dunnettreader + harrington + machiavelli   7

Jeffrey Edward Green - Rawls and the Forgotten Figure of the Most Advantaged: In Defense of Reasonable Envy toward the Superrich (2013) | American Political Science Review on JSTOR
This article aims to correct the widespread imbalance in contemporary liberal thought, which makes explicit appeal to the "least advantaged" without parallel attention to the "most advantaged" as a distinct group in need of regulatory attention. Rawls's influential theory of justice is perhaps the paradigmatic instance of this imbalance, but I show how a Rawlsian framework nonetheless provides three justifications for why implementers of liberal justice—above all, legislators—should regulate the economic prospects of a polity's richest citizens: as a heuristic device for ensuring that a system of inequalities not reach a level at which inequalities cease being mutually advantageous, as protection against excessive inequalities threatening civic liberty, and as redress for a liberal society's inability to fully realize fair equality of opportunity with regard to education and politics. Against the objection that such arguments amount to a defense of envy, insofar as they support policies that in certain instances impose economic costs on the most advantaged with negative or neutral economic impact on the rest of society, I attend to Rawls's often overlooked distinction between irrational and reasonable forms of envy, showing that any envy involved in the proposed regulation of the most advantaged falls within this latter category. - downloaded via iphone to dbox
politics-and-money  political_participation  inequality-wealth  regulatory_capture  political_philosophy  political_culture  tax_havens  Early_Republic  inequality  estate_tax  intellectual_history  inheritance  republicanism  Plato-Republic  elites-political_influence  Jefferson  Harrington  crony_capitalism  Europe-Early_Modern  fairness  article  Aristotle  social_capital  social_theory  Rawls  social_democracy  Machiavelli  Plato  inequality-opportunity  jstor  bibliography  ancient_Rome  regulation  justice  liberalism  egalitarian  regulatory_avoidance  interest_groups  legitimacy  deliberative_democracy  political_history  class_conflict  downloaded  education-elites  social_order  elites-self-destructive  Roman_Republic  ancient_Greece  republics-Ancient_v_Modern 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
Alan Cromartie - Harringtonian Virtue: Harrington, Machiavelli, and the Method of the Moment | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Dec., 1998), pp. 987-1009
This article presents a reinterpretation of James Harrington's writings. It takes issue with J. G. A. Pocock's reading, which treats him as importing into England a Machiavellian `language of political thought'. This reading is the basis of Pocock's stress on the republicanism of eighteenth-century opposition values. Harrington's writings were in fact a most implausible channel for such ideas. His outlook owed much to Stoicism. Unlike the Florentine, he admired the contemplative life; was sympathetic to commerce; and was relaxed about the threat of `corruption' (a concept that he did not understand). These views can be associated with his apparent aims: the preservation of a national church with a salaried but politically impotent clergy; and the restoration of the royalist gentry to a leading role in English politics. Pocock's hypothesis is shown to be conditioned by his method; its weaknesses reflect some difficulties inherent in the notion of `languages of thought'. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  historiography  political_philosophy  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Interregnum  Harrington  landed_interest  Machiavelli  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  commerce  common_good  civic_virtue  civic_humanism  Stoicism  gentry  Royalists  mixed_government  English_constitution  politics-and-theory  religion-established  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  Church_of_England  corruption  Cambridge_School  Pocock  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
James Cotton - James Harrington as Aristotelian | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 7, No. 3 (Aug., 1979), pp. 371-389
Rather than Harrington within tradition of Machiavelli and Aristotle (Pocock), Cotton argues for direct appropriation from Aristotle -Oceana as polity, Agrarian Law etc. Contra Strauss who denies Harrington as Aristotelian. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  British_politics  Harrington  Machiavelli  civic_humanism  mixed_government  classes  property  Agrarian_Laws  social_order  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  Aristotle  Pocock  Strauss  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
James Moore - Hume's Political Science and the Classical Republican Tradition | JSTOR: Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Dec., 1977), pp. 809-839
La science politique de Hume et la tradition républicaine classique. La science politique de Hume marque un point tournant dans l'histoire de la pensée politique. On peut mieux apprécier sa signification si on la considère comme une réponse structurée aux essais de construction d'une science politique fondée sur l'expérience tentés par les théoriciens de la tradition républicaine classique. Sa discussion des formes de gouvernement, du régime mixte en Grande Bretagne, du rôle des législateurs, de l'influence du gouvernement sur le comportement social, des sources de la puissance militaire, de la sagesse d'acquérir des colonies, des mérites de la politique de la Grèce et de Rome dans l'Antiquité, et en dernier lieu, sa conception d'une république parfaite, tous ces thèmes font partie d'une réponse systématique aux oeuvres de Machiavel, Harrington, Bolingbroke et autres. La conception de Hume du gouvernement constitutionnel dérive d'une application plus consistante du raisonnement expérimental au domaine politique. Sa science politique offre donc une nouvelle théorie du gouvernement républicain qui a eu une profonde influence sur les penseurs américains, notamment Hamilton et Madison. Ces derniers y trouvèrent une conception du politique qui pouvait être appliquée aux grandes sociétés mercantiles. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  British_politics  Hume-politics  Machiavelli  Harrington  Bolingbroke  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  US_constitution  Founders  Madison  Hamilton  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Eyal Chowers - The Physiology of the Citizen: The Present-Centered Body and Its Political Exile | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 30, No. 5 (Oct., 2002), pp. 649-676
Shift from civic humanism's optimistic view of man's capacity to build for the future and control sociopolitical environment to pessimistic view of capacity of citizens under raison d'Etat -- 16thC and 17thC increasingly focused on multipart, shifting self and passions vs reason rather than the development of a stable character that Renaissance humanism concerned with. Ties shift to new views of anatomy (eg Harvey) and connections between physiology and psychology and impact on different notions of time relative to self, society and politics. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  cultural_history  natural_philosophy  15thC  16thC  17thC  British_history  France  Italy  Italian_Wars  Renaissance  humanism  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  republicanism  raison-d'-état  Absolutism  emotions  physiology  psychology  medicine  self  time  Machiavelli  Montaigne  Descartes  Gassendi  Hobbes  Locke  Harrington  Harvey  identity  character  mechanism  thinking_matter  mind  mind-body  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Shelley Burtt - The Good Citizen's Psyche: On the Psychology of Civic Virtue | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 23-38
What are the psychological sources of civic virtue in the republican tradition? This article identifies three: the education of the passions, the manipulation of interests, and the compulsion to duty. The author explores each and concludes that an appreciation of their distinctions suggests possibilities for reviving republican virtue in the modern world. -- summary of her virtue for a commercial republic -- She places Bolingbroke with Cicero as advocates of virtue as duty and sacrifice of personal interests -- I think she too narrowly casts Bolingbroke's "theory" as to the particular audience (king and political elites who form and execute policy, not the people who have to guard liberty more generally in his other works; also doesn't adequately account for the enlightened self-interest of the benefits of the common good for all though sacrifice of particular interests may be necessary - eg why enlightened capitalists realize capitalism has to be saved from itself) -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  civic_virtue  liberalism-republicanism_debates  republicanism  Machiavelli  Harrington  Cato's_Letters  Bolingbroke  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader

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