dunnettreader + parties   91

Politics and numbers | The Enlightened Economist
I’m thoroughly enjoying William Deringer’s Calculated Values: Finance, Politics and the Quantitative Age – almost finished. The book asks, why from the early…
reviews  17thC  18thC  19thC  economic_history  economic_culture  economic_models  statistics  rhetoric-political  political_press  parties  partisanship  books  review  kindle-available  from instapaper
march 2018 by dunnettreader
Jonathan Chait - American Politics Really Went Insane - June 2016
Responding to long read in the Atlantic that went through the last 3 decades of break down in norms, increased difficulties with constitutions veto points etc, Chait points out that only 1 of the 2 parties reacted in the destructive ways the author bemoans
Pocket  US_politics  political_culture  parties  partisanship  GOP  from pocket
june 2016 by dunnettreader
Ed Kilgore - Don’t Need a Christian Left -- NYMag - May 2016
It was inevitable, I guess, that the latest talk of the Christian Right "dying" — or at least suffering under divisions created or exacerbated by Donald Trump —…
Instapaper  US_politics  Christian_Right  politics-and-religion  GOP  parties  political_participation  left-wing  GOTV  Democrats  elections  from instapaper
may 2016 by dunnettreader
Kathleen Knight - Transformations of the Concept of Ideology in the Twentieth Century | JSTOR- The American Political Science Review - Centennial Issue )2006)
Transformations of the Concept of Ideology in the Twentieth Century
Kathleen Knight
The American Political Science Review
Vol. 100, No. 4, Thematic Issue on the Evolution of Political Science, in Recognition of the Centennial of the Review (Nov., 2006), pp. 619-626
Ideology has been the subject of a surprising amount of attention during the lat half of the twentieth century. Although it has been argued that the term has been "thoroughly muddied by diverse uses" (Converse 1964, 207), an empirical investigation of the pages of the Review reveals substantial convergence among political scientists over time on a core definition. This essay traces the use of the concept in the Review since its launch in 1906. It reveals changing fashions in the connotation of the term, but suggests an underlying agreement on the essential components—coherence, stability and contrast—and underlines the centrality of the concept of ideology in political science. - downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
downloaded  article  social_theory  Marxist  political_science  Cold_War  social_sciences-post-WWII  sociology_of_knowledge  US_history  20thC  political_participation  elites  identity  bibliography  parties  jstor  post-Cold_War  partisanship  intellectual_history  political_history  ideology 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Scott Sowerby, review - Brian Cowan, The State Trial of Doctor Henry Sacheverell | H-Albion, H-Net Reviews. August, 2014.
Cowan’s erudite edition of primary sources charts contemporary reactions to the Sacheverell trial. Cowan sees the trial as an instance of the personalization of political ideas, as long-standing debates about church and state became “focused on one figure—Sacheverell, who could now be cast as either a hero or a scoundrel, depending upon one’s politics” (p. 15, emphasis in original). Unlike so many studies of print culture that focus on production, this volume is attuned to reception, with reproductions of commonplace books and marginalia that alternately endorsed and disputed the standard printed accounts of the trial. Cowan’s edition assembles sources from eleven libraries on two continents. Most of his selections are from unpublished manuscripts; five are from publications so rare that they are found in only one repository. The footnotes alone are worth the price of admission, providing a blow-by-blow account of the trial for the uninitiated. The volume is splendidly illustrated, with photographs of manuscripts, satirical prints, engravings of Sacheverell’s portrait, and depictions of the courtroom. The extended introduction surveys the history of printed transcripts of the trial, from Jacob Tonson’s official record to competing accounts by Tory and Whig authors. A helpful timeline and a comprehensive biographical guide round out the edition.
books  reviews  find  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Sacheverell  1710s  1720s  parties  Tories  Whig_Junto  Whigs  Church_of_England  tolerance  comprehension-church  Protestant_International  church-in-danger  Queen_Anne  impeachment  Parliament  House_of_Commons  House_of_Lords  political_press  public_sphere  public_opinion  Revolution_Principles  Walpole  print_culture  reception  Tonson  rhetoric-political  politics-and-religion  religion-established  Church-and-State  manuscripts  primary_sources 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Nancy L. Rhoden, review - William A. Pettigrew, Freedom's Debt: The Royal African Company and the Politics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1672-1752 | H-Albion, H-Net Reviews. February, 2015.
As a study of the politics of the RAC and its independent slave trading opponents, this is a successful book. What it does particularly well is offer a “lens of politics” (p. 16) through which to understand the British slave trade, and the victory of separate traders concerning deregulation. It is equally strong on the British political context and its detailed understanding of how post-1688 political institutions and culture shaped responses on the slave trade. These are valuable contributions, particularly the argument that understandings of liberty and popular consent after the Glorious Revolution provided an effective ideology for both the deregulation of and the growth of the slave trade. Less convincing is the argument about the impact of the RAC on later British abolitionism, however much one might admire the attempt. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  17thC  18thC  1690s  1700s  1710s  Harley  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  Royal_African_Co  slavery  monopolies  Parliament  parties  Glorious_Revolution  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Joseph Fishkin & Heather Gerken - The Future of the Party and Campaign Finance — A Response to Bob Bauer | Balkinization Sept 2015
The debate between Bob and us centers on a simple question: what happens if we fund the formal parties in the same way we fund the shadow parties (the Super PACs and 501(c)(4) and (c)(6) organizations)? Our worry is that if the formal parties’ financing is identical to that of the shadow parties’, this will gradually transform the formal parties into institutions that look more like the shadow parties—hierarchical, almost entirely beholden to big donors—thus seriously eroding what remains of a reasonably pluralistic party system. Bob’s worry, on the other side, is that if we don’t do something to level the playing field between the formal parties and shadow parties, the formal parties don’t have much of a future in politics.
Pocket  US_politics  parties  campaign_finance  plutocracy  parties-transmission_belts  political_participation  political_culture  from pocket
january 2016 by dunnettreader
David Pietraszewski, et al - Constituents of political cognition: Race, party politics, and the alliance detection system, Cognition (April 2015)
David Pietraszewski, Oliver Scott Curry, Michael Bang Petersen, Leda Cosmides, John Tooby -- Cognition 04/2015; 140:24-39. DOI: 10.1016/j.cognition.2015.03.007 (Impact Factor: 3.63).Source: PubMed -- ABSTRACT -- Research suggests that the mind contains a set of adaptations for detecting alliances: an alliance detection system, which monitors for, encodes, and stores alliance information and then modifies the activation of stored alliance categories according to how likely they will predict behavior within a particular social interaction. Previous studies have established the activation of this system when exposed to explicit competition or cooperation between individuals. In the current studies we examine if shared political opinions produce these same effects. In particular, (1) if participants will spontaneously categorize individuals according to the parties they support, even when explicit cooperation and antagonism are absent, and (2) if party support is sufficiently powerful to decrease participants' categorization by an orthogonal but typically-diagnostic alliance cue (in this case the target's race). Evidence was found for both: Participants spontaneously and implicitly kept track of who supported which party, and when party cross-cut race-such that the race of targets was not predictive of party support-categorization by race was dramatically reduced. [Same setup for age and gender didn't produce race results] -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  evo-psych-politics  political_science  parties  groups-identity  groups-cohesion  groups-exclusion  groups-cognition  race  bias-unconscious  sociobiology  cooperation  groups-conflict  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Martin Longman - Michael Gerson's Party? It Dead - Han 2016
I’m not going to burden you with a treatise on Edmund Burke on a Friday afternoon. If people want to call him the “father of conservatism,” I’m willing to let…
US_politics  parties  political_polarization  right_wing  conservatism  far_right  Pocket  GOP  from instapaper
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Robert P. Irvine - Labor and Commerce in Locke and Early 18thC English Georgic (2009) | JSTOR - ELH
ELH, Vol. 76, No. 4 (Winter, 2009), pp. 963-988 -- importance of (agricultural) labor from Locke’s 2nd Treatise to "naturakize" money not just within the economy but within politics of the mercantilist imperial state - comparing Virgil use of georgics to encompass the Roman imperial state. Contrasts political agendas of Philips (Cyder 1707) and Pope (Windsor Forest 1713) in their use of georgics, both working within the Lockean framework of property. Extensive lit survey - lots of recent work on 18thC georgics to say nothing of cultural dimensions of political economy of expanding trade, commercialization and imperialism. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  literary_history  English_lit  18thC  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  Locke-2_Treatises  property  mercantilism  imperialism  trade  commerce  commerce-doux  civility-political  politeness  civil_society  public_sphere  nature  parties  partisanship  Whigs  Whig_Junto  City  Tories  gentry  landed_interest  national_ID  national_interest  War_of_Spanish_Succession  Queen_Anne  Spectator  Addison  political_culture  economic_culture  British_politics  British_Empire  poetry  poetics  nature-poetry  nature-mastery  Virgil  Pope  1700s  1710s  peace  Peace_of_Utrecht  labor_theory_of_value  labor  agriculture  Davenant  political_economy  bibliography  downloaded 
november 2015 by dunnettreader
Grégory Hû , review - Thomas Bouchet, et al, Quand les socialistes inventaient l’avenir (1825-1860) - La Vie des idées - 26 août 2015
Recensé : Thomas Bouchet, Vincent Bourdeau, Edward Castleton, Ludovic Frobert et François Jarrige (dir.), Quand les socialistes inventaient l’avenir (1825-1860), Paris, La Découverte, 2014, 300p., 25€. -- À travers une activité journalistique intense mais peu connue, les socialistes du XIXe siècle ont posé les jalons d’un courant politique aussi inventif que divers. Un ouvrage collectif revient sur les racines longtemps ignorées de ce premier socialisme à l’aune de sa presse . -- Cet ouvrage collectif, issu d’un colloque tenu à l’Université de Stanford aux États-Unis en 2013, entreprend d’analyser les doctrines et les modalités d’action des « premiers socialistes » à partir de l’analyse de leur presse entre 1825 et 1851. Il s’agit d’explorer le long cheminement des aspirations des courants politiques socialistes antérieurs à Karl Marx. Les auteurs s’appuient sur la nouvelle presse périodique qui connaît à cette époque un fort développement. En effet, la révolution de 1848, en plus d’être portée par les ouvriers et le peuple, a aussi été menée par les journalistes de l’époque. -- Cette publication collective s’inscrit dans une entreprise pluridisciplinaire rassemblant des économistes, des philosophes, des historiens et des politistes autour d’axes de réflexion communs (conditions de production d’un journal, thématiques l’animant, réseau des rédacteurs). -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  French_language  intellectual_history  19thC  French_politics  Industrial_Revolution  capitalism  socialism-19thC  July_Monarchy  1848_revolutions  French_government  political_culture  political_press  political_participation  working_class  public_opinion  publishing  journalism  Restoration-France  parties  political_philosophy  downloaded 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
Bourke, R.: Empire and Revolution: The Political Life of Edmund Burke. (eBook and Hardcover)
Drawing on the complete range of printed and manuscript sources, Empire and Revolution offers a vivid reconstruction of the major concerns of this outstanding statesman, orator, and philosopher.In restoring Burke to his original political and intellectual context, this book strips away the accumulated distortions that have marked the reception of his ideas. In the process, it overturns the conventional picture of a partisan of tradition against progress. In place of the image of a backward-looking opponent of popular rights, it presents a multifaceted portrait of one of the most captivating figures in eighteenth-century life and thought. While Burke was a passionately energetic statesman, he was also a deeply original thinker. Empire and Revolution depicts him as a philosopher-in-action who evaluated the political realities of the day through the lens of Enlightenment thought, variously drawing on the ideas of such figures as Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Hume. A boldly ambitious work of scholarship, this book challenges us to rethink the legacy of Burke and the turbulent era in which he played so pivotal a role. -- Richard Bourke is professor in the history of political thought and codirector of the Centre for the Study of the History of Political Thought at Queen Mary University of London. He is the author of Peace in Ireland: The War of Ideas and the coeditor of Political Judgement. -- Big early chunk on Vindication of Natural Society -- TOC and Intro (24 pgs) downloaded to Note
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september 2015 by dunnettreader
The Omaha Platform: Launching the Populist Party | History Matters - US History Survey - GMU
Although historians often speak of a “Populist movement” in the 1880s, it wasn’t until 1892 that the People’s or Populist Party was formally organized. The Omaha Platform, adopted by the founding convention of the party on July 4, 1892, set out the basic tenets of the Populist movement. The movement had emerged out of the cooperative crusade organized by the Farmer’s Alliance in the 1880s. The preamble was written by Minnesota lawyer, farmer, politician, and novelist Ignatius Donnelly. Delegates to the convention embraced the platform with great enthusiasm. Many of the specific proposals urged by the Omaha Platform—the graduated income tax, the secret ballot, the direct election of Senators, the eight-hour day—won enactment in the progressive and New Deal eras of the next century. Yet at least one historian has argued that the fundamental cooperative and democratic spirit of the agrarian radicals was lost along the way.
etexts  US_history  19thC  20thC  populism  parties  agrarian_interests  US_politics  reform-political  Progressive_Era  New_Deal  labor_standards  tax_policy  US_constitution  movements-political  democracy  representative_institutions  Gilded_Age  website 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
The Populist Phenomenon | Nadia Urbinati - Academia.edu
The paper advances an analytical rendering of populism and argues that the components that make it a recognizable phenomenon are simplification and polarization of political divisions in the view of achieving a deeper unification of the masses against the existing elites and under an organic narrative that most of the time a leader embodies. Populism is thus internal to and a challenge of representative democracy; it competes with it on the meaning and practice of representation since aims at a more genuine identification between the represented and the representatives. After a premise on the distinction between a popular movement and populism, the paper argues that to better understand this phenomenon we should situate it within the republican as Roman tradition. -- Research Interests: Quality of democracy and democratic consolidation. Parties and representative political institutions with a particular focus on legislative assemblies. -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  Academia.edu  political_philosophy  political_culture  democracy  democracy_deficit  political_participation  legitimacy  representative_institutions  populism  republicanism  parties  parties-transmission_belts  legislature  legislature-process  deliberation-public  mass_culture  masses-fear_of  polarization  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Luca Corchia - Europe: The debate between Habermas and Streeck about the Left and Europe’s future | Reset Dialogues on Civilizations - 25 March 2014
Over the next few months the press and television networks will one again focus on European events, returning the interest of Italian public opinion to these matters, and this will take place on the basis of the pressing timeframe dictated by political issues. In a few weeks’ time the election campaign for a European Union’s parliament, scheduled for May 22-25, will be fully under way in all 28 member states. -- check out footnotes -- downloaded pdf to Note
EU  EU_governance  Eurozone  ECB  Great_Recession  financial_crisis  Greece-Troika  democracy  democracy_deficit  legitimacy  elections  capitalism-systemic_crisis  capitalism-varieties  capital_as_power  Eurosceptic  European_integration  elites  elites-self-destructive  parties  social_democracy  right-wing  nationalism  nation-state  national_interest  political_press  political_culture  economic_culture  Habermas 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Joseph Fishkin, Heather Gerken - The Party's Over: McCutcheon, Shadow Parties, and the Future of the Party System :: SSRN - Supreme Court Review, Vol. 2015, No. 1, 2015
Joseph Fishkin, University of Texas School of Law -- Heather Gerken, Yale University - Law School -- McCutcheon v Federal Election Commission can only be understood against the deep shifts taking place in American politics. By some measures, party identity is very strong, and the Democratic Party and the Republican Party are at the height of their power. Other measures suggest that the parties are losing their grip on politics to “outside groups” (..) which have taken over a startling array of core party functions. But these “outside groups” are are deeply and durably aligned with one party or the other and run by consummate party insiders. That’s why we call them shadow parties.(..) What we are witnessing is not outside spenders pulling power away from the parties but an intraparty battle for the heart and soul of the party writ large. Although we see this battle as an intraparty fight, its likely outcome is one that “small-d” democrats ought to find disquieting. The parties have been important sites of pluralist competition. The shift toward shadow parties threatens to flatten the party structure and inhibit pluralist politics. (..) They are closed to most and controlled by few. We are especially concerned that the shift to the shadow parties will permanently squeeze out the party faithful – the activists and highly engaged citizens who serve as a bridge between everyday citizens and political elites – and largely eliminate their already-diminished role within the party writ large. The shift toward shadow parties thus raises important questions about the future of American politics and who ought to control political parties. -- PDF File: 28 -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  SCOTUS  elections  campaign_finance  parties  partisanship  political_participation  politics-and-money  shadow_parties  business_influence  democracy_deficit 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Jack Balkin - Fragile Democracies: An Interview with Sam Issacharoff | Balkinization - June 2015
A bunch of great Qs from HB -- I recently spoke with Sam Issacharoff (NYU Law School) about his new book, Fragile Democracies: Contested Power in the Era of Constitutional Courts (CUP). -- JB: You are one of the foremost experts on American election law. How did you get interested in the constitutional problems of emerging democracies? JB: A key claim of the book is that courts can play an important role in keeping emerging democracies from backsliding into authoritarianism and dictatorship. Why are courts able to do this? -- JB: Critics of judicial review have long argued that it is inconsistent with democracy, and actually undermines it in the long run. How does your argument engage with those critics? SI: We have long debated the issue of judicial review and the countermajoritarian difficulty in the U.S. The new democracies of the 20thC and 21stC uniformly created constitutional courts whose central function was to check the exercise of power by the political branches(..) entrusted to these courts not only the power of judicial review, but the power to be the central administrative body over elections. The gamble is that democracy would be stabilized by guaranteeing limitations on government and repeat elections. (..) I would prefer to see the question whether strong court constitutionalism can sustain democracy in fractured societies as an empirical one-- of "does it work?" If it does, we can indulge the theoretical question of the legitimacy of how judicial power is exercised, but down the road a ways.
Instapaper  books  constitutional_law  constitutions  democratization  transition_economies  post-colonial  limited_government  power-concentration  power-asymmetric  accountability  government-forms  government-roles  checks-and-balances  separation-of-powers  judiciary  judicial_review  elections  voting  corruption  parties  legitimacy  legitimacy-international  authoritarian  one-party_state  democracy_deficit  political_participation  opposition  from instapaper
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Heather K. Gerken and Joseph Fishkin - Whose party is it anyway? | Balkinization - June 2015
Description of key portion of paper published *downloaded from SSRN to Note) we imagine three models of who should control a party: 1. The equality model: On this model, each party member should have equal influence over the direction of the party. 2. The elite-driven model: On this model, the parties are not democracies; they are more like firms, competing in the broader democratic arena. In this analogy, party elites are the executives; the donors are the shareholders; and ordinary voters are like consumers who can accept or reject what the elites are selling. This model has its roots in a Schumpeterian conception of democracy. -- Neither of these models, we think, is adequate—either positively or normatively. (..) So we propose 3. The pluralist model: This hybrid model takes into account the party’s multi-layered role in our politics. On this model, the party stands in part for ordinary voters who make up the base of the party, in part for the party elites who run it, and in part for the activists in between—the party faithful, who knock on doors and show up at rallies and caucuses and provide much of the party’s energy. The party faithful are much more heavily involved in the party than ordinary voters, but much less influential than the Koch brothers. One major worry we have about the shift from official parties to shadow parties is that the party faithful may get squeezed out, leaving us with a politics that is more centralized and broadcast-like.
Instapaper  paper  SSRN  US_politics  parties  shadow_parties  political_participation  pluralism  voting  elections  democracy  democracy-direct  elites-political_influence  oligarchy  politics-and-money  partisanship  parties-transmission_belts  public_sphere  public_opinion  competition-political  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Alex Massie - Queen in the North makes her play - Medium - May 2015
Nicola Sturgeon, the Queen in the North, is mistress of all she surveys. She is, everyone agrees, already the biggest winner in this long, otherwise colourless,…
Instapaper  Scotland  UK_politics  Scottish_politics  Tories  Labour  SNP  Parliament  devolution  local_government  local_politics  1707_Union  political_culture  parties  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Elaine Karmack - Jonathan Rauch: Political realism - In praise of old fashioned politics | Brookings Institution - May 2015
Jonathan Rauch's paper “Political realism: How hacks, machines, big money and back-room deals can strengthen American democracy” marks the beginning of a serious effort on behalf of Brookings scholars to open up a conversation challenging the reform assumptions of the past few decades. In the coming months we will be convening social scientists and public intellectuals along with politicians and activists in order to explore a new way of looking at solutions to the polarization of contemporary American politics. Not everyone will agree—with Rauch—or with each other. But we feel the time has come to take on the conventional reform wisdom and begin an intellectual dialogue on why our democracy seems to be failing. Taking a page from international relations where realism assumes conflict among nations; political realism also assumes that conflict is a constant part of the system. According to Rauch realism, “…sees governing as difficult and political peace and stability as treasures never to be taken for granted.” He goes on to argue the virtues of transactional politics and to point out how, in the name of reform, weakening the bulwarks of transactional politics has weakened democracy as a whole. “Where the realist tends to believe that governing is inherently difficult, that politics is inherently transactional and that success is best judged in terms of reaching social accommodation rather than achieving some abstract purpose, the progressive tends to see government as perfectible and politics as a path toward a higher public good.” In practice this means that the political realist advocates things that have been anathema to reformers. -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  democracy  US_politics  US_government  US_legal_system  good_government  sunshine_laws  transparency  realism-political  IR-realism  reform-political  parties  partisanship  faction  extremism  polarization  conflict  common_good  political_philosophy  political_culture  political_sociology  political_participation  political_science  politics-and-money  campaign_finance  elections  public_sphere  public_policy  downloaded 
may 2015 by dunnettreader
Richard Brookhiser, review essay - Finally, James Madison Mania | The Daily Beast April 2015
Four new titles join the list: The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution, 1783-1789 by Joseph J. Ellis; Becoming Madison: The Extraordinary Origins of the Least Likely Founding Father by Michael Signer; The Bill of Rights: The Fight to Secure America’s Liberties, by Carol Birken; and Madison’s Gift: Five Partnerships That Built America by David O. Stewart. -- the Ellis book measures up to expectations from his earlier books -- the most interesting looks like the Stewart book that goes through the presidency period and his relationship with Monroe -- as Brookhiser points out, not enough is being done on Madison as key to his and Jefferson’s "invention" of American political parties and what that involved in flipping from their approach to the Constitution, as well as ideologically obliterating Washington's heritage.
books  reviews  kindle-available  US_history  US_constitution  US_politics  18thC  19thC  Early_Republic  Founders  Madison  Hamilton  Jefferson  political_philosophy  republicanism  political_discourse  parties  faction  biography 
april 2015 by dunnettreader
Dan Bogart - "There Can Be No Partnership with the King": Regulatory Commitment and the Tortured Rise of England's East Indian Merchant Empire | via Brad DeLong - Equitablog
Dan Bogart, Department of Economics, UC Irvine - : “There Can Be No Partnership with the King”: Regulatory Commitment and the Tortured Rise of England’s East Indian Merchant Empire: “The English East India Company helped build Britain’s colonial empire, but the Company was not a leader in East Asian trade for nearly a century after its founding in 1600. This paper argues that its early performance was hindered by a problem of regulatory commitment. It gives a brief history of the torturous renegotiations over its monopoly trading privileges and the fiscal demands by the monarchy. It also analyzes the effects of political instability, warfare, and fiscal capacity on the Company’s investment in shipping tonnage. Regressions show the growth of shipping tonnage declined significantly when there were changes in government ministers, when Britain was at war in Europe and North America, and when shipping capacity exceeded central government tax revenues. The findings point to the significance of regulatory institutions in Britain’s development and its links with politics and war. They also provide an important case where regulatory uncertainty lowers investment.” paper dated Jan 2015 -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  downloaded  economic_history  British_history  British_Empire  fiscal-military_state  state-building  UK_government-colonies  East_India_Company  trade-policy  trading_companies  trading_privileges  monopolies  British_Navy  17thC  institutional_capacity  regulation  monarchy-proprietary  James_I  Charles_I  Charles_II  James_II  English_Civil_War  Interregnum  taxes  political_culture  shipping  merchants  interlopers  military_history  Anglo-Dutch_wars  Glorious_Revolution  Nine_Years_War  War_of_Spanish_Succession  investment  uncertainty-regulation  uncertainty-political  British_politics  Restoration  colonialism  parties  faction  EF-add 
february 2015 by dunnettreader
Biancamaria Fontana - Rethinking the Politics of Commercial Society The Edinburgh Review 1802–1832 (hdbk 1985, pbk & ebook 2008) | Political philosophy | Cambridge University Press
This book explores the sources of modern British liberalism through a study of the Edinburgh Review, the most influential and controversial early nineteenth-century British periodical. Founded by a group of young Scottish intellectuals in 1802, the Review served as a principal channel through which the ideas of the Scottish Enlightenment gained wider currency, and did much to popularize the doctrines of economic and political reform. As Dr Fontana shows in this lucid and keen analysis, the first thirty years in the life of the Review clearly display the new social and economic problems confronting European society in the aftermath of the French Revolution. **--** Introduction *--* 1. Scottish theories of commercial society and the French Revolution *-* 2. Adam Smith's heritage: the Edinburgh reviewers and the Wealth of Nations *-* 3. The definition of political economy: political economy as a social science *-* 4. The Edinburgh reviewers and the Whig party *-* 5. Commercial society and its enemies: the debate on the First Reform Bill *-* Conclusion -- downloaded pdfs of front matter and excerpt to Note
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february 2015 by dunnettreader
José Luis Martí & Félix Ovejero - « Républicanisme et participation citoyenne. Réponse à "La démocratie directe de la Puerta del Sol" » | La Vie des idées - Sept 2011
José Luis Martí et Félix Ovejero répondent à l’analyse du mouvement des indignés espagnols proposée dans la Vie des idées par Eva Botella, et prennent la défense de Philip Pettit. Son républicanisme est certes attentif aux risques d’excès de démocratie, mais rien dans sa théorie politique, qui valorise la délibération publique, ne s’oppose aux réclamations du mouvement du 15M. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  political_history  political_culture  Spain  political_philosophy  republicanism  political_participation  social_movements  socialism  social_democracy  democracy  democracy_deficit  Pettit  parties  partisanship  faction  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Eva Botella-Ordinas - La démocratie directe de la Puerta del Sol | La Vie des idées - May 2011
This article written within a week of the events in Spain, with a focus on the debates on the left in Spain re what a "republicanism" entails. Another article at the same time focused more on the history of democracy and various forms of political participation in Spain from the Early Modern era onwards. The follow up in the Fall of 2011 was a series of articles covering political philosophy, political sociology of social movements and more discussion of the history of democracy in Spain, including a response to this analysis of flavors of republicanism by José Luis Martí and Félix Ovejero (mentioned in this article) and another article by Botella-Ordinas with 2 other historians. -- Pourquoi les Espagnols se mobilisent-ils en occupant les places des grandes villes ? Dans ce texte écrit sur le vif, une historienne de la pensée politique ouvre le débat. Elle montre que le mouvement du 15M s’appuie sur l’expérience de pratiques démocratiques autonomes mises en place par les centres sociaux autogérés. Elle signale aussi le fossé grandissant, au sein de la gauche espagnole, entre deux visions du républicanisme et de la participation démocratique. -- Ce texte est précédé d’une chronique écrite par un autre historien de l’Université Autonome de Madrid, Juan Luis Simal, qui permet de replacer les événements de la semaine dernière dans leur contexte. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  political_philosophy  republicanism  Spain  21stC  socialism  parties  social_movements  democracy  democracy_deficit  political_participation  Pettit  Great_Recession  austerity  1-percent  Eurozone  international_finance  political  economy  institutions  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Jacob Weisberg, review essay - Bridge Too Far - Rick Perlstein, The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan | Democracy Journal - Issue #34, Fall 2014
Rick Perlstein’s account of Ronald Reagan’s rise acknowledges his popularity, but doesn’t take the reasons behind it seriously enough. --
The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan By Rick Perlstein • Simon & Schuster • 2014 • 810 pages -- see Perlstein’s response -- both downloaded as pdf to Note
books  reviews  article  US_politics  US_history  US_society  US_government  US_foreign_policy  Cold_War  20thC  post-WWII  right-wing  Reagan  GOP  public_opinion  public_policy  elections  parties  partisanship  faction  historiography-20thC  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Rick Perlstein - The Reason for Reagan, A response to Jacob Weisberg. | Democracy Journal: Issue #35, Winter 2015
In 1984, the year Reagan won 49 states and 59 percent of the popular vote, only 35 percent of Americans said they favored substantial cuts in social programs in order to reduce the deficit. Given these plain facts, historiography on the rise of conservatism and the triumph of Ronald Reagan must obviously go beyond the deadening cliché that since Ronald Reagan said government was the problem, and Americans elected Ronald Reagan twice, the electorate simply agreed with him that government was the problem. But in his recent review of my book The Invisible Bridge [“A Bridge Too Far,” Issue #34], Jacob Weisberg just repeats that cliché—and others. “Rick Perlstein’s account of Reagan’s rise acknowledges his popularity,” the article states, “but doesn’t take the reasons behind it seriously enough.” Weisberg is confident those reasons are obvious. Is he right? -- downloaded as pdf to Note
books  reviews  article  US_politics  US_history  US_society  US_government  US_foreign_policy  Cold_War  20thC  post-WWII  right-wing  Reagan  GOP  public_opinion  public_policy  elections  parties  partisanship  faction  historiography-20thC  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Chris Dillow - Blair the ideologue | Stumbling & Mumbling Jan 2015
In his interview with the Economist, Tony Blair seems like a sad old man living in the past. He says that "the Labour Party succeeds best when it is in the centre ground" - something which entails "not alienating large parts of business, for one thing”. What this misses is that things have changed since the 1990s. What worked for Labour then might well not work now. What I mean is that in the 1990s Labour could plausibly offer positive-sum redistribution and could therefore please both left and right. (..) Such policies were centrist, vote-winning and (within limits) reasonable economics. However, we don't live in the 90s any more. There are at least five big differences between then and now.
political_economy  20thC  21stC  UK_politics  UK_evonomy  Labour  Tories  right-wing  parties  neoliberalism  public_opinion  Blair_Tony 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
- DAVID LEWIS JONES - British Parliaments and Assemblies: A Bibliography of Printed Materials (2009) Parliamentary History - Wiley Online Library
Each section a pdf downloaded to Note - combined, c 25,000 entries *--* Section 1: Preface, Introduction, The Westminster Parliament 1-4005. **--** Section 2: The Medieval Parliament 4006-4728 **--** Section 3: Tudor Parliaments 4729-5064 **--* Section 4: Stuart Parliaments 5063-6805 **--** Section 5: The Unreformed Parliament 1714-1832 6806-9589. **--** Section 6: The Reformed Parliament 1832-1918 9590-15067 **--** Section 7: Parliament 1918-2009 15068-21582. **--** Section 8: The Judicial House of Lords 21583-21835. -- The Palace of Westminster 21836-22457. -- The Irish Parliament 22458-23264 -- The Scottish Parliament (to 1707) 23265-23482 -- The New Devolved Assemblies 23483-23686 -- The Scottish Parliament (1999-) 23687-24251 -- Northern Ireland 24252-24563 -- The National Assembly for Wales 24537-24963 -- Minor Assemblies
bibliography  historiography  Medieval  medieval_history  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  political_culture  political_philosophy  political_economy  political_history  politics-and-religion  political_participation  political_press  legal_history  legal_system  legal_theory  British_history  British_politics  Britain  British_Empire  British_foreign_policy  English_constitution  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  monarchy  monarchy-proprietary  monarchical_republic  limited_monarchy  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  House_of_Commons  House_of_Lords  sovereignty  government-forms  governing_class  government_finance  government_officials  Scotland  Ireland  Ireland-English_exploitation  elites  elite_culture  common_law  rule_of_law  1690s  1700s  1707_Union  1680s  Glorious_Revolution  Glorious_Revolution-Scotland  English_Civil_War  Three_Kingdoms  composite_monarchies  Absolutism  ancient_constitution  religion-established  Church_of_England  Reformation  reform-legal  reform-political  elections  franchise  state-building  opposition  parties  pa 
december 2014 by dunnettreader
Jack A. Goldstone and Bert Useem - Putting Values and Institutions Back into the Theory of Strategic Action Fields | JSTOR: Sociological Theory, Vol. 30, No. 1 (MARCH 2012), pp. 37-47
Neil Fligstein and Doug McAdam have presented a new theory of how collective action creates the structure and dynamics of societies. At issue is the behavior of social movements, organizations, states, political parties, and interest groups. They argue that all of these phenomena are produced by social actors (which may be individuals or groups) involved in strategic action. This allows Fligstein and McAdam to advance a unified theory of "strategic action fields." This article takes issue with aspects of Fligstein and McAdam's important contribution. We argue that that all organizations are not essentially the same; in addition to the location and interactions of their strategic actors, their dynamics are shaped and distinguished by differing values and norms, by the autonomy of institutions embedded in strategic action fields, and by the fractal relationships that nested fields have to broader principles of justice and social organization that span societies. We also criticize the view that social change can be conceptualized solely in terms of shifting configurations of actors in strategic action fields. Rather, any theory of social action must distinguish between periods of routine contention under the current institutions and norms and exceptional challenges to the social order that aim to transform those institutions and norms. -- Sage paywall on a 3 year delay for jstor
article  jstor  paywall  social_theory  collective_action  social_movements  organizations  nation-state  parties  partisanship  institutions  strategic_action_fields  political_culture  civil_society  social_order  institutional_change  old_institutionalism  new_institutionalism  rational_choice  norms  contention  conflict  social_process  change-social  change-intellectual  levels_of_analyis  networks-political  networks-social  networks  networks-policy  networks-religious  power  action-social  action-theory  revolutions  reform-social  reform-political  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Kenan Malik - AS I WAS SAYING ABOUT UKIP… | Pandaemonium October 2014
The debate abound UKIP swirls unabated after its success in winning the Clacton by-election from the Conervatives, and in almost winning Heywood and Middleton from Labour. There remains considerable confusion about the nature of the UKIP phenomenon (the clarifying work of academics such as Matthew Goodwin and Rob Ford has been useful here). There is even greater confusion over how to challenge it. I have been writing about UKIP and immigration for a while now. So I thought I would pull together the main themes of that writing, to set out the main arguments from my previous articles about UKIP and the challenge that it poses. -- with the Lib-Dems in the coalition, they're no longer the safe protest vote -- and the UKIP phenomenon is more a matter of disaffection from all the mainstream politics than a classic "protest vote" -- links to a series of posts that also reflects on the Scottish vote, EU protest parties and the "left behind" that are politically disaffected but their "politics" is cultural and tribal rather than traditional class-based or typical left-right ideology patterns
21stC  UK_politics  EU_governance  parties  right-wing  elections  links 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Harold Meyerson - The Revolt of the Cities The American Prospect - August 2014
20 years ago, half of America’s dozen largest cities had Republican mayors. -- of the nation’s 30 largest cities, just 4 (San Diego, Indianapolis, Fort Worth, and Oklahoma City) have Republican mayors, and even they have to swim with the urban tides. -- Demographic recomposition has proved a necessary but insufficient prerequisite for urban political change. The newcomers to America’s cities also have had to come together as an effective political force. With few exceptions, the cities that have elected left-populist governments have first reconfigured their power structures by building coalitions dedicated to greater economic and racial equity. Aided in some instances by liberal foundations, these coalitions consist chiefly of unions, community-based organizations in low-income minority neighborhoods, immigrants’ rights groups, affordable-housing advocates, environmental organizations, and networks of liberal churches, synagogues, and mosques. The unions that have been key to the formation of these new coalitions—it’s labor, after all, that has the capacity to provide the lion’s share of funding for these ventures—generally aren’t the municipal employee locals that have a bargaining relationship with elected officials that can limit their freedom of political action. They tend, rather, to be unions of private-sector workers—janitors, hotel housekeepers, hospital orderlies, supermarket clerks. Their members and potential members are often overwhelmingly minority and substantially immigrant. Indeed, the growing importance of these unions coincides with the growth of immigrants’ rights groups in most major cities. -- What’s happening in cities can be described as Obama’s agenda trickling down to the jurisdictions where it has enough political support to be enacted—but it’s also the incubation of policies and practices that will trickle up. With considerable creativity and limited power, the new urban regimes are seeking to diminish the inequality so apparent in cities and so pervasive nationwide. They are mapping the future of liberalism until the day when the national government can bring it to scale.
US_politics  local_government  local_politics  unions  immigration  wages  green_economy  inequality  housing  education  environment  coalitions-progressive  cities  grassroots  parties  progressivism  Obama_administration  state_government  blue_states  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
WILLIAM A. PETTIGREW and GEORGE W. VAN CLEVE -- PARTING COMPANIES: THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION, COMPANY POWER, AND IMPERIAL MERCANTILISM. (2014). | The Historical Journal, 57, pp 617-638. Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
WILLIAM A. PETTIGREW - University of Kent and GEORGE W. VAN CLEVE - Seattle University School of Law --This article revisits the late seventeenth-century histories of two of England's most successful overseas trading monopolies, the East India and Royal African Companies. It offers the first full account of the various enforcement powers and strategies that both companies developed and stresses their unity of purpose in the seventeenth century. It assesses the complex effects that the ‘Glorious Revolution’ had on these powers and strategies, unearthing much new material about the case law for monopoly enforcement in this critical period and revising existing accounts that continue to assert the Revolution's exclusively deregulating effects and that miss crucial subtleties in the case law and related alterations in company behaviour. It asks why the two companies parted company as legal and political entities and offers an explanation that connects the fortunes of both monopoly companies to their public profile and differing constituencies in the English empire and the varying non-European political contexts in which they operated. -- * We warmly thank Michael R. T. Macnair for his indispensable advice and assistance regarding matters of seventeenth-century English law and are grateful to Clive Holmes for encouraging us to look into these issues and to Simon Douglas and Jeffrey Hackney for initial help in doing so. Paul Halliday, Daniel Hulsebosch, and Philip J. Stern provided helpful responses to specific research queries.
article  paywall  find  17thC  British_history  British_politics  economic_history  Glorious_Revolution  mercantilism  monopolies  trading_companies  East_India_Company  Royal_African_Co  colonialism  slavery  piracy  competition  parties  London  legal_history  judiciary  commercial_law  interest_groups  Whig_Junto  Tories  James_II  William_III  Parliament  institutional_economics  North-Weingast  regulation  West_Indies  ports  shipping  trade-policy  entrepôts  exports  imports  luxury_goods  consumers  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
JORDAN S. DOWNS - "THE CURSE OF MEROZ" AND THE ENGLISH CIVIL WAR (2014). | The Historical Journal, 57, pp 343-368. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
JORDAN S. DOWNS -- University of California, Riverside -- This article attempts to uncover the political significance of the Old Testament verse Judges 5:23, ‘the curse of Meroz’, during the English Civil War. Historians who have commented on the printed text of Meroz have done so primarily in reference to a single edition of the parliamentarian fast-day preacher Stephen Marshall's 1642 Meroz cursed sermon. Usage of the curse, however, as shown in more than seventy unique sermons, tracts, histories, libels, and songs considered here, demonstrates that the verse was far more widespread and politically significant than has been previously assumed. Analysing Meroz in its political and polemical roles, from the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion in 1641 and through the Restoration of Charles II in the 1660s, sheds new light on the ways in which providentialism functioned during the Civil Wars, and serves, more specifically, to illustrate some of the important means by which ministers and polemicists sought to mobilize citizens and construct party identities. --* I am grateful to Richard Cust, Barbara Donagan, Peter Lake, Isaac Stephens, Stefania Tutino, and the two anonymous reviewers who read and commented on earlier versions of this article. Special thanks are due to Tom Cogswell for his guidance and extensive feedback
article  paywall  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Restoration  religious_history  religious_culture  Providence  sermons  religious_lit  Bible-as-history  Biblical_authority  Old_Testament  political_press  pamphlets  popular_culture  popular_politics  partisanship  parties  identity  identity_politics  Parliamentarians  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - The Principle of Loyal Opposition (last revised 2012) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 12-22 -- The Principle of Loyal Opposition is key to the way in which modern democracies organize themselves. It is bound up with the existence of political parties, of which we need to take much more notice in political theory (as Nancy Rosenblum has argued) and with the significance of reasonable disagreement in politics. The principle is exhibited most clearly in systems that actually assign a role to an official Opposition party and an Opposition Leadership. But versions of it are also apparent in American-style constitutions, albeit they are harder to discern in a context in which different functions of government may assigned, branch by branch, to members of different political parties. Finally, the paper interrogates the idea of "loyalty" in "loyal opposition." Loyalty to what? The paper argues that the phrase should not connote any sort of litmus test of support for constitutional essentials, but should rather convey a sense that as far as possible opposition parties are always to be regarded as loyal, no matter what policies or constitutional changes they favor. -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 44 -- Keywords: constitution, constitutional essentials, democracy, loyal opposition, political parties -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  political_philosophy  government-forms  mixed_government  partisanship  parties  faction  opposition  political_culture  political_order  competition-political  loyalty  political_nation  constitutionalism  democracy  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works of John Adams, vol. 6 (Defence of the Constitutions Vol. III cont’d, Davila, Essays on the Constitution) - Online Library of Liberty
John Adams, The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 6. 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2104> -- A 10 volume collection of Adams’ most important writings, letters, and state papers, edited by his grandson. Vol. 6 contains (Defence of the Constitutions Vol. III cont’d, Davila, Essays on the Constitution. The last continued part of the Defence of the Constitutions deals with Marchmont Nedham and writings on the commonwealth. Davila is the history of the 16thC French Wars_of_Religion. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  18thC  intellectual_history  Enlightenment  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  Adams_John  political_history  political_philosophy  government-forms  mixed_government  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  English_constitution  US_constitution  state_government  federalism  commonwealth  historiography  France  Wars_of_Religion  English_Civil_War  Glorious_Revolution  French_Revolution  Terror  Directoire  Napoleon  Napoleonic_Wars  separation-of-powers  checks-and-balances  centralization  central_government  local_government  parties  partisanship  faction  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Joyce Lee Malcom, The Struggle for Sovereignty: 17thC English Political Tracts, vol. 2 of 2 - Online Library of Liberty
Joyce Lee Malcom, The Struggle for Sovereignty: Seventeenth-Century English Political Tracts, 2 vols, ed. Joyce Lee Malcolm (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1999). Vol. 2. 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/1824> -- Vol 1 covers 1603 to 1660, Vol 2 from the Restoration (starting with Vane's defense) through the flurry after the Glorious_Revolution, including Sherlock on the rule of William and Mary now settled, debates over loyalty oath and bill of rights. -- An entire literature of political discourse resulted from this extraordinary outpouring – and vigorous exchange – of views. The results are of a more than merely antiquarian interest. The political tracts of the English peoples in the 17thC established enduring principles of governance and of liberty that benefited not only themselves but the founders of the American republic. These writings, by the renowned (Coke, Sidney, Shaftesbury) and the unremembered (“Anonymous”) therefore constitute an enduring contribution to the historical record of the rise of ordered liberty. Each volume includes an introduction and chronology. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Interregnum  Protectorate  Restoration  Exclusion_Crisis  Popish_Plot  Rye_House_Plot  tolerance  prerogative  Glorious_Revolution  Charles_II  James_II  William_III  Queen_Mary  Shaftesbury_1st_Earl  Sidney  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  history_of_England  politics-and-religion  political_participation  sovereignty  Parliament  ancient_constitution  government-forms  Absolutism  divine_right  Magna_Carta  politics-and-literature  political-theology  commonwealth  civic_humanism  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  loyalty_oaths  Royalists  dissenters  parties  faction  Church_of_England  resistance_theory  religion-established  ecclesiology  nonjurors  defacto_rule  Norman_Conquest  bibliography  primary_sources  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works and Life of Walter Bagehot, vol. 4 (Political & Literary Essays) - Online Library of Liberty
WILLIAM PITT. (1861.) *--* THE PRINCE CONSORT. (1861.) *--* COUNT YOUR ENEMIES AND ECONOMISE YOUR EXPENDITURE. (1862.) -- POSTSCRIPT. *--* LADY MARY WORTLEY MONTAGU.1 (1862.) -- “To Mr. Wortley Montagu. -- “TOWN ECLOGUES. *--* THE IGNORANCE OF MAN. (1862.) *--* MR. CLOUGH’S POEMS. (1862.) *--* BOLINGBROKE AS A STATESMAN. (1863.) *--* WHAT LORD LYNDHURST REALLY WAS. (1863.) *--* SIR GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS.1 (1863.) -- Right Hon. Sir George C. Lewis to Earl Stanhope. -- The same to the same. *--* THE TRIBUTE AT HEREFORD TO SIR G. C. LEWIS. (1864.) *--* STERNE AND THACKERAY.1 (1864.) *--* SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF MRS. ELIZABETH DRAPER, IN WHOM GENIUS AND BENEVOLENCE WERE UNITED. SHE DIED AUGUST 3, 1778, AGED 35. *--* WORDSWORTH, TENNYSON, AND BROWNING OR PURE, ORNATE, AND GROTESQUE ART IN ENGLISH POETRY.1 (1864.) *--* CÆSARISM AS IT EXISTED IN 1865. *--* MR. COBDEN. (1865.) *--* LORD PALMERSTON. (1865.) *--* BOSCASTLE.1 (1866.) -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  Bagehot  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  English_lit  poetry  novels  Bolingbroke  Montagu_Lady_Mary  Sterne  Thackeray  Wordsworth  Tennyson  Victorian  Romanticism  parties  partisanship  Tories  British_Empire  British_foreign_policy  political_economy  laisser-faire  free_trade  Parliament  UK_Government  Pitt_the_Younger  Palmerston  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works and Life of Walter Bagehot, vol. 3 (Historical & Literary Essays) - Online Library of Liberty
BéRANGER. (1857.) *--* THE WAVERLEY NOVELS. (1858.) *--* CHARLES DICKENS. (1858.) *--* PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. (1859.) *--* NOTE. *--* JOHN MILTON. (1859.) *--* THE HISTORY OF THE UNREFORMED PARLIAMENT, AND ITS LESSONS. (1860.) *--* MR. GLADSTONE.1 (1860.) *--* MEMOIR OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JAMES WILSON. (1860.) *--* “To the Right Honourable Sir Charles Wood, Bart., G.C.B., Secretary of State for India. *--* THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AT THE PRESENT CRISIS. CAUSES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.
books  etexts  17thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  English_lit  Milton  Scott_Sir_Walter  Dickens  Parliament  franchise  elections  parties  political_change  political_culture  Gladstone  US_Civil_War  British_Empire  British_foreign_policy  popular_politics  public_opinion  reform-political  historical_fiction  reform-social  US_constitution  Bagehot  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
András Körösényi - Monopolistic Competition, Auction and Authorization. A Schumpeterian View of Leadership and the Political Market | JSTOR: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, Vol. 37, No. 1 (139) (2012), pp. 57-72
The market analogy of democracy played a central role in one of the leading versions of democratic theory in the last fifty years, in the so-called "elite" or "competitive" theory of democracy. In the present paper, I first clarify that the dominant school of the market analogy (Downs and his followers) turned its back on the approach of the originator of the analogy, Joseph Schumpeter. Schumpeter argued that both economic and political competition -due to the activity of entrepreneurs -are necessarily monopolistic and destroy equilibrium. Second, I show how followers of the Schumpeterian market analogy improved upon it by using the concept of natural monopolies and making it conform to the characteristics of politics, while further distancing themselves from Downsian interpretation and the dominant Public Choice approach. Finally, I demonstrate a normative implication of monopolistic competition, namely its consequences for the concept of "agency loss". -- looks good re post WWII social sciences -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_theory  social_sciences-post-WWII  political_science  markets  competition  competition-political  parties  democracy  elites  political_culture  political_participation  monopolies  Schumpter  neoclassical_economics  public_choice  equilibrium  social_order  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Kevin Sharpe, review essay - Print, Polemics, and Politics in 17thC England | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 41, No. 2 (Apr., 2002), pp. 244-254
Writing and Society: Literacy, Print and Politics in Britain, 1590-1660 by Nigel Wheale; Whores of Babylon: Catholicism, Gender and Seventeenth-Century Print Culture by Frances E. Dolan; Political Passions: Gender, The Family and Political Argument in England, 1680-1714 by Rachel Weil; The Age of Faction: Court Politics, 1660-1702 by Alan Marshall -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  bookshelf  reviews  jstor  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  cultural_history  publishing  print_culture  public_sphere  political_press  anti-Catholic  gender_history  family  patriarchy  Restoration  Elizabeth  James_I  Charles_I  Charles_II  James_II  William_III  Queen_Anne  partisanship  faction  parties  court_culture  courtiers  Whigs  Whig_Junto  Tories  Glorious_Revolution  English_Civil_War  literacy  downloaded  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Edmund Burke: A Historical Study (1867) - John Morley - Google Books
Explicitly not a biography - a mix of life political history and political culture of last half of 18thC -- added to Google_Books library - lots of full view copies on Google_Books - this from Czech Library looks in good shape
books  etexts  Google_Books  Morley  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_history  parties  Whigs-oligarchy  Burke  George_III  Ireland  American_Revolution  French_Revolution  East_India_Company  British_foreign_policy  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  British_Empire  conservatism  Pitt_the_Younger  UK_Government  UK_government-colonies  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
The new study about oligarchy that's blowing up the Internet, explained - Vox -:April 2014
Who really matters in our democracy — the general public, or wealthy elites? That's the topic of a new study by political scientists Martin Gilens of Princeton and Benjamin Page of Northwestern. The study's been getting lots of attention, because the authors conclude, basically, that the US is a corrupt oligarchy where ordinary voters barely matter. Or as they put it, "economic elites and organized interest groups play a substantial part in affecting public policy, but the general public has little or no independent influence."
US_politics  democracy  oligarchy  plutocracy  inequality  interest_groups  parties  campaign_finance  Congress  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Separation of Parties, Not Powers by Daryl J. Levinson, Richard H. Pildes :: SSRN (Harvard Law Review 2006)
Few aspects of the Founding generation's political theory are now more clearly anachronistic than their vision of legislative-executive separation of powers. Nevertheless, few of the Framers' ideas continue to be taken as literally or sanctified as deeply by courts and constitutional scholars as the passages about interbranch relations in Madison's Federalist 51. This Article reenvisions the law and theory of separation of powers by viewing it through the lens of party competition. In particular, it points out that during periods - like the present - of cohesive and polarized political parties, the degree and kind of competition between the legislative and executive branches will vary significantly, and may all but disappear, depending on whether party control of the House, Senate, and Presidency is divided or unified. The practical distinction between party-divided and party-unified government thus rivals, and often dominates, the constitutional distinction between the branches in predicting and explaining interbranch political dynamics. Recognizing that these dynamics will shift from competitive when government is divided to cooperative when it is unified calls into question basic assumptions of separation of powers law and theory. More constructively, re-focusing the separation of powers on parties casts numerous aspects of constitutional structure, doctrine, and institutional design in a new and more realistic light. Numbers of Pages in PDF File: 74 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  US_government  US_politics  parties  partisanship  separation-of-powers  US_constitution  Founders  Madison  Congress  executive  downloaded  EF-add 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
Your Evening Jemmy - National Gazette, February 20, 1792 | Esquire
A government operating by corrupt influence, substituting the motive of private interest in place of public duty; converting its pecuniary dispensations into bounties to favorites, or bribes to opponents; accommodating its measures to the avidity of a part of the nation instead of the benefit of the whole; in a word, enlisting an army of interested partizans, whose tongues, whose pens, whose intrigues, and whose active combinations, by supplying the terror of the sword, may support a real domination of the few, under an apparent liberty of the many. Such a government, wherever to be found, is an imposter.
-- James Madison, National Gazette, February 20, 1792
quote  Madison  corruption  partisanship  parties  common_good  propaganda 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
John A. Phillips, review essay - Peers and Parliamentarians versus Jacobites and Jacobins: Eighteenth-Century Stability? | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Oct., 1986), pp. 504-514
Reviewed works - (1) Aristocratic Century: The Peerage of Eighteenth-Century England by John Cannon; *--* (2) British Parliamentary Parties, 1742-1832: From the Fall of Walpole to the First Reform Act by Brian W. Hill; *--* (3) Britain in the Age of Walpole by Jeremy Black; *--* (4) British Radicalism and the French Revolution, 1789-1815 by H. T. Dickinson -- he's not impressed with Cannon who focuses on peerage and thereby misses the aristocracy and elite changes more generally, plus dodgy statistics
books  bookshelf  reviews  article  jstor  18thC  British_history  British_politics  elites  elite_culture  parties  partisanship  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  foreign_policy  Walpole  Whigs-opposition  Jacobites  radicals  French_Revolution  anti-Jacobin  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
JONATHAN WHITE and LEA YPI - On Partisan Political Justification | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 105, No. 2 (May 2011), pp. 381-396
Paywall -- see bibliography on jstor information page -- Political justification figures prominently in contemporary political theory, notably in models of deliberative democracy. This article articulates and defends the essential role of partisanship in this process. Four dimensions of justification are examined in detail: the constituency to which political justifications are offered, the circumstances in which they are developed, the ways in which they are made inclusive, and the ways in which they are made persuasive. In each case, the role of partisanship is probed and affirmed. Partisanship, we conclude, is indispensable to the kind of political justification needed to make the exercise of collective authority responsive to normative concerns.
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_science  democracy  deliberation-public  parties  partisanship  accountability  bibliography  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Simone Chambers - Rhetoric and the Public Sphere: Has Deliberative Democracy Abandoned Mass Democracy? | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 37, No. 3 (June 2009), pp. 323-350
The pathologies of the democratic public sphere, first articulated by Plato in his attack on rhetoric, have pushed much of deliberative theory out of the mass public and into the study and design of small scale deliberative venues. The move away from the mass public can be seen in a growing split in deliberative theory between theories of democratic deliberation (on the ascendancy) which focus on discrete deliberative initiatives within democracies and theories of deliberative democracy (on the decline) that attempt to tackle the large questions of how the public, or civil society in general, relates to the state. Using rhetoric as the lens through which to view mass democracy, this essay argues that the key to understanding the deliberative potential of the mass public is in the distinction between deliberative and plebiscitary rhetoric. -- see bibliography on jstor information page -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  democracy  political_participation  deliberation-public  rhetoric-political  majoritarian  political_press  partisanship  parties  elections  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Nadia Urbinati - Unpolitical Democracy | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 38, No. 1 (February 2010), pp. 65-92
This paper analyzes critically the appeal the unpolitical is enjoying among contemporary political philosophers who are democracy's friends. Unlike a radical critique of democracy, what I propose to call "criticism from within," takes the form of dissatisfaction with the erosion of an independent mind and impartial judgment per effect of the partisan character of democratic politics. This paper proposes three main criticisms of the actual trend toward unpolitical views of democracy: the first points to the strategic use of deliberation as an antidote against democratic procedures themselves (like voting and majority rule); the second to the negative conception of democracy that the unpolitical aspiration makes visible; and the third to the dissolution of political judgment within a model of judgment that is tailored around justice. -- her 2012 article (still paywall) looks more interesting - extending the debate over participation to Renaissance and Early Modern including Harrington, Sidney etc -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  neo-republicanism  political_participation  deliberation-public  parties  partisanship  justice  majoritarian  Pettit  Habermas  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Adam Slez and John Levi Martin - Political Action and Party Formation in the United States Constitutional Convention | JSTOR: American Sociological Review, Vol. 72, No. 1 (Feb., 2007), pp. 42-67
Using data on state voting patterns, we examine the positions taken by state delegations on questions that arose over the course of the United States Constitutional Convention of 1787. Whereas existing accounts tend to assume that this type of collective decision making can be understood by linking fixed interests-either material or ideological-to specific, decontextualized propositions, we argue that the meaning of any one issue was dependent upon its position relative to other issues in the overall sequence of questions. Consequently, each decision changed the meaning of future issues, and hence how actors understood where their commonalities of interest lay. Devoted to the task of rebuilding the institutions that constituted the national state, delegates explicitly reshaped the board on which the political game would be played such that patterns of action within the Convention had implications for patterns of action outside of the Convention. As each subsequent decision within the Convention fixed a previous point of contention, it also indirectly determined which issues would become viable points of conflict in the future. By the end of the Convention, even before the first presidential election, state delegations began to arrange themselves in a manner consonant with the outlines of the first party system. This previously unrecognized finding only makes sense, however, in terms of a temporally contextualized model of political action. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_history  historical_sociology  game_theory  18thC  Early_Republic  US_constitution  parties  interest_groups  rational_choice  networks-social  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Raphael Zariski - The Legitimacy of Opposition Parties in Democratic Political Systems: A New Use for an Old Concept | JSTOR: The Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Mar., 1986), pp. 29-47
This article applies the concept of legitimacy to those opposition parties which have been out of power for so extended a time-span that their fitness to govern is called into question. The problems of exogenous and endogenous legitimacy are examined in terms of the donors from whom legitimacy is sought and the methods and criteria by which legitimacy may be measured. The perpetual tension between exogenous and endogenous legitimacy may lead to a process of self-delegitimation: active members and grass-roots officials of an opposition party may — by threatening to withhold endogenous legitimacy — compel the party leaders to sacrifice some of the exogenous legitimacy the party has acquired. The illusory and unsubstantial gains achieved in a time of economic stringency as a result of the acquisition of exogenous legitimacy tend to strengthen the internal forces which push for self-delegitimation. -- extensive bibliography -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_science  political_culture  parties  opposition  legitimacy  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Daryl J. Levinson and Richard H. Pildes - Separation of Parties, Not Powers | JSTOR: Harvard Law Review, Vol. 119, No. 8 (Jun., 2006), pp. 2311-2386
With the role of parties so different from what the Founders envisioned, the separation of powers is important for whether we have divided or unified government. The constitutional features that undermine parties are anachronisms. -- didn't download
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  legal_history  political_culture  parties  US_constitution  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Steven G. Calabresi - Political Parties as Mediating Institutions | JSTOR: The University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. 61, No. 4 (Autumn, 1994), pp. 1479-1533
Using Lloyd Cutler proposals to strengthen political parties in order to clarify accountability of politicians which the US system of checks and balances muddies, he discusses why he thinks it's a bad idea to strengthen roles of "mediating" institutions. The first parts of the article look at the history of the Founders deliberately making it difficult for parties to have a major role, and the philosophical and historical basis for their united opposition to party and faction. Big bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_history  political_culture  18thC  US_constitution  American_colonies  Early_Republic  Founders  Madison  Adams_John  Jefferson  parties  faction  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Richard Boyd - Thomas Hobbes and the Perils of Pluralism | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 63, No. 2 (May, 2001), pp. 392-413
Scholarly opinion has been split uneasily between those who view Thomas Hobbes as a defender of Royalist absolutism and those who see him as the intellectual forefather of liberal individualism. While both these positions are compatible with Hobbes's deep-seated fear of intermediary associations between individual and state, this article will contend that it is his fear of the violent and irrational properties of groups that motivates his well-known individualism and gives a potentially illiberal bent to his political thought. Attending to Hobbes's neglected thoughts on the dangers posed by parties, sects, and other groups between individual and state sheds light on both the historical context and intellectual legacy of his thought. Hobbes's metaphorical complaints about those "lesser Common-wealths" akin to "wormes in the entrayles of a naturall man" also should prompt us to rethink many versions of contemporary pluralism and the vogue of civil society: Much of what today is recommended as "civil society" was considered anything but "civil" in the early modern political imagination.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  Hobbes  Absolutism  individualism  liberalism  fear  parties  faction  sectarianism  pluralism  civil_society  civil_liberties  tolerance  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Smirnov, Dawes, Fowler, Johnson and McElreath -The Behavioral Logic of Collective Action: Partisans Cooperate and Punish More Than Nonpartisans | JSTOR: Political Psychology, Vol. 31, No. 4 (August 2010), pp. 595-616
Laboratory experiments indicate that many people willingly contribute to public goods and punish free riders at a personal cost. We hypothesize that these individuals, called strong reciprocators, allow political parties to overcome collective action problems, thereby allowing those organizations to compete for scarce resources and to produce public goods for like-minded individuals. Using a series of laboratory games, we examine whether partisans contribute to public goods and punish free riders at a greater rate than nonpartisans. The results show that partisans are more likely than nonpartisans to contribute to public goods and to engage in costly punishment. Given the broad theoretical literature on altruistic punishment and group selection as well as our own formal evolutionary model, we hypothesize that it is being a partisan that makes an individual more likely to be a strong reciprocator and not vice versa. -- didn't download -- interesting bibliography
article  jstor  political_science  political_participation  parties  evolution-social  punishment-altruistic  cooperation  social_psychology  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research | Who Rules America
C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research
by G. William Domhoff
Keynote address to the Michigan Sociological Association, 2006

NOTE: This document is an extended version of "C. Wright Mills, Power Structure Research, And The Failures of Mainstream Political Science," but without the critique of mainstream political science. Instead, it includes more historical background on power structure research, a more detailed critique of pluralism, and a critique of structural Marxists. It is actually a lightly edited and extended reprint of a journal article with the following citation:

Domhoff, G. William. 2007. "C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research." Michigan Sociological Review 21:1-54.
social_theory  US_history  US_economy  US_politics  power  elites  parties  US_politics-race  post-WWII  labor  Labor_markets  public_policy  right-wing  New_Left  New_Deal  neoliberalism  social_sciences-post-WWII  sociology  politics-and-money  elections  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Rival Theories of Urban Power | Who Rules America
Attacks especially the pluralist theory - as often further modified by rational choice - which has relied on questionable results of Dahl study of New Haven urban renewal (1961)

Conclusion

Pluralism and Marxism are both based on abstract models of the good society, but they have very different attitudes toward markets. A complete market system is the ideal for pluralists, with a minimal role for government, whereas a planned non-market economy is the ideal for Marxists because they believe that private capitalists will inevitably dominate a market system and exploit workers. Given these strong ideological roots, the two theories are very hard to dislodge despite the many empirical studies of urban power structures that contradict their assumptions and conclusions.

Regime theory comes closer to the mark because it draws on insights from both of these traditions. However, it does not take the systemic power held by landowners and developers seriously enough. It remains at the institutional level as a theory even while recognizing that local growth coalitions are usually the dominant partners in city regimes, except under the unusual circumstances when neighborhoods and activists can forge a progressive coalition that lasts beyond one or two issues and a few elections. The commodified nature of land in the United States, and the conflict between use values and exchange values, is therefore the best starting point for understanding urban power structures.
social_theory  political_culture  power  elites  urban_politics  urban_development  US_politics  US_history  parties  20thC  rational_choice  neoliberalism  Marxist  property  economic_growth  landowners  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Power at the Local Level: Growth Coalition Theory | Who Rules America
Theory of local "growth coalitions" and history of urban policy and public administration institutions growing out of Good Government battles against Democratic Party machines and Socialists. Rockefeller Foundation and University of Chicago building nationwide urban policy network of thinktanks through Progressive and New Deal era. Electoral and managerial "reforms" (off yr & nonpartisan elections, citywide councils w/ no or minimal pay), city managers) that defanged threats from immigrant, Negro & Socialist politicians, foreclosed working class participation in governing bodies etc.

The idea that the heart of a local power structure is provided by those businesses concerned with local real estate values explains what had been considered a perplexing issue in what was once called the "community power literature:" the relative absence of industrial executives as top leaders within the city..... manufacturers usually are not concerned with land values unless they are also big landowners as well. Their focus is on making profits through the sale of products in regional, national, and international markets. For an industrialist, any given locality is merely a site for production that can be abandoned with a fair amount of ease if it becomes too costly, .... Their power is not in their involvement in local government but in their ability to move, which ... creates an underlying tension between the two sets of interests.

Since a great many specific government decisions can affect land values and growth potentialities, leaders of the growth coalition are prime participants in local government. Their involvement is even greater than that of corporate capitalists at the national level, where the power elite can rely to some extent on such "signals" as stock prices, interest rates, and the level of new investments to tell government officials what they think of current policies.

Due to the separation of local, state, and national government in the United States, the wily members of the local growth coalition are able to have it both ways. At the state and national levels they support those politicians who oppose, in the name of fiscal and monetary responsibility, the kinds of government policies that might create more jobs, whereas at the local level they talk in terms of their attempts to create more jobs. Their goal is never profits, but only jobs.
19thC  20thC  US_history  urban  urbanization  political_history  political_press  politics-and-money  urban_politics  US_economy  US_politics  political_economy  political_culture  local_government  business  elites  networks  investment  profit  property  Labor_markets  conservatism  lobbying  landowners  economic_growth  off-shoring  urban_development  suburbs  parties  elections  Great_Depression  US_politics-race  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
Michael Ignatieff - Enemies vs. Adversaries - NYTimes.com Oct 2013
Re US government shutdown farce - For democracies to work, politicians need to respect the difference between an enemy and an adversary.
US_politics  political_philosophy  political_culture  parties  faction  legitimacy  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Jonathan Coppage- Back to Bolingbroke: Opposition as an Opportunity | The American Conservative
Blasting Cruz et al - In his post, Yuval goes on to quote the Viscount Bolingbroke, a British statesman of old, on the duties of a proper patriotic opposition:
21stC  US_politics  parties  faction  Bolingbroke 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Democracy and the Problem of the Partisan State by Yasmin Dawood :: SSRN - May 2013
To appear in: NOMOS LIV: Loyalty (Sanford Levinson, Joel Parker & Paul Woodruff, eds) 257-291 (2013). -- Faculty of Law, University of Toronto -- downloaded pdf to Note This article draws a distinction between first-order partisanship and second-order partisanship. First-order partisanship encompasses the selection of public policies and the selection of public officials. An example of first-order partisanship is the implementation by the President of the partisan agenda of his or her political party. Second-order partisanship encompasses the selection of the rules by which public policies and public officials are selected. An example of second-order partisanship is the influence of partisanship on electoral redistricting. This article argues that first-order partisanship has a qualified claim to democratic legitimacy while second-order partisanship has almost no claim to democratic legitimacy. The reason for this difference is that first-order partisanship is largely consistent with the principle of self-government, while second-order partisanship, by contrast, undermines and disrupts self-government. The article then develops a typology by which to assess and judge the actions of the partisan state. Number of Pages in PDF File: 35
paper  SSRN  political_philosophy  political_culture  democracy  legitimacy  parties  faction  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Mark Schmeller: The Political Economy of Opinion: Public Credit and Concepts of Public Opinion in the Age of Federalism (2009)
JSTOR: Journal of the Early Republic, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Spring, 2009), pp. 35-61 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- public opinion and public finance often developed together -- tracks shift in "public opinion" from British 18thC usage as foundation of government to a concept that was politicized, defined and appealed to as support, in debates over Early Republic public finance
article  jstor  political_economy  political_history  economic_history  public_finance  18thC  19thC  Early_Republic  public_sphere  public_opinion  parties  political_press  sovereign_debt  currency  central_banks  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Pat Rogers: Swift and Bolingbroke on Faction (1970)
JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 9, No. 2 (May, 1970), pp. 71-101 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  parties  faction  18thC  British_politics  Swift  Bolingbroke  Burke  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Arthur Scherr: Inventing the Patriot President: Bache's "Aurora" and John Adams (1995)
JSTOR: The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 119, No. 4 (Oct., 1995), pp. 369-399 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- lots of Bolingbroke and bibliography discussion (eg Presidentx above Parties)
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_history  political_culture  US_constitution  parties  faction  US_history  US_politics  Early_Republic  Adams_John  Jefferson  republicanism  Bolingbroke  Patriot_King  political_press  public_opinion  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
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