dunnettreader + neo-roman   8

Vickie B. Sullivan - Neither Christian nor Pagan: Machiavelli's Treatment of Religion in the "Discourses" | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Winter, 1993), pp. 259-280
Is Machiavelli to be understood as entirely sympathetic to either Christianity or paganism? This article examines the Discourses, the work in which Machiavelli praises paganism most lavishly, and argues that Machiavelli actually criticizes paganism for engendering Christianity. To overcome the politically deleterious consequences of Christianity, the author goes on to contend, Machiavelli appeals to certain Christian doctrines-entirely divorced from their theological context-to support his vision of an earthly discipline that exercises the strength that Machiavelli views as essential to sustain political life. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  Renaissance  Machiavelli  political_philosophy  republicanism  neo-Roman  Livy  religious_culture  political-theology  politics-and-religion  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Anne McLaren - Rethinking Republicanism: "Vindiciae, contra tyrannos" in Context | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 49, No. 1 (Mar., 2006), pp. 23-52
The article takes issue with current orthodoxy concerning early modern republicanism, centred on Quentin Skinner's model of classical republicanism. I argue that historians of political thought need to return to first principles in their practice in order to understand early modern republicanism, and I provide an example by using those principles to reassess one canonical text, Philippe de Plessis Mornay's Vindiciae, contra tyrannos. Reading the Vindiciae in context reveals it as a work whose radicalism lies, not in its engagement with the Roman law tradition, but in its express conviction that each and every individual is responsible for maintaining a covenanted relationship with God. My reassessment tracks the political, and specifically regicidal, consequences of commitment to that belief in England from the late sixteenth through the mid-seventeenth centuries. It destabilizes the anachronistic distinction between 'political' and 'religious' modes of thought that historians of political thought too often use to characterize early modern political discourse, and it points to the common ground shared and articulated by theorists including, inter alia, John Ponet, George Buchanan, and John Milton. The conclusion considers what this investigation reveals about republicanism as a political phenomenon in Europe and America from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  religious_history  politics-and-religion  political-theology  16thC  17thC  18thC  Europe-Early_Modern  France  British_history  British_politics  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Wars_of_Religion  English_Civil_War  monarchy  republicanism  neo-Roman  civic_humanism  Buchanan  Milton  Reformation  Skinner  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John M. Warner and John T. Scott - Sin City: Augustine and Machiavelli's Reordering of Rome | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 73, No. 3 (JULY 2011), pp. 857-871
We examine Machiavelli's critical appropriation of Augustine's analysis of Rome's decline and fall in order to understand his own interpretation of Rome and the lessons it offers for a successful republic. If Machiavelli's departure from Augustine is obvious, as seen for example in his exculpation of Romulus for the fratricide Augustine condemns, equally illuminating is what Machiavelli borrows from him. For Augustine, Romulus' fratricide discloses the limits of pagan virtue and politics and reveals that the civic republican view of an early virtuous republic is nostalgic if not impossible. Machiavelli agrees with Augustine about the character of Rome, yet embraces the ambitious and acquisitive politics Augustine rebuffs. Machiavelli not only excuses Romulus' fratricide in "ordering" Rome, but makes it the archetypal act that must be repeated through "reordering" to sustain the state against the perennial problem of corruption. We thereby address two of the primary issues in Machiavelli scholarship—the character of his republicanism and the nature and extent of his innovation with regard to his ancient sources—and suggest that the "civic republican" or "neo-Roman" interpretation of Machiavelli is incorrect in its conclusions concerning his republicanism as well as his relationship to his ancient sources. -- paywall Cambridge journals -- see bibliography on jstor information page
article  jstor  paywall  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  Renaissance  Machiavelli  Roman_Republic  Roman_Empire  Livy  Augustine  pagans  civic_virtue  neo-Roman  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  Strauss  Skinner  Pocock  Cambridge_School  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Alex Gourevitch - Labor Republicanism and the Transformation of Work | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 41, No. 4 (August 2013), pp. 591-617
In the nineteenth century a group of "labor republicans" argued that the system of wage-labor should be replaced by a system of cooperative production. This system of cooperative production would realize republican liberty in economic, not just political, life. Today, neo-republicans argue that the republican theory of liberty only requires a universal basic income. A non-dominated ability to exit is sufficient to guarantee free labor. This essay reconstructs the more radical, labor republican view and defends it against the prevailing the neo-republican one. It argues that neorepublicanism lacks an adequate conception of structural domination, which leaves it without theoretical resources to address certain forms of economic domination. The concept of structural domination allows us to comprehend the coherence of the nineteenth century, labor republican view and identify its relevance to modern labor markets. Labor republicanism takes us beyond a universal basic income to a concern with control over productive assets and workplace organization. As such, it shows us how the republican theory of liberty can support an argument for the transformation of work, not just the escape from it. -- paywall Sage
article  jstor  paywall  political_philosophy  political_history  political_culture  19thC  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  neo-Roman  political_economy  class_conflict  liberty  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John P. McCormick - Machiavelli's Political Trials and "The Free Way of Life" | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Aug., 2007), pp. 385-411
This essay examines the political trials through which, according to Machiavelli's "Discourses", republics should punish magistrates and prominent citizens who threaten or violate popular liberty. Unlike modern constitutions, which assign indictments and appeals to small numbers of government officials, Machiavelli's neo-Roman model encourages individual citizens to accuse corrupt or usurping elites and promotes the entire citizenry as political jury and court of appeal. Machiavellian political justice requires, on the one hand, equitable, legal procedures that serve all citizens by punishing guilty parties and discouraging retaliatory reprisals, including foreign intervention. On the other hand, frankly acknowledging the power disparities that exist in every republic, Machiavelli outlines how political trials enable pro-plebeian magistrates and populist reformers to thwart patrician-generated smear campaigns and oligarchic conspiracies. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  16thC  21stC  Machiavelli  republicanism  neo-Roman  oligarchy  impeachment  corruption  accountability  rule_of_law  tribune  populism  class_conflict  political_participation  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John P. McCormick - Machiavelli against Republicanism: On the Cambridge School's "Guicciardinian Moments" | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 31, No. 5 (Oct., 2003), pp. 615-643
Scholars loosely affiliated with the "Cambridge School" (e.g., Pocock, Skinner, Viroli, and Pettit) accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from republicanism for contemporary politics reinforce rather than reform the "senatorial," electorally based, and socioeconomically agnostic republican model (devised by Machiavelli's aristocratic interlocutor, Guicciardini, and refined by Montesquieu and Madison) that permits common citizens to acclaim but not determine government policies. Cambridge School textual interpretations and practical proposals have little connection with Machiavelli's "tribunate," class-specific model of popular government elaborated in The Discourses, one that relies on extra-electoral accountability techniques and embraces deliberative popular assemblies.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  historiography  16thC  21stC  Machiavelli  republicanism  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  oligarchy  elites  populism  public_opinion  popular_politics  political_participation  neo-Roman  class_conflict  accountability  tribune  Guiccidarini  Cambridge_School  rule_of_law  common_good  non-domination  liberty  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader

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