view mass democracy, this essay argues that the key to understanding the deliberative potential of the mass public is in the distinction between deliberative and plebiscitary rhetoric. -- see bibliography on jstor information page -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  democracy  political_participation  deliberation-public  rhetoric-political  majoritarian  political_press  partisanship  parties  elections  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Nadia Urbinati - Unpolitical Democracy | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 38, No. 1 (February 2010), pp. 65-92
This paper analyzes critically the appeal the unpolitical is enjoying among contemporary political philosophers who are democracy's friends. Unlike a radical critique of democracy, what I propose to call "criticism from within," takes the form of dissatisfaction with the erosion of an independent mind and impartial judgment per effect of the partisan character of democratic politics. This paper proposes three main criticisms of the actual trend toward unpolitical views of democracy: the first points to the strategic use of deliberation as an antidote against democratic procedures themselves (like voting and majority rule); the second to the negative conception of democracy that the unpolitical aspiration makes visible; and the third to the dissolution of political judgment within a model of judgment that is tailored around justice. -- her 2012 article (still paywall) looks more interesting - extending the debate over participation to Renaissance and Early Modern including Harrington, Sidney etc -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  neo-republicanism  political_participation  deliberation-public  parties  partisanship  justice  majoritarian  Pettit  Habermas  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader

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