dunnettreader + elites   104

(URL is pdf) Clark, Cummins, Hao & Vidal - Surnames: a New Source for the History of Social Mobility (2015)
Surnames: a New Source for the History of Social Mobility, Explorations in Economic History (2015)
Gregory Clark, Neil Cummins, Yu Hao, Dan Diaz Vidal
This paper explains how surname distributions can be used as a way to measure rates of social mobility in contemporary and historical societies. This allows for estimates of social mobility rates for any population for which we know just two facts: the distribution of surnames overall, and the distribution of surnames among some elite or underclass. Such information exists, for example, for England back to 1300, and for Sweden back to 1700. However surname distributions reveal a different, more fundamental type of mobility than that conventionally estimated. Thus surname estimates also allow for measuring a different aspect of social mobility, the underlying average social status of families, but the aspect that matters for mobility of social groups, and for families across multiple generations.
KEYWORDS: Social Mobility, intergenerational correlation, status inheritance
Downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
demography  elites  ethnic_groups  social_history  inequality  article  statistics  surnames  mobility  downloaded 
february 2017 by dunnettreader
G Clark & N Cummins - Urbanization, Mortality, & Fertility in Malthusian England | American Economic Review (2009) on JSTOR
The richest groups reduced fertility around 1800 - before improvements in child mortality. Contra to Clark's hypothesis linking behavior in pre and post industrial periods. "The prospects for a unified account of economic growth in both the Malthusian and the Solovian eras thus look decidedly poor." -- Downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
19thC  demography  rural  fertility  urbanization  downloaded  landowners  Industrial_Revolution  London  elites  article  life_expectancy  demographic_transition  16thC  18thC  British_history  17thC 
january 2017 by dunnettreader
Neil Cummins - Longevity and the Rise of the West: Lifespans of the European Elite, 800-1800 (2014)
Longevity and the Rise of the West: Lifespans of the European Elite, 800-1800
I analyze the age at death of 121,524 European nobles from 800 to 1800. Longevity began increasing long before 1800 and the Industrial Revolution, with marked increases around 1400 and again around 1650. Declines in violence contributed to some of this increase, but the majority must reflect other changes in individual behavior. The areas of North-West Europe which later witnessed the Industrial Revolution achieved greater longevity than the rest of Europe even by 1000 AD. The data suggest that the `Rise of the West' originates before the Black Death.
Downloaded WP version via iPhone to DBOX
lifestyle  16thC  10thC  13thC  14thC  17thC  11thC  paper  medieval_history  economic_history  life_expectancy  social_history  downloaded  12thC  elites  warrior_class  feudalism  18thC  British_history  nobles  wealth  Western_Europe  15thC  demography  9thC  landowners 
january 2017 by dunnettreader
G. Clark & N. Cummins - Malthus to modernity: wealth, status, and fertility in England, 1500–1879 (2015)
Journal of Population Economics
January 2015, Volume 28, Issue 1, pp 3–29
Abstract -- A key challenge to theories of long-run economic growth has been linking the onset of modern growth with the move to modern fertility limitation. A notable puzzle for these theories is that modern growth in England began around 1780, 100 years before there was seemingly any movement to limit fertility. Here we show that the aggregate data on fertility in England before 1880 conceals significant declines in the fertility of the middle and upper classes earlier. These declines coincide with the Industrial Revolution and are of the character predicted by some recent theories of long-run growth.
Keywords: Fertility transition, Demographic transition, Preindustrial fertility
economic_growth  middle_class  article  19thC  paywall  16thC  British_history  fertility  marriage-age  social_history  18thC  status  economic_history  elites  17thC  demography  marriage  birth_control 
january 2017 by dunnettreader
Acemoglu, Cantoni, Johnson
The Consequences of Radical Reform: The French Revolution
Daron Acemoglu, Davide Cantoni, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson
The American Economic Review
Vol. 101, No. 7 (DECEMBER 2011), pp. 3286-3307
Downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
commerce  urbanization  guilds  elites  republicanism  reform-legal  Rhineland  reform-political  Germany  economic_growth  political_economy  reform-economic  jstor  political_history  civil_code  French_Revolution  rule_of_law  institutional_economics  bourgeoisie  aristocracy  trade  article  downloaded  feudalism  economic_history 
september 2016 by dunnettreader
Lemin Wu - Home - If Not Malthusian, Then Why? A Darwinian Explanation of the Malthusian Trap (July 2015)
His site with links to other work, CV etc - This paper shows that the Malthusian mechanism alone cannot explain the pre-industrial stagnation of living standards. Improvement in luxury technology, if faster than improvement in subsistence technology, would have kept living standards growing. The Malthusian trap is essentially a puzzle of balanced growth between the luxury sector and the subsistence sector. The author argues that balanced growth is caused by group selection in the form of biased migration. It is proven that a tiny bit of bias in migration can suppress a strong growth tendency. The theory re-explains the Malthusian trap and the prosperity of ancient market economies such as Rome and Sung. It also suggests a new set of factors triggering modern economic growth. - work up of his dissertation at Berkeley -- downloaded via Air, attached to Evernote
paper  economic_history  economic_growth  ancient_Rome  Chinese_history  Sung_dynasty  ancient_China  Malthusian_trap  demography  technology  agriculture  markets  elites  luxury  standard-of-living  migration  downloaded 
september 2016 by dunnettreader
Kevin O'Rourke and Alan Taylor - Democracy and Protectionism (2006)
Abstract
Does democracy encourage free trade? It depends. Broadening the franchise involves transferring power from non-elected elites to the wider population, most of whom will be workers. The Hecksher-Ohlin-Stolper-Samuelson logic says that democratization should lead to more liberal trade policies in countries where workers stand to gain from free trade; and to more protectionist policies in countries where workers will benefit from the imposition of tariffs and quotas. We test and confirm these political economy implications of trade theory hypothesis using data on democracy, factor endowments, and protection in the late nineteenth century. -- published in MIT Press collection in honor of Jeffrey Williamson - The New Comparative Economics -- downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
working_class  economic_history  business-and-politics  protectionism  political_participation  trade  government-forms  trade-policy  downloaded  democracy  political_economy  elites  paper 
august 2016 by dunnettreader
Chris Lehmann - The Political Class Struggles | The Baffler - July 2016
“Elite opinion” is admittedly a baggy construct—whose opinion? which elite?—but thanks to the…
Instapaper  US_politics  political_press  elections-2016  political_discourse  elites  from instapaper
july 2016 by dunnettreader
« Lectures. », Mil neuf cent. Revue d'histoire intellectuelle 1/2013 (n° 31) , p. 159-184 - Cairn.info
Titres recensés -- Jacques Julliard, Les gauches françaises, 1762-2012. Histoire, politique et imaginaire, Paris, Flammarion, 2012, 942 p.
Nathalie Richard, Hippolyte Taine. Histoire, psychologie, littérature, Classiques Garnier, 2013, 316 p.
Jean Jaurès, Œuvres, XIII, L’armée nouvelle, Jean-Jacques Becker (ed.), Paris, Fayard, 2013, 574 p.
Olivier Cosson, Préparer la Grande Guerre. L’armée française et la guerre russo-japonaise (1899-1914), Paris, Éd. Les Indes savantes, 2013, 380 p.
Géraldi Leroy, Charles Péguy. L’inclassable, Paris, Armand Colin, 2014, 366 p.
Gabriel Tarde, Sur le sommeil. Ou plutôt sur les rêves, Jacqueline Carroy, Louise Salmon (eds.), Lausanne, Éd. BHMS, 2009, 223 p.
Émile Durkheim, Hobbes a? l’agre?gation. Un cours d’E?mile Durkheim suivi par Marcel Mauss, Paris, Éd. de l’EHESS, coll. « Audiographie », 2011, 64 p.
Michel Murat, Frédéric Worms (eds.), Alain, littérature et philosophie mêlées, Paris, Éd. Rue d’Ulm-Presses de l’École normale supérieure, 2012, 221 p.
Frédéric Audren, Christian Chêne, Nicolas Mathey, Arnaud Vergne (eds.), Raymond Saleilles et au-delà, Paris, Dalloz, coll. « Thèmes
human_rights  representative_institutions  ultramontane  WWII  politics-and-religion  politics-and-literature  WWI  entre_deux_guerres  elites  philosophy-French  radicals  laïcité  socialism  France  anarchism  class_conflict  pre-WWI  republicanism  education  reviews  post-WWII  anti-clericalism  French_Revolution-impact  political_history  political_culture  political_press  materialism  political_philosophy  liberalism  democracy  French_intellectuals  French_Revolution  French_lit  social_theory  books  intellectual_history  cultural_history  political_participation  historiography-19thC  historiography  social_history  education-higher  20thC  Fin-de-Siècle  downloaded  social_sciences  Catholics-France  Bonapartism  justice  rule_if_law  19thC 
february 2016 by dunnettreader
Farr, Hacker & Kazee - Harold Lasswell, The Policy Scientist of Democracy (2006) | The American Political Science Review
The Policy Scientist of Democracy: The Discipline of Harold D. Lasswell -- James Farr, Jacob S. Hacker and Nicole Kazee -- Vol. 100, No. 4, Thematic Issue on the Evolution of Political Science, in Recognition of the Centennial of the Review (Nov., 2006), pp. 579-587 -- The "policy scientist of democracy" was a model for engaged scholarship invented and embodied by Harold D. Lasswell. This disciplinary persona emerged in Lasswell's writings and wartime consultancies during the 1940s, well before he announced in his APSA presidential address, printed in the Review precisely 50 years ago, that political science was "the policy science par excellence." The policy scientist of democracy knew all about the process of elite decision making, and he put his knowledge into practice by advising those in power, sharing in important decisions, and furthering the cause of dignity. Although Lasswell formulated this ambitious vision near the zenith of his influence, the discipline accorded the ideal—and Lasswell—a mixed reception. Some heralded the policy scientist of democracy; others observed a contradictory figure, at once positivist and value-laden, elitist and democratic, heroic and implausible. The conflicted response exemplifies Lasswell's legacy. The policy scientist of democracy was—and is—too demanding and too contradictory a hero. But the vital questions Lasswell grappled with still must be asked a century into the discipline's development: what is the role of the political scientist in a democratic society? - downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
social_sciences-post-WWII  technocracy  entre_deux_guerres  social_psychology  article  public_intellectuals  jstor  WWII  behavioralism  public_policy  20thC  public_interest  downloaded  political_science  US_history  elites  intellectual_history  bibliography  democracy  civic_virtue 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Kathleen Knight - Transformations of the Concept of Ideology in the Twentieth Century | JSTOR- The American Political Science Review - Centennial Issue )2006)
Transformations of the Concept of Ideology in the Twentieth Century
Kathleen Knight
The American Political Science Review
Vol. 100, No. 4, Thematic Issue on the Evolution of Political Science, in Recognition of the Centennial of the Review (Nov., 2006), pp. 619-626
Ideology has been the subject of a surprising amount of attention during the lat half of the twentieth century. Although it has been argued that the term has been "thoroughly muddied by diverse uses" (Converse 1964, 207), an empirical investigation of the pages of the Review reveals substantial convergence among political scientists over time on a core definition. This essay traces the use of the concept in the Review since its launch in 1906. It reveals changing fashions in the connotation of the term, but suggests an underlying agreement on the essential components—coherence, stability and contrast—and underlines the centrality of the concept of ideology in political science. - downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
downloaded  article  social_theory  Marxist  political_science  Cold_War  social_sciences-post-WWII  sociology_of_knowledge  US_history  20thC  political_participation  elites  identity  bibliography  parties  jstor  post-Cold_War  partisanship  intellectual_history  political_history  ideology 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Alvin Gouldner: "Romanticism and Classicism: Deep Structures in Social Science" | Ralph Dumain: "The Autodidact Project"
Gouldner, Alvin W. "Romanticism and Classicism: Deep Structures in Social Science," in For Sociology: Renewal and Critique in Sociology Today (New York: Basic Books, 1973), Chapter 11, pp. 323-366. Bibliographical note, pp. 464-465. -- "Bibliographical Note (by A Gouldner) -- 'Romanticism and Classicism' is part of my ongoing, larger commitment to the study of the origins of Western social theory. This essay is the programmatic statement that has been guiding my joint work on Romanticism with Nedra Carp these last few years. Previouly unpublished." -- Dumain copied the text from the 1973 book of Gouldner's collected essays
social_theory  intellectual_history  cultural_history  political_culture  18thC  19thC  20thC  Romanticism  German_Idealism  Hegel  Hegelian-Left  elites  elite_culture  historicism  historical_sociology  Hellenophiles  Antiquarianism  classicism  Methodenstreit  Gouldner  class_conflict 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Joram Mayshar, Omer Moav, Zvika Neeman, Luigi Pascali - The Neolithic roots of economic institutions | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal - 11 September 2015
Conventional theory suggests that hierarchy and state institutions emerged due to increased productivity following the Neolithic transition to farming. This column argues that these social developments were a result of an increase in the ability of both robbers and the emergent elite to appropriate crops. Hierarchy and state institutions developed, therefore, only in regions where appropriable cereal crops had sufficient productivity advantage over non-appropriable roots and tubers. -- I.e. Eurasia, not Sub-Saharan Africa
paper  economic_history  pre-historical_people  development  institutional_economics  institutions  state-building  state-roles  agriculture  elites  violence  hierarchy  Sub-Saharan_Africa  geography  geography-and-economics 
september 2015 by dunnettreader
Noeleen McIlvenna - The Short Life of Free Georgia: Class and Slavery in the Colonial South | UNC Press
For twenty years in the eighteenth century, Georgia--the last British colony in what became the United States--enjoyed a brief period of free labor, where workers were not enslaved and were paid. The Trustees for the Establishment of the Colony of Georgia created a "Georgia experiment" of philanthropic enterprise and moral reform for poor white workers, though rebellious settlers were more interested in shaking off the British social system of deference to the upper class. Only a few elites in the colony actually desired the slave system, but those men, backed by expansionist South Carolina planters, used the laborers' demands for high wages as examples of societal unrest. Through a campaign of disinformation in London, they argued for slavery, eventually convincing the Trustees to abandon their experiment. In The Short Life of Free Georgia, Noeleen McIlvenna chronicles the years between 1732 and 1752 and challenges the conventional view that Georgia's colonial purpose was based on unworkable assumptions and utopian ideals. Rather, Georgia largely succeeded in its goals--until self-interested parties convinced England that Georgia had failed, leading to the colony's transformation into a replica of slaveholding South Carolina. -- Noeleen McIlvenna is associate professor of history at Wright State University and author of A Very Mutinous People
books  British_history  US_history  British_politics  18thC  1730s  1740s  1750s  Georgia  colonialism  settler_colonies  slavery  labor_history  labor_standards  wages  Tories  Board_of_Trade  Parliament  planters  plantations  agriculture  hierarchy  elites  philanthropy  political_culture  economic_culture  American_colonies 
september 2015 by dunnettreader
Luca Corchia - Europe: The debate between Habermas and Streeck about the Left and Europe’s future | Reset Dialogues on Civilizations - 25 March 2014
Over the next few months the press and television networks will one again focus on European events, returning the interest of Italian public opinion to these matters, and this will take place on the basis of the pressing timeframe dictated by political issues. In a few weeks’ time the election campaign for a European Union’s parliament, scheduled for May 22-25, will be fully under way in all 28 member states. -- check out footnotes -- downloaded pdf to Note
EU  EU_governance  Eurozone  ECB  Great_Recession  financial_crisis  Greece-Troika  democracy  democracy_deficit  legitimacy  elections  capitalism-systemic_crisis  capitalism-varieties  capital_as_power  Eurosceptic  European_integration  elites  elites-self-destructive  parties  social_democracy  right-wing  nationalism  nation-state  national_interest  political_press  political_culture  economic_culture  Habermas 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
David Millon - The Ideology of Jury Autonomy in the Early Common Law :: SSRN - Nov 2000
Washington & Lee Public Law Research Paper No. 00-5 -- This article looks closely at the substantial discretion exercised by the premodern English jury. Through the sixteenth century, jurors enjoyed broad autonomy with respect to fact-finding. For much of the medieval period they came to court already knowledgeable about the facts of a case and rendered their verdicts on that basis. Even after they ceased to be self-informed and had to rely instead on evidence presented in court, jurors continued to exercise their fact-finding authority with substantial independence from judicial control and review. The premodern jury also had significant autonomy regarding what we would call questions of law, an aspect of jury discretion that has received little attention from historians. In this article I look closely at the evidence bearing on both facets of jury autonomy, including trial records, accounts of trial proceedings, and legislation relating to the jury. In addition, I attempt to shed some light on the ideological assumptions that justified the early common law's commitment to jury autonomy, a commitment that is hard to understand in light of the modern rule of law idea. -- PDF File: 44. -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  legal_history  British_history  medieval_history  16thC  common_law  trials  juries  evidence  epistemology-social  Europe-Early_Modern  legal_culture  legal_validity  legitimacy  civic_virtue  citizenship  local_government  public_goods  commonwealth  governance-participation  status  cities-governance  persona  judgment-independence  autonomy  authority  elites  clientelism  duties  duties-civic  community  rule_of_law  fairness  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Anton Perdoncin, review essay - North, Wallis and Weingast, Violence and Social Orders (2009, French 2010) | La Vie des idées - April 2011
Anton Perdoncin, « Misère de l’histoire universelle », La Vie des idées, 20 avril 2011. ISSN : 2105-3030.-- Recensé : Douglass C. North, John Joseph Wallis, Barry R. Weingast, Violence et ordres sociaux, Paris, Gallimard, « Bibliothèque des sciences humaines », 2010, traduit de l’anglais par Myriam Dennehy (éd. originale : 2009). 460 p., 21 €. -- Pourquoi certaines sociétés sont-elles plus violentes que d’autres ? Parcourant 10 000 ans d’histoire, Douglass North et ses coauteurs insistent sur le rôle des institutions dans la pacification des rapports sociaux. Pour Anton Perdoncin, cette théorie élitiste, libérale et européocentriste repose sur une conception erronée de la violence, qui en occulte les aspects proprement politiques. -- see footnotes for interesting bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  kindle-available  social_theory  big_history  North-Weingast  institutional_economics  institutions  change-social  change-economic  elites  violence  social_order  social_sciences-post-WWII  bibliography  downloaded 
march 2015 by dunnettreader
Donald Frey, review - Gabriel Abend, Moral Background: An Inquiry into the History of Business Ethics (2014) | EH.net Review - August 2014
Princeton University Press, 2014. ix + 399 pp., ISBN: 978-0-691-15944-7. -- Donald E. Frey, Department of Economics, Wake Forest University, author of America’s Economic Moralists: A History of Rival Ethics and Economics (SUNY Press, 2009). -- Gabriel Abend argues that a range of cultural beliefs and thought patterns provide an influential “moral background” as context for the more obvious everyday morality. Most of his book looks at business ethics during the period from the 1850s through the 1930s through the lens of the moral background concept. (..) In my own work on economic moralists, something like a “moral background” appeared to be enlightening. My thesis was that economic moralities (yes, two competing moralities, just as Abend deals with two competing business ethics) drew support from alternative economic theories (again differing economic theories, just as Abend has different moral backgrounds). Perhaps economic theory is a much narrower kind of “moral background” than Abend envisions, but it is a reasonable proxy for a moral background. It is a distinct body of thought, often familiar — in one form or another — to much of the population. And economic theory can indeed support or undermine some kinds of moralities (for example, if economic outcomes are viewed as the efficient work of impersonal markets, moral concerns for equity are put on the defensive). I think Abend might have described a convincing moral foundation in Chapter 6, perhaps by linking the Standards school to antecedents such as Benjamin Franklin (briefly noted in Chapter 2), and to ideas that were abroad in economics. Abend, I think, has a good concept, and is at least partially successful.
books  reviews  18thC  19thC  20thC  US_history  business-ethics  norms  norms-business  morality-conventional  morality-Christian  utilitarianism  Franklin_Ben  economic_theory  economic_sociology  economic_culture  education-higher  professionalization  managerialism  self-interest  self-regulation  lobbying  business-and-politics  business_practices  business_schools  business_influence  market_fundamentalism  invisible_hand  efficiency  cultural_history  fairness  elites  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Marc BELISSA - REPENSER L'ORDRE EUROPÉEN (1795-1802). DE LA SOCIÉTÉ DES ROIS AUX DROITS DES NATIONS | JSTOR: Annales historiques de la Révolution française, No. 343 (Janvier/Mars 2006), pp. 163-166
Brief summary of thesis defended 2005, l'Université Paris I Sorbonne - surprise, surprise, Lucien Bély on his committee with the notion of the 18thC as the last stage of the société des princes and the French Revolution forcing the end of the dynastic wars -- though focus is on the period of the Directoire and Napoleon up through Amiens, he places it in the context of the European dynastic system as structured by the Peace of Utrecht -- highlights an interdisciplinary approach -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  thesis  18thC  1790s  1800s  Europe  Europe-19thC  balance_of_power  French_Revolution  IR  IR_theory  Westphalia  sovereignty  dynasties  nation-state  diplomatic_history  political_culture  counter-revolution  Jacobins  republicanism  Europe-federalism  Peace_of_Utrecht  société_des_princes  national_interest  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  France  French_politics  French_Revolutionary_Wars  Directoire  monarchy  social_order  legal_system  international_law  international_system  natural_law  citizenship  subjects  property  elites  political_economy  economic_culture  political_participation  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Richard Andrew Berman - The Architects of Eighteenth Century English Freemasonry, 1720 - 1740 (2010 thesis) | University of Exeter
Advisors: Black, Jeremy & Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas -- Date Issued: 2010-09-22 --
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10036/2999 -- Following the appointment of its first aristocratic Grand Masters in the 1720s and in the wake of its connections to the scientific Enlightenment, ‘Free and Accepted’ Masonry rapidly became part of Britain’s national profile and the largest and arguably the most influential of Britain’s extensive clubs and societies. (..) Freemasonry became a vehicle for the expression and transmission of the political and religious views of those at its centre, and for the scientific Enlightenment concepts that they championed. The ‘Craft’ also offered a channel through which many sought to realise personal aspirations: social, intellectual and financial. Through an examination of relevant primary and secondary documentary evidence, this thesis seeks to contribute to a broader understanding of contemporary English political and social culture, and to explore the manner in which Freemasonry became a mechanism that promoted the interests of the Hanoverian establishment and connected and bound a number of élite metropolitan and provincial figures. A range of networks centred on the aristocracy, parliament, the magistracy and the learned and professional societies are studied, and key individuals instrumental in spreading and consolidating the Masonic message identified. The thesis also explores the role of Freemasonry in the development of the scientific Enlightenment. The evidence suggests that Freemasonry should be recognised not only as the most prominent of the many 18thC fraternal organisations, but also as a significant cultural vector and a compelling component of the social, economic, scientific and political transformation then in progress. -- downloaded pdf to Note
thesis  18thC  1720s  1730s  1740s  Walpole  Whigs-oligarchy  British_history  British_politics  Enlightenment  science-public  Scientific_Revolution  science-and-politics  Freemasonry  cultural_history  intellectual_history  networks-social  networks-political  networks-business  sociology_of_science_&_technology  elites  aristocracy  Parliament  MPs  political_nation  economic_sociology  economic_culture  commerce-doux  finance_capital  banking  capital_markets  capital_as_power  history_of_science  historical_sociology  historical_change  center-periphery  provinces  clubs  social_capital  judiciary  professions  professionalization  religious_culture  science-and-religion  latitudinarian  natural_religion  Newtonian  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
- DAVID LEWIS JONES - British Parliaments and Assemblies: A Bibliography of Printed Materials (2009) Parliamentary History - Wiley Online Library
Each section a pdf downloaded to Note - combined, c 25,000 entries *--* Section 1: Preface, Introduction, The Westminster Parliament 1-4005. **--** Section 2: The Medieval Parliament 4006-4728 **--** Section 3: Tudor Parliaments 4729-5064 **--* Section 4: Stuart Parliaments 5063-6805 **--** Section 5: The Unreformed Parliament 1714-1832 6806-9589. **--** Section 6: The Reformed Parliament 1832-1918 9590-15067 **--** Section 7: Parliament 1918-2009 15068-21582. **--** Section 8: The Judicial House of Lords 21583-21835. -- The Palace of Westminster 21836-22457. -- The Irish Parliament 22458-23264 -- The Scottish Parliament (to 1707) 23265-23482 -- The New Devolved Assemblies 23483-23686 -- The Scottish Parliament (1999-) 23687-24251 -- Northern Ireland 24252-24563 -- The National Assembly for Wales 24537-24963 -- Minor Assemblies
bibliography  historiography  Medieval  medieval_history  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  political_culture  political_philosophy  political_economy  political_history  politics-and-religion  political_participation  political_press  legal_history  legal_system  legal_theory  British_history  British_politics  Britain  British_Empire  British_foreign_policy  English_constitution  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  monarchy  monarchy-proprietary  monarchical_republic  limited_monarchy  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  House_of_Commons  House_of_Lords  sovereignty  government-forms  governing_class  government_finance  government_officials  Scotland  Ireland  Ireland-English_exploitation  elites  elite_culture  common_law  rule_of_law  1690s  1700s  1707_Union  1680s  Glorious_Revolution  Glorious_Revolution-Scotland  English_Civil_War  Three_Kingdoms  composite_monarchies  Absolutism  ancient_constitution  religion-established  Church_of_England  Reformation  reform-legal  reform-political  elections  franchise  state-building  opposition  parties  pa 
december 2014 by dunnettreader
Special Issue in Memory of Charles Tilly (1929–2008): Cities, States, Trust, and Rule - Contents | JSTOR: Theory and Society, Vol. 39, No. 3/4, May 2010
1 - Cities, states, trust, and rule: new departures from the work of Charles Tilly - Michael Hanagan and Chris Tilly [d-load] *-* 2 - Cities, states, and trust networks: Chapter 1 of 'Cities and States in World History' - Charles Tilly [d-load] *-* 3 - Unanticipated consequences of "humanitarian intervention": The British campaign to abolish the slave trade, 1807-1900 - Marcel van der Linden [d-load] *-* 4 - Is there a moral economy of state formation? Religious minorities and repertoires of regime integration in the Middle East and Western Europe, 600-1614 - Ariel Salzmann [d-load] *-* 5 - Inclusiveness and exclusion: trust networks at the origins of European cities - Wim Blockmans [d-load] *-* 6 - Colonial legacy of ethno-racial inequality in Japan - Hwaji Shin. *-* 7 - Legacies of empire? - Miguel Angel Centeno and Elaine Enriquez. *-* 8 - Cities and states in geohistory - Edward W. Soja [d-load] *-* 9 - From city club to nation state: business networks in American political development - Elisabeth S. Clemens [d-load] *-* 10 - Irregular armed forces, shifting patterns of commitment, and fragmented sovereignty in the developing world - Diane E. Davis *-* 11 - Institutions and the adoption of rights: political and property rights in Colombia - Carmenza Gallo *-* 12 - Taking Tilly south: durable inequalities, democratic contestation, and citizenship in the Southern Metropolis - Patrick Heller and Peter Evans *-* 13 - Industrial welfare and the state: nation and city reconsidered - Smita Srinivas *-* 14 - The forms of power and the forms of cities: building on Charles Tilly - Peter Marcuse [d-load] *-* 15 - Was government the solution or the problem? The role of the state in the history of American social policy
journal  article  jstor  social_theory  political_sociology  contention  social_movements  change-social  historical_sociology  nation-state  cities  city_states  urban_politics  urban_elites  urbanization  urban_development  economic_sociology  institutions  institutional_change  property_rights  civil_liberties  civil_society  political_participation  political_culture  inequality  class_conflict  development  colonialism  abolition  medieval_history  state-building  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  MENA  Europe-Early_Modern  Reformation  networks-business  US_history  US_politics  US_economy  welfare_state  power-asymmetric  power-symbolic  elites  elite_culture  imperialism  empires  trust  networks-social  networks-religious  networks  14thC  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  geohistory  moral_economy  military_history  militia  guerrillas  mercenaires  sovereignty  institution-building 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Jack A. Goldstone - More Social Movements or Fewer? Beyond Political Opportunity Structures to Relational Fields | JSTOR: Theory and Society, Vol. 33, No. 3/4, (Jun. - Aug., 2004), pp. 333-365
Theory and Society - Special Issue: Current Routes to the Study of Contentious Politics and Social Change -- If social movements are an attempt by "outsiders" to gain leverage within politics, then one might expect the global spread of democracy to reduce social movement activity. This article argues the reverse. Granted, many past social movements, such as women's rights and civil rights, were efforts to empower the disenfranchised. However, this is not typical. Rather, social movements and protest tactics are more often part of a portfolio of efforts by politically active leaders and groups to influence politics. Indeed, as representative governance spreads, with the conviction by all parties that governments should respond to popular choice, then social movements and protest will also spread, as a normal element of democratic politics. Social movements should therefore not be seen as simply a matter of repressed forces fighting states; instead they need to be situated in a dynamic relational field in which the ongoing actions and interests of state actors, allied and counter-movement groups, and the public at large all influence social movement emergence, activity, and outcomes. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_theory  political_sociology  contention  social_movements  change-social  power  power-asymmetric  democracy  political_participation  government-forms  governing_class  elites  grassroots  representative_institutions  reform-political  reform-social  reform-economic  franchise  accountability  interest_groups  voice  civil_liberties  women-rights  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Clive Holmes, review - (1) Joel Samaha, Law and Order in Historical Perspective: The Case of Elizabethan Essex and (2) A. Hassell Smith, County and Court: Government and Politics in Norfolk, 1558-1603 | JSTOR: The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 49, No. 3
Very useful discussion of the very different tales told re administrative efficiency of local government and judiciary in Elizabethan Norfolk and Essex. Particularly noteworthy was the factionalism that emerged after the fall of the Duke of Norfolk when Norfolk gentry fought for the various powers and control of patronage that had been monopolized by the Duke. The disappearance of the top status figure removed a key organizing part of the structure of ranks and status recognition, producing what sounds like a free-for-all vicious competition. Of course factions tried to develop court connections they could exploit. In addition to contributing local conflicts to central court confkicts, the central-local links also worked the other way. The Elizabethan government, frustrated by the variability and often poor quality of implementation by locals of central policies and concerns, including for security and defense, resorted to delegating particular matters to narrower groups than the overall county structures - e,.g. militia commissions and even letters patent. This selectivity would feed local factional competition. But the disputes fed back into conflicts at the central level in the latter part of Elizabeth's reign even Parliamentary constitutional debates challenging the prerogative to circumvent local government structures.
books  reviews  16thC  Elizabethan  British_history  British_politics  local_government  English_constitution  central_government  centralization  prerogative  judiciary  status  patronage  criminal_justice  bureaucracy  rationalization-institutions  state-building  faction  political_culture  elites  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Bichler, Shimshon and Nitzan, Jonathan - The Asymptotes of Power - Real-World Economics Review. No. 60. June 2012. pp. 18-53 | bnarchives
Article workup of earlier conference paper -- This is the latest in a series of articles we have been writing on the current crisis. The purpose of our previous papers was to characterize the crisis. We claimed that it was a 'systemic crisis', and that capitalists were gripped by 'systemic fear'. In this article, we seek to explain why. The problem that capitalists face today, we argue, is not that their power has withered, but, on the contrary, that their power has increased. Indeed, not only has their power increased, it has increased by so much that it might be approaching its asymptote. And since capitalists look not backward to the past but forward to the future, they have good reason to fear that, from now on, the most likely trajectory of this power will be not up, but down. The paper begins by setting up our general framework and key concepts. It continues with a step-by-step deconstruction of key power processes in the United States, attempting to assess how close these processes are to their asymptotes. And it concludes with brief observations about what may lie ahead. -- Keywords: capitalization distribution power, systemic crisis -- Subjects: BN Money & Finance, BN Conflict & Violence, BN Distribution, BN Resistance, BN Power, BN Region - North America, BN Business Enterprise, BN Capital & Accumulation, BN Value & Price, BN Class, BN Crisis -- downloaded pdf to Note, also Excel data sheet
article  international_political_economy  capital_as_power  financial_system  international_finance  global_economy  global_system  ruling_class  transnational_elites  elite_culture  elites-self-destructive  globalization  power-asymmetric  Great_Recession  financial_crisis  finance_capital  financialization  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  profit  labor_share  risk-systemic  inequality  plutocracy  1-percent  conflict  violence  class_conflict  neoliberalism  corporate_citizenship  systems-complex_adaptive  systems_theory  grassroots  opposition  democracy  democracy_deficit  accumulation  capitalization  US_politics  US_economy  political_economy  political_culture  economic_culture  elites  rebellion  failed_states  property_rights  business-and-politics  business-norms  economic_growth  fear  data  capitalism-systemic_crisis  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Jean-Philippe Genet - La genèse de l'État moderne: Culture et société politique en Angleterre (2003) | Livres -- Amazon.fr
La genèse de l'État moderne est le fruit d'une lente évolution à partir de la seconde moitié du XIIIe siècle, qui a d'abord affecté les monarchies féodales d'Occident : il y a quelques années, elle a fait l'objet d'études systématiques de nombreux historiens en Europe, grâce au CNRS et à la Fondation européenne de la Science. Le présent ouvrage est une étude de cas, consacrée à l'Angleterre, à bien des égards la plus précoce et la plus cohérente des constructions politiques médiévales qui, paradoxalement, est peu étudiée par les historiens français. On y retrouve le primat de la guerre et de la fiscalité dans la dynamique de la genèse de l'État moderne, ainsi que la mise en place d'un système judiciaire garantissant la reproduction de la classe dominante dans des conditions satisfaisantes. Mais l'ouvrage permet surtout de relever et d'articuler la corrélation entre le développement et la vitalité de la société politique, dont l'existence est une condition sine qua non pour l'État moderne, et la mutation de la culture et du système de communication médiéval, tant au niveau des médias et de la langue qu'à celui des types de textes produits. Par l'analyse de plus de 2200 bio-bibliographies d'" auteurs " actifs dans les domaines de l'histoire et du politique, et au moyen d'une théorie des champs de production textuelle, se dégage ce qu'a été l'idéologie spécifique du féodalisme d'État. Alors naissent progressivement les catégories modernes du politique, ainsi que la notion d'une société politique " nationale " -- Recommended in Penguin history of England bibliographies
books  amazon.fr  British_history  British_politics  medieval_history  13thC  14thC  15thC  nation-state  national_ID  political_culture  feudalism  legal_system  legal_culture  common_law  judiciary  historiography  political_sociology  military_history  state-building  political_economy  elites  elite_culture  monarchy  taxes  fiscal-military_state  nobility 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Richard Lachmann - States and Power (PPSS - Polity Political Sociology series) - 249 pages (2013) | Kindle eBooks @ Amazon.com.
States over the past 500 years have become the dominant institutions throughout the world, exercising vast and varied authority over the economic well-being, health, welfare, and very lives of their citizens. This concise and engaging book explains how power became centralized in states at the expense of the myriad of other polities that had battled one another over previous millennia. Richard Lachmann traces the contested and historically contingent struggles by which subjects began to see themselves as citizens of nations and came to associate their interests and identities with states. He explains why the civil rights and benefits they achieved, and the taxes and military service they in turn rendered to their nations, varied so much. Looking forward, Lachmann examines the future in store for states: will they gain or lose strength as they are buffeted by globalization, terrorism, economic crisis, and environmental disaster? This stimulating book offers a comprehensive evaluation of the social science literature that addresses these issues, and situates the state at the center of the world history of capitalism, nationalism, and democracy. It will be essential reading for scholars and students across the social and political sciences. -- reviews all the main theoretical approaches to rise of the nation-state, state-building, and various speculations on the demise or transformation of the state in the era of globalization and transnational actors and issues. -- looks extremely helpful, if for nothing than the lit review and bibliography
books  kindle-available  buy  historical_sociology  political_sociology  nation-state  nationalism  national_ID  citizenship  legitimacy  Europe-Early_Modern  colonialism  imperialism  IR_theory  capitalism  mercantilism  military_history  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  empires  empire-and_business  legal_system  international_law  international_political_economy  global_governance  globalization  elites  elite_culture  MNCs  international_organizations  international_system  power  IR-domestic_politics  terrorism  Internet  democracy  rule_of_law  civil_society  civil_liberties  social_theory  national_interest  refugees 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Issue TOC - THE RESILIENCY OF THE NATION-STATE IN SCHOLARSHIP AND IN FACT | JSTOR: Review (Fernand Braudel Center), Vol. 34, No. 3, 2011
Introduction: "Globalization" and the Nation-State in the Modern World-System (pp. 253-258) - Denis O'Hearn and Thomas M. Wilson. *--* Nationalism in a Post-Hegemonic Era (pp. 259-283) - Richard Lachmann. *--* The State of States in International Organizations: From the WHO to the Global Fund (pp. 285-310) - Nitsan Chorev, Tatiana Andia Rey and David Ciplet. *--* On the Study of Social Optics: Foucault, Counter-Surveillance, and the Political Underground in Northern Peru (pp. 311-331) - David Nugent -- lots of interesting bibliography
article  journal  jstor  20thC  21stC  economic_history  political_history  political_economy  international_political_economy  cultural_history  globalization  global_governance  global_economy  global_system  global_history  social_theory  political_sociology  political_culture  political_nation  nation-state  national_ID  elites  elite_culture  MNCs  international_organizations  international_system  international_finance  IR_theory  IR-domestic_politics  hegemony  Foucault  IFIs  world_systems  bibliography  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
The US News rankings are terrible for students. Why don't colleges stop them? - Vox
Horror stories re not just gaming the system but the lies and destructive treatment of prospective and enrolled students to say nothing of the distortion of educational values -- lots of links
US_society  college  education-higher  elites  managerialism  corruption  moral_economy 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Whatever Happened to Corporate Stewardship? - Rick Wartzman - Harvard Business Review
Rick Wartzman is the executive director of the Drucker Institute at Claremont Graduate University. Author or editor of five books, he is currently writing one about how the social contract between employer and employee in America has changed since the end of World War II -- In November 1956, Time magazine explored a phenomenon that went by various names: “capitalism with a conscience,” “enlightened conservatism,” “people’s capitalism,” and, most popularly, “The New Conservatism.” No matter which label one preferred, the basic concept was clear: Business leaders were demonstrating an ever increasing willingness, in the words of the story, to “shoulder a host of new responsibilities” and “judge their actions, not only from the standpoint of profit and loss” in their financial results “but of profit and loss to the community.” -- It is easy to overly romanticize 1950s corporate America. People of color faced terrible workplace discrimination at that time, as did women. Late in the decade, many big companies hardened their stance against organized labor, hastening its steep decline. Business culture could be rigid and stifling. Fear of communism and socialism, as much as altruism, was often at the root of corporate generosity. But for all the faults of that period, an ethos has been lost. The University of Michigan’s Mark Mizruchi, in his book The Fracturing of the American Corporate Elite, describes it as “concern for the well-being of the broader society.” Notably, Mizruchi points to the 1956 Time article as a good representative of the ideas that then “dominated in the corporate discourse.”
CSR  corporate_governance  corporate_citizenship  shareholders  elites  elite_culture  labor  labor_history  post-WWII  neoliberalism  unions  US_history  US_economy  norms-business  business_cycles  business  business-and-politics  firms-theory  tax_havens 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
March 2011: The Rise and Fall of Neoconservatism - C. Bradley Thompson, Lead Essay | Cato Unbound
Lead Essay -- Neoconservatism Unmasked by C. Bradley Thompson -- Neoconservative intellectuals often describe themselves as having a particular mode of thinking — maybe even just a “mood.” C. Bradley Thompson argues that neoconservatism is much more than that. Its key philosophical inspiration of comes from Irving Kristol, and particularly from Kristol’s engagement with the philosopher Leo Strauss. Thompson argues that, under Straussian influence, neoconservatives champion the rule of a philosophically cunning elite over a population that will never be able to understand their intellectual masters. Instead, the populace is steered toward self-sacrifice, war, and nationalism — as well as a set of religious and moral beliefs that the elites in no way share. Such a doctrine, Thompson charges, points disturbingly toward fascism.
intellectual_history  political_philosophy  20thC  entre_deux_guerres  post-WWII  Germany  Nazis  fascism  liberalism  Strauss  Straussians  neoconservatism  US_politics  Plato-Republic  elites  esotericism  Heidegger  US_history  democracy  relativism  politics-and-religion  nihilism  mass_culture  political_participation  propaganda 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
FROM THE ARCHIVES: Review of David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (Allen Lane, 2001) | Pandaemonium
There may seem to be something wilfully perverse about the idea that 19thC Britain, or its empire, was ‘less racist’ than the contemporary nation. Nevertheless there is an element of truth to Cannadine’s argument. 19thC thinkers and administrators combined a belief in natural inequality with a belief in the ‘universality’ of the world – the conviction that they lived in ‘one vast interconnected world’, as Cannadine puts it. Today, in the post-Holocaust era, we have by and large rejected ideas of natural inequality – but also ideas of universality. Indeed, in the ‘West and the Rest’ tradition, universalism is itself regarded as a product of racism, a means by which the West has silenced the voices of the Rest. The consequence has been not the embrace of equality, but the reframing of inequality as ‘difference’. We have managed to combine today a formal belief in equality with the practical creation of a more fractious, fragmented, identity-driven world. Against this background, the moral of Cannadine’s story is not so much that an empire built ‘on individual inequality, had ways of dealing with race that contemporary societies, dedicated to collective equality do not’. It is rather that an age that enjoyed a bullish belief in the ‘sameness’ of the word possessed certain resources to cope with problems of difference that we no longer do, despite the fact that race and inequality were much more central aspects of the Victorian world-view. If we truly want to bury Victorian ideas of inequality, then we must repossess their belief in universality.
books  reviews  kindle-available  intellectual_history  cultural_history  19thC  British_history  British_Empire  social_order  hierarchy  patriarchy  elites  elite_culture  imperialism  global_system  universalism  identity  identity_politics  racism  equality  difference  Other  Victorian  national_ID  post-WWII  post-colonial  Great_Divergence  orientalism  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
MALCOLM CROOK and JOHN DUNNE -- THE FIRST EUROPEAN ELECTIONS? VOTING AND IMPERIAL STATE-BUILDING UNDER NAPOLEON, 1802–1813. (2014). | The Historical Journal, 57, pp 661-697 - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
MALCOLM CROOK University of Keele and JOHN DUNNE --This article establishes the significance of elections held in the annexed departments of the Napoleonic Empire from 1802 to 1813. It thus represents an original, and perhaps surprising, contribution to recent debate on the nature of Napoleonic imperialism, in which attention has shifted from core to periphery, and away from purely military matters. The electoral process under this authoritarian regime has been alternately neglected or derided, especially where the newly created departments of the Low Countries and parts of Germany and Italy are concerned. However, extensive archival research demonstrates that it was taken extremely seriously by both regime and voters, especially outside metropolitan France. These ‘First European Elections', as they may be dubbed, took place in regular fashion right across the Empire and are studied here on a transnational basis, which also involves the metropolitan departments. Though open to all adult males at the primary level, they were not exercises in democracy, but they did create some rare political space which local people were not slow to exploit for their own purposes. Above all, they served as a means of integrating ‘new Frenchmen’, particularly members of indigenous elites, into the Napoleonic system.
article  paywall  19thC  political_history  political_culture  Napoleonic_Empire  elections  Germany  Italy  Dutch  Netherlands  France  local_politics  elites  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
James Thompson - After the Fall: Class and Political Language in Britain, 1780-1900 | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 39, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 785-806
The fall of class in nineteenth-century British history has become a familiar tale. Its rise in the historiography of eighteenth-century Britain has been less noted. This essay explores the reasons for this divergence and emphasizes its methodological origins. It highlights the need for a comprehensive history of class society and identity to replace the confused and contradictory picture of particular classes and communities that is currently on offer. To understand better the constitution of class society, it urges historians to talk less of consciousness and more of identity and to recognize that class is an imagined community much like any other. It proceeds to use this understanding of class identity to assess the turn to political language amongst social historians interested in class. The paper offers a sustained examination of the recent work of Joyce and Wahrman in particular and argues that insufficient attention has been paid to the variety of usable political languages and to the particular discursive contexts in which they are employed. It is argued that to acknowledge that class is so constructed is not to deny its existence or its importance and that historians need to look beyond political discourse to explain how class became so central to the self and the social in the nineteenth century. -- extensive references on British social history as well as postmodern historiography debates -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  social_history  political_history  cultural_history  British_history  British_politics  18thC  19thC  classes  class_conflict  working_class  middle_class  lower_orders  elites  elite_culture  popular_culture  bourgeoisie  identity  identity_politics  political_participation  political_press  rhetoric-political  aristocracy  gentry  gentleman  social_order  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Jean-Jacques Burlamaqui, The Principles of Natural and Politic Law [c 1750, tran 1763], trans. Thomas Nugent, ed. Peter Korkman - Online Library of Liberty
Jean-Jacques Burlamaqui, The Principles of Natural and Politic Law, trans. Thomas Nugent, ed. and with an Introduction by Peter Korkman (Indianpolis: Liberty Fund, 2006). 07/11/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/1717> -- The basis of this version of The Principles of Natural and Politic Law is Thomas Nugent’s 1763 English translation, which became a standard textbook at Cambridge and at many premier American colleges, including Princeton, Harvard, and the University of Pennsylvania. The first scholarly work on Burlamaqui was written by an American, M. Ray Forrest Harvey, who in 1937 argued that Burlamaqui was well known among America’s Founding Fathers and that his writings exerted considerable influence on the American constitutional system. In his introduction, Nugent said of Burlamaqui: “His singular beauty consists in the alliance he so carefully points out between ethics and jurisprudence, religion and politics, after the example of Plato and Tully, and the other illustrious masters of antiquity.”
books  etexts  17thC  18thC  Enlightenment  intellectual_history  natural_law  political_philosophy  human_nature  moral_psychology  obligation  sovereignty  Geneva  Calvinist  natural_rights  mixed_government  aristocracy-natural  elites  bourgeoisie  democracy  authority  legitimacy  civil_liberties  civil_religion  happiness  rationalist  Grotius  Pufendorf  Barbeyrac  Leibniz  Rousseau  governing_class  government-forms  governance  state-building  state-of-nature  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Claire Judde de Larivière - The 'Public' and the 'Private' in 16thC Venice: From Medieval Economy to Early Modern State | JSTOR: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, Vol. 37, No. 4 (142) (2012), pp. 76-94
This article analyses the Venetian public galleys' expeditions during the sixteenth century, as a case study for understanding the relationships between patricians and the State, and the way in which the 'public' and the 'private' roles were reorganized in the late Middle Ages. Going further the explanations usually given, the article tries to explain the decline of the public galleys, and emphasizes the symbolic, cultural, political and ideological factors that had also led to the abandonment of public navigation. It seeks to reintegrate economic considerations, practices, actions and actors into their social, political and ideological contexts, and thus avoids isolating economic phenomena and economic thinking from their political background. Doing so, it argues that the abandonment of public navigation in Venice was the corollary of the gradual differentiation between the State and the ruling class that was typical of the earliest stages of modernity. -- interesting bibliography ranging from Frederic Lane to Craig Muldrew -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  economic_history  16thC  Venice  shipping  public_goods  public_enterprise  private_enterprise  elites  stratification  privatization  capitalism  imperialism  political_culture  economic_culture  elite_culture  political_economy  Renaissance  modernity-emergence  social_order  public_finance  financial_economics  financial_innovation  common_good  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  mercantilism  empire-and_business  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Jan Pakulski - The Weberian Foundations of Modern Elite Theory and Democratic Elitism | JSTOR: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, Vol. 37, No. 1 (139) (2012), pp. 38-56
Max Weber's portrayal of modern elites shows clear proximity to "classical elite theory," modern "elite perspective," and "democratic elitism." This portrayal -stressing power concentration in the state apparata, legitimacy of rule, centrality of leadership groups, and the capacity of these groups to form cohesive power actors -anticipates many central themes in the work of contemporary elite theorists, such as John Higley, whose theoretical attention focuses on patterns of elite integration and ruling consensus as the key "elite variables." Higley's seminal studies, especially those linking such elite integration and ruling consensus with political outcomes and regime types, combine the classical elite-theoretical heritage with the Weberian "supplements," the latter stressing the variable internal structure of "ruling minorities" that form in modern nation states. The Weberian elite perspective and theoretical model have been substantiated, elaborated and extended in research undertaken by John Higley and his collaborators. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  Weber  social_theory  political_culture  elites  power  legitimacy  groups-cohesion  ruling_class  democracy  political_participation  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
András Körösényi - Monopolistic Competition, Auction and Authorization. A Schumpeterian View of Leadership and the Political Market | JSTOR: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, Vol. 37, No. 1 (139) (2012), pp. 57-72
The market analogy of democracy played a central role in one of the leading versions of democratic theory in the last fifty years, in the so-called "elite" or "competitive" theory of democracy. In the present paper, I first clarify that the dominant school of the market analogy (Downs and his followers) turned its back on the approach of the originator of the analogy, Joseph Schumpeter. Schumpeter argued that both economic and political competition -due to the activity of entrepreneurs -are necessarily monopolistic and destroy equilibrium. Second, I show how followers of the Schumpeterian market analogy improved upon it by using the concept of natural monopolies and making it conform to the characteristics of politics, while further distancing themselves from Downsian interpretation and the dominant Public Choice approach. Finally, I demonstrate a normative implication of monopolistic competition, namely its consequences for the concept of "agency loss". -- looks good re post WWII social sciences -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_theory  social_sciences-post-WWII  political_science  markets  competition  competition-political  parties  democracy  elites  political_culture  political_participation  monopolies  Schumpter  neoclassical_economics  public_choice  equilibrium  social_order  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Trygve Gulbrandsen - Elite Integration – An Empirical Study | JSTOR: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, Vol. 37, No. 1 (139) (2012), pp. 148-166
Elite integration has been a central topic within research on elites. In this paper, theoretical ideas about factors behind elite cohesion are discussed and empirically tested. The analyses presented in the paper show that ideological integration is strongest in elite groups where the share of members with upper/upper middle class origin is highest. This finding is valid whether the elite groups are located to the left or to the right in the political landscape. Various explanations of the finding are discussed. -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_culture  ideology  elites  classes  elite_culture  politicians  groups-cohesion  ruling_class 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
John Higley - Democratic Elitism and Western Political Thought [2009] | JSTOR: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, Vol. 37, No. 1 (139) (2012), pp. 351-366
Many political thinkers have viewed democratic elitism as closing a democratic road they believe is or should be open-ended. Their view of democratic possibilities reflects the auspicious circumstances of Western societies during the past several centuries and especially since World War II. However, it involves a conflation of liberal and democratic values. I examine why and how this has occurred, and I argue that liberal and democratic values must be more clearly separated in today's dangerous world. In step with Schumpeter, democracy must be regarded as a method or instrumental value that in some but by no means all circumstances promotes the ultimate liberal value of actively individualistic free people. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  intellectual_history  20thC  21stC  elites  democracy  liberalism  post-WWII  post-Cold_War  institution-building  institutional_change  political_change  political_participation  political_culture  ruling_class  oligarchy  competition-political  political_science  utopian  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Tom Leng, review - Brodie Waddell. God, Duty and Community in English Economic Life, 1660-1720 (2012) | H-Net Reviews April 2013
In his first book, Brodie Waddell seeks to bring the realm of culture to bear upon the economic life of late Stuart England. This period has tended to be subsumed within the story of how the “moral economy” was vanquished by the market in the 18thC, to the neglect of what Waddell sees as its distinctive econom -- a larger question for historians interested in reconciling the cultural and the economic: what do we do with the concept of “interest”? ...is there a danger of replacing the “undersocialized” caricature of “homo economicus” with economic actors that sociologists would describe as “oversocialized,” the passive bearers of internalized norms and values? Doubtless “religiously inspired archetypes ... left an indelible impression on the economic lives of ordinary people”, but we should not neglect the role of material self-advancement or preservation (and other forms of “acquisitive” behavior—the acquisition of reputation, for example) as a motive force in economic life. ...we need to find a place for “interest,” which, after all, was a concept with which early modern English people were very familiar. -- But a full picture of economic lives and cultures needs to consider the interaction of potentially rival values and those who bore them. And this links back to the changing economic context of the period. Increasing engagement in long-distance markets could encourage farmers or manufacturers to refashion their communal loyalties in a way that undermined neighborly commitments; participation in the emerging stock market might suggest a different scale of economic values to those recounted in this book. -- the volume of printed attacks on various forms of economic immorality might suggest that the confrontation of divergent moral economies was far from uncommon in the period. In which case, does the clash between the market and other moral economies, if not the moral economy, have some explanatory power still?
books  reviews  historiography  change-social  17thC  18thC  British_history  economic_history  economic_culture  interest_groups  community  patriarchy  religious_culture  religion-established  religious_lit  religious_belief  mercantilism  local_government  local_politics  elites  popular_culture  moral_economy  self-interest  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo - Gaming Democracy: Elite Dominance during Transition and the Prospects for Redistribution | British Journal of Political Science - Cambridge Journals Online
Inequality and democracy are far more compatible empirically than social conflict theory predicts. This article speaks to this puzzle, identifying the scope conditions under which democratization induces greater redistribution. Because autocrats sometimes have incentives to expropriate economic elites, who lack reliable institutions to protect their rights, elites may prefer democracy to autocratic rule if they can impose roadblocks to redistribution under democracy ex ante. Using global panel data (1972–2008), this study finds that there is a relationship between democracy and redistribution only if elites are politically weak during a transition; for example, when there is revolutionary pressure. Redistribution is also greater if a democratic regime can avoid adopting and operating under a constitution written by outgoing elites and instead create a new constitution that redefines the political game. This finding holds across three different measures of redistribution and instrumental variables estimation. This article also documents the ways in which elites ‘bias’ democratic institutions.
article  paywall  political_science  political_economy  democracy  inequality  elites  redistribution  revolutions  transition_economies  property_rights  economic_culture  economic_reform  political_culture  institutional_change  North-Weingast  Glorious_Revolution  Whig_Junto  Whigs-oligarchy  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Marx Myths & Legends - website
Series of serious essays, including on relations to other thinkers (e.g. Hegel) and how Marx was contested and distorted by both enemies and friends in 20thC -- We believe that what Marx had to say remains of considerable relevance to an understanding of problems we face today, but that a reading of Marx now must maintain a critical caution which does not merely reproduce received ideas- positive or negative- about Marx’s work. The distortion and questionable interpretation of Marx’s work is in many senses a direct result of his great success. ... Interpretation of Marx has thus been driven by a number of historical factors, and any attempts to gain, for example, a “scholarly” understanding have necessarily been secondary. ... To set against the distortions we cannot raise up a singular, uncontradictory Marx, abstracted from history and ultimately separable from everything that comes within “Marxism”, yet it remains that there is much in that received wisdom about Marx that is refutable, or at least rendered distinctly questionable, with a little attention to the textual and historical evidence.
intellectual_history  19thC  20thC  political_economy  social_theory  Marx  Hegel  Hegelian  Hegelians-French  Marxist  historiography-19thC  capitalism  capital  labor  Industrial_Revolution  industry  technology  ideology  property  legal_system  bourgeoisie  working_class  elites  money  markets  website  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Ricardo Hausmann - Why technological diffusion does not occur according to economic theory. - Project Syndicate - May 2014
That is why cities, regions, and countries can absorb technology only gradually, generating growth through some recombination of the knowhow that is already in place, maybe with the addition of some component – a bassist to complete a string quartet. But they cannot move from a quartet to a philharmonic orchestra in one fell swoop, because it would require too many missing instruments – and, more important, too many musicians who know how to play them. Progress happens by moving into what the theoretical biologist Stuart Kauffman calls the “adjacent possible,” which implies that the best way to find out what is likely to be feasible in a country is to consider what is already there. Politics may indeed impede technological diffusion; but, to a large extent, technology does not diffuse because of the nature of technology itself.
economic_theory  economic_growth  economic_history  institutional_economics  institutional_change  institution-building  development  US_foreign_policy  rent-seeking  elites  oligarchy  technology  capital  labor  knowhow 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
A bygone age … The unraveling … Faith in institutions by Nicholas Lemann | The Washington Monthly
First, we had too much faith in the ability of people like us, smart and well-intentioned upper-middle-class (defined by family background, not by what the Monthly paid) Washington liberals, to determine what was and wasn’t a genuine social need. Our scorn for interest group liberalism led us to undervalue the process of people organizing themselves and pushing the political system to give them what they wanted from it. Second, we failed to anticipate the way that eliminating all those structures that struck us as outdated—the government bureaucracies, the seniority system in Congress, the old-line interest groups—would almost inevitably wind up working to the advantage of elites more than of the ordinary people on whose behalf we imagined ourselves to be advocating. The frictionless, disintermediated, networked world in which we live today is great for people with money and high-demand skills, not so great for everybody else. It’s a cruel irony of the Monthly’s history that our preferred label for ourselves, neoliberal, has come to denote political regimes maximally friendly to the financial markets. I’ve come to see the merits of the liberal structures I scorned in my younger days.
US_history  20thC  intellectual_history  US_politics  liberalism  neoliberalism  democracy  governing_class  Congress  elections  trust  right-wing  interest_groups  bureaucracy  campaign_finance  elites  plutocracy 
april 2014 by dunnettreader
John A. Phillips, review essay - Peers and Parliamentarians versus Jacobites and Jacobins: Eighteenth-Century Stability? | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Oct., 1986), pp. 504-514
Reviewed works - (1) Aristocratic Century: The Peerage of Eighteenth-Century England by John Cannon; *--* (2) British Parliamentary Parties, 1742-1832: From the Fall of Walpole to the First Reform Act by Brian W. Hill; *--* (3) Britain in the Age of Walpole by Jeremy Black; *--* (4) British Radicalism and the French Revolution, 1789-1815 by H. T. Dickinson -- he's not impressed with Cannon who focuses on peerage and thereby misses the aristocracy and elite changes more generally, plus dodgy statistics
books  bookshelf  reviews  article  jstor  18thC  British_history  British_politics  elites  elite_culture  parties  partisanship  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  foreign_policy  Walpole  Whigs-opposition  Jacobites  radicals  French_Revolution  anti-Jacobin  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Michael McCahill and Ellis Archer Wasson - The New Peerage: Recruitment to the House of Lords, 1704-1847 | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Mar., 2003), pp. 1-38
New entrants to the British peerage between 1700 and 1850 included both traditional landed magnates and men from humbler backgrounds. The rate of recruitment accelerated rapidly after 1782. This article identifies and analyses the social and economic backgrounds of new peers and the reasons for which titles were bestowed. While the inclusion of large numbers of Irish and Scottish grandees sustained the longitudinal sinews of the peerage, war and empire produced an increasing number of titles awarded on merit. Men of modest backgrounds had always been admitted to the elite, but 'Old Corruption' and the marriage market allowed most of their descendants to blend in with the old peerage after a few generations. The wave of new recruits, especially after 1782, included numerous relatively poor or landless men, and governments increasingly intervened with grants of multi-generational annuities in order to protect the status of the peerage while continuing to use titles to reward new men. Ministers boldly and astutely acted both to preserve the pre-eminence of the old order and encourage the prowess of state servants as Britain bestrode the globe. A new peerage emerged to help save the old. -- extensive bibliography -- didn't download
article  jstor  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  cultural_history  British_Empire  House_of_Lords  nouveaux_riches  elites  nobility  aristocracy  aristocracy-natural  meritocracy  bibliography  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Daniel I. O'Neill - Burke on Democracy as the Death of Western Civilization | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 36, No. 2 (Jan., 2004), pp. 201-225
This essay concerns Edmund Burke's view of the civilizing process. It begins by developing Burke's revision of Scottish Enlightenment historiography from the perspective of his own earlier treatise on aesthetics. Here, the argument is that Burke saw Western civilization as guaranteed by two institutions, the "sublime" church and the "beautiful" nobility, that jointly produced the requisite level of "habitual social discipline" in the masses necessary for the "natural aristocracy" to govern. The article's central argument is that Burke saw the Revolutionaries' destruction of these two institutions, and especially their subsequent attempt to replace them with political democracy undergirded by policies of social and cultural democratization, as marking the literal end of Western civilization itself. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  British_politics  French_Revolution  counter-revolution  Burke  Western_civ  aesthetics  sublime  Church_of_England  religion-established  religious_culture  nobility  aristocracy  aristocracy-natural  domination  hierarchy  social_order  deference  political_culture  governing_class  elites  democracy  political_participation  morality-conventional  moral_sentiments  Scottish_Enlightenment  civilizing_process  manners  politeness  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Neil Brody Miller - "Proper Subjects for Public Inquiry": The First Unitarian Controversy and the Transformation of Federalist Print Culture | JSTOR: Early American Literature, Vol. 43, No. 1 (2008), pp. 101-135
Lots of primary and secondary references - continues debate against seeing Jeffersonians as innovative in using press to expand public sphere and speak for common man but Federakists as reactive and manipulative for similar activity that in fact did more for wider public participation and voice -- episode also sets pattern for triumph of non-sectarian, Trinitarian, evangelical, bible and tract version of Christianity as public sphere religion -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_history  religious_history  public_sphere  18thC  19thC  Early_Republic  New_England  cultural_capital  cultural_authority  civic_virtue  public_opinion  political_participation  politics-and-religion  political_culture  religious_culture  republicanism  publishing  deference  consensus  anti-Trinitarian  Unitarian  Calvinist  Evangelical  religion-established  clergy  education-higher  Federalist  Jeffersonians  political_press  community  elites  elite_culture  cultural_critique  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Jessica Warner and Frank Ivis - "Damn You, You Informing Bitch." Vox Populi and the Unmaking of the Gin Act of 1736 | JSTOR: Journal of Social History, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Winter, 1999), pp. 299-330
This study examines the interaction between legislation and popular culture, with a particular emphasis on the extent to which popular resistance undermined enforcement of the Gin Act of 1736. It is argued that popular resistance, while significant, had no effect on policy until members of the middle classes intervened in an attempt to restore the social relations that had existed before the Act took effect. It was only at this point that the Act became a dead letter. In this role members of the middle classes functioned as mediators between two cultures, one plebeian, the other patrician. As such, our findings suggest that the dialectic of plebeian culture and patrician culture, as variously articulated by E.P. Thompson, may be excessively stark, especially when applied to a setting as dense and heterogenous as early Hanoverian London. Our findings also suggest that working men and women in the capital worked and socialized side by side, sometimes as drinking companions, and sometimes as professional informers. -- over 100 references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  cultural_history  political_history  18thC  British_politics  classes  class_conflict  lower_orders  middle_class  elites  public_policy  Parliament  law_enforcement  London  public_disorder  popular_culture  popular_politics  gin_craze  1730s  riots  moral_economy  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John P. McCormick - Machiavelli against Republicanism: On the Cambridge School's "Guicciardinian Moments" | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 31, No. 5 (Oct., 2003), pp. 615-643
Scholars loosely affiliated with the "Cambridge School" (e.g., Pocock, Skinner, Viroli, and Pettit) accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from republicanism for contemporary politics reinforce rather than reform the "senatorial," electorally based, and socioeconomically agnostic republican model (devised by Machiavelli's aristocratic interlocutor, Guicciardini, and refined by Montesquieu and Madison) that permits common citizens to acclaim but not determine government policies. Cambridge School textual interpretations and practical proposals have little connection with Machiavelli's "tribunate," class-specific model of popular government elaborated in The Discourses, one that relies on extra-electoral accountability techniques and embraces deliberative popular assemblies.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  historiography  16thC  21stC  Machiavelli  republicanism  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  oligarchy  elites  populism  public_opinion  popular_politics  political_participation  neo-Roman  class_conflict  accountability  tribune  Guiccidarini  Cambridge_School  rule_of_law  common_good  non-domination  liberty  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Lawrence E. Klein - Politeness and the Interpretation of the British Eighteenth Century | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 45, No. 4 (Dec., 2002), pp. 869-898
Politeness has assumed an important place in recent interpretations of eighteenth-century Britain by historians and historically minded scholars in other fields. The use of politeness as an analytic category has relied on varying assessments of the eighteenth-century semantic associations of the term, which included attentiveness to form, sociability, improvement, worldliness, and gentility. Scholars have used politeness in one or more of these senses to characterize distinctive aspects of eighteenth-century British culture: the comportment of the body in isolation and in social interaction; the material equipment of everyday life; the changing configurations and uses of domestic and public spaces; skills and aptitudes that both constituted personal accomplishment and shaped larger cultural enterprises such as religion, learning, the arts, and science; and important aspects of associational and institutional life. Thus, eighteenth-century Britain was polite in that a wide range of quite different activities have been identified as bearing the stamp of the eighteenth-century meanings of 'politeness'. Furthermore, what made eighteenth-century Britain a polite society was not its horizontal division between polite and non-polite persons but rather the wide access of a range of persons to activities and competencies that contemporaries considered 'polite'. -- big bibliography -- already in EagleFiler?
article  jstor  cultural_history  social_history  18thC  British_history  London  elites  status  politeness  manners  sociability  improvement  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Paul Langford - The Uses of Eighteenth-Century Politeness | JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12 (2002), pp. 311-331
Politeness is a 'key word' for historians of eighteenth-century Britain. It implied a distinguishing vision of wider social concerns and less constricted cultural tastes than was attributed to earlier ages. What part it played in identifiable shifts of behaviour is harder to judge. Among people who served the growing commercial and professional needs of the day, its influence seems well attested. More problematic was its impact on plebeian life. Yet even here, there is evidence to suggest some degree of 'polishing' in line with contemporary expectations, to the extent that politeness itself ceased to describe social aspirations and became synonymous with basic standards of civil behaviour.
article  jstor  cultural_history  social_history  18thC  British_history  London  urbanization  professions  commerce-doux  politeness  elites  middle_class  lower_orders  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John Gillingham - From Civilitas to Civility: Codes of Manners in Medieval and Early Modern England | JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12 (2002), pp. 267-289
Argues that to see the contrasts between late medieval 'courtesy books' and early modern manuals of manners as markers of changing ideals of social conduct in England is an interpretation too narrowly based on works written in English. Examination of Latin and Anglo-Norman literature shows that the ideal of the urbane gentleman can be traced back at least as far as the most comprehensive of all courtesy books, the twelfth-century Liber Urbani of Daniel of Beccles, and was itself underpinned by the commonplace secular morality of the much older Distichs of Cato. -- over 100 references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  cultural_history  British_history  Medieval  16thC  17thC  Anglo-Norman  virtue  gentleman  manners  elites  Latin_lit  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Nicholas Cooper - Rank, Manners and Display: The Gentlemanly House, 1500-1750 | JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12 (2002), pp. 291-310
In the early modern period the amenities of the upper-class house provided for approved modes of polite behaviour, while the initial, piecemeal display of antique ornament in the sixteenth century expressed the status and the education of the governing class. In the seventeenth century a more classically correct architecture would spread in a climate of opinion in which approved behaviour was increasingly internalised and external display less favoured. The revolution of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was in superseding architectural languages that had lent themselves to the expression of status with a national style that did not. -- didn't download
article  jstor  cultural_history  British_history  16thC  17thC  18thC  elites  country_house  architecture  status  politeness  privacy  display  governing_class  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
R. H. Sweet - Topographies of Politeness | JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12 (2002), pp. 355-374
Politeness was a quintessentially urban concept; the formulation of a code of polite behaviour was a response to the pressures of urban living and the cultivation and display of polite manners took place in the social spaces of the urban locale. Not all towns were equally polite, however, and the degree of politeness on display in a town became another yardstick by which to categorise and judge provincial society. London was often presented as the centre of true politeness, in contrast to provincial vulgarity, but other towns were quick to appropriate the concept and its rhetoric as a means of self-promotion. In so doing politeness underwent modification as it was reinvented as a virtue of provincial, middling urban society. - bibliography - downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  cultural_history  British_history  17thC  18thC  19thC  urbanization  politeness  court_culture  commerce-doux  manners  elites  Town  provinces  urban_development  London  middle-class  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Christine Stevenson - Robert Hooke's Bethlem | JSTOR: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 55, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 254-275
Bethlem Hospital for lunatics, built to the designs of Robert Hooke between 1674 and 1676 in London, is a singularly famous building that has been little studied. This article summarizes the available written evidence, including the minutes of the Court of Governors' deliberations during Bethlem construction and contemporary prose and poetic celebrations of the result, to show that one conventional rhetorical use of the building, as a monstrous emblem of vanity, may be suprisingly apposite given the governors' preoccupation with how it be viewed, both literally and figuratively. However, they seem to have expected that post-Fire and post-Restoration London would be willing to entertain a conception of a lunatic asylum more polysemous than has been possible since, possibly because Bethlem created the type. Hooke's application of the domestic gallery, in particular, not only introduced a wide range of associations with health, hospitality, instruction, and pleasure, it permitted a plan that was concurrently applauded as inherently curative. It is, however, Bethlem's façade which soon became notorious; the article concludes with an explanation for the significance of its grandeur, and for the failure of the signification. -- splendidly illustrated -- over 100 references, covers through 1733 -- didn't download
article  jstor  social_history  cultural_history  English_lit  architecture  17thC  18thC  British_history  London  Hooke  medicine  psychology  madness  poetry  satire  charity  elites  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
English Politeness: Conduct, Social Rank and Moral Virtue, c. 1400-c. 1900 - TOC -- JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12, 2002
English Politeness: Conduct, Social Rank and Moral Virtue, c. 1400-c. 1900: A Conference Held at the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, and the Institute of Historical Research, University of London -- Introduction (pp. 263-266) John Tosh. -- (1) From Civilitas to Civility: Codes of Manners in Medieval and Early Modern England (pp. 267-289) John Gillingham. -- (2) Rank, Manners and Display: The Gentlemanly House, 1500-1750 (pp. 291-310) Nicholas Cooper. -- (3) The Uses of Eighteenth-Century Politeness (pp. 311-331) Paul Langford. -- (4) Polite 'Persons': Character, Biography and the Gentleman (pp. 333-354) Philip Carter. -- (5) Topographies of Politeness (pp. 355-374) R. H. Sweet. -- (6) Polite Consumption: Shopping in Eighteenth-Century England (pp. 375-394) Helen Berry. -- 7) Creating a Veil of Silence? Politeness and Marital Violence in the English Household (pp. 395-415) Elizabeth Foyster. -- (8) Courses in Politeness: The Upbringing and Experiences of Five Teenage Diarists, 1671-1860 (pp. 417-430) Anthony Fletcher. -- (9) The Brash Colonial: Class and Comportment in Nineteenth-Century Australia (pp. 431-453) Penny Russell. -- (10) Gentlemanly Politeness and Manly Simplicity in Victorian England (pp. 455-472) John Tosh
journal  article  jstor  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  British_history  cultural_history  social_history  politeness  status  elites  consumers  education  domesticity  gentleman  manners  moral_reform  moral_philosophy  masculinity  houses  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Kenan Malik - A BOOK IN PROGRESS [PART 3]: ON STOICISM, FREE WILL & FATE | Pandaemonium April 2011
Nice summary of the Stoic origins of the theodicy, fate,beneficent Providence, and free will tangle - distinction between free will as responsibility and as agency in sense of changing the world - difference in approach to virtue and material condition from Aristotle's aristocratic approach - poor or slave as potentially virtuous
intellectual_history  moral_philosophy  ancient_philosophy  Stoicism  fate  Providence  determinism  free_will  slavery  elites  EF-add 
december 2013 by dunnettreader
Kenan Malik - THE ENLIGHTENMENT – AND WHY IT STILL MATTERS | Pandaemonium May 2013
The contemporary debate about the EU pits a liberal Europeanism, through which is expressed, all too often, contempt for the electorate and an ambiguous view of the democratic process, against rightwing Euroscepticism, in which hostility to the European project is fuelled by nationalism and xenophobia. Were Spinoza or Diderot, or another thinker from the Radical Enlightenment tradition, present today, he would probably see himself as a democratic Europhile, as someone who wants to break down national barriers but to do it through popular support and the extension of democratic institutions. A contemporary debate between what are in effect aristocratic cosmopolitans, democratic cosmopolitans and xenophobic anti-cosmopolitans, a debate that in many ways echoes the eighteenth century conflict between the moderate Enlightenment, the Radical Enlightenment and the counter-Enlightenment, reveals the continuing relevance of not simply of the Enlightenment but also of the debates within it. The Enlightenment matters because, as both Pagden and Israel observe, it helped shape much of the political and moral foundations of the modern world. It matters also because the political and moral issues over which eighteenth century thinkers fought remain so often the political and moral issues over which we continue to tussle.
books  kindle  bookshelf  reviews  Enlightenment  Radical_Enlightenment  cosmopolitanism  elites  aristocracy  enlightened_absolutism  EU  democracy  populism  Hobbes  Spinoza  EF-add 
december 2013 by dunnettreader
Daniel Little - Understanding Society: Power elites after fifty years - July 2009
[Re cimplaints that Mills didn't provide empirical evidence] Regrettably, we don't have a direct ability to carry out this experiment. But we might consider a test case invoking an important decision and a large number of "stakeholders", large and small: the current effort to reform the health care system in the United States. Will this issue be resolved in a fully democratic way, with the interests of all elements of society being represented fairly in the outcome? Or will a relatively small group of corporations, political interests, and professions be in a position to invisibly block reforms that would be democratically selected? And if this is in fact the case, then doesn't that speak loudly in support of the power elite hypothesis?

With the advantage of fifty years of perspective, I think two observations can be made about Mills's book. First, he seems to have diagnosed a very important thread in the sociological reality of power in America -- albeit in a way that is more intuitive and less empirical than contemporary sociologists would prefer. And second, he illustrates a profoundly important ability to exercise his sociological imagination: to arrive at a way of looking at contemporary society that allows us to make sense of many of the observations that press upon us.
social_theory  methodology  US_politics  20thC  21stC  power  elites  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research | Who Rules America
C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research
by G. William Domhoff
Keynote address to the Michigan Sociological Association, 2006

NOTE: This document is an extended version of "C. Wright Mills, Power Structure Research, And The Failures of Mainstream Political Science," but without the critique of mainstream political science. Instead, it includes more historical background on power structure research, a more detailed critique of pluralism, and a critique of structural Marxists. It is actually a lightly edited and extended reprint of a journal article with the following citation:

Domhoff, G. William. 2007. "C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research." Michigan Sociological Review 21:1-54.
social_theory  US_history  US_economy  US_politics  power  elites  parties  US_politics-race  post-WWII  labor  Labor_markets  public_policy  right-wing  New_Left  New_Deal  neoliberalism  social_sciences-post-WWII  sociology  politics-and-money  elections  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Rival Theories of Urban Power | Who Rules America
Attacks especially the pluralist theory - as often further modified by rational choice - which has relied on questionable results of Dahl study of New Haven urban renewal (1961)

Conclusion

Pluralism and Marxism are both based on abstract models of the good society, but they have very different attitudes toward markets. A complete market system is the ideal for pluralists, with a minimal role for government, whereas a planned non-market economy is the ideal for Marxists because they believe that private capitalists will inevitably dominate a market system and exploit workers. Given these strong ideological roots, the two theories are very hard to dislodge despite the many empirical studies of urban power structures that contradict their assumptions and conclusions.

Regime theory comes closer to the mark because it draws on insights from both of these traditions. However, it does not take the systemic power held by landowners and developers seriously enough. It remains at the institutional level as a theory even while recognizing that local growth coalitions are usually the dominant partners in city regimes, except under the unusual circumstances when neighborhoods and activists can forge a progressive coalition that lasts beyond one or two issues and a few elections. The commodified nature of land in the United States, and the conflict between use values and exchange values, is therefore the best starting point for understanding urban power structures.
social_theory  political_culture  power  elites  urban_politics  urban_development  US_politics  US_history  parties  20thC  rational_choice  neoliberalism  Marxist  property  economic_growth  landowners  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Power at the Local Level: Growth Coalition Theory | Who Rules America
Theory of local "growth coalitions" and history of urban policy and public administration institutions growing out of Good Government battles against Democratic Party machines and Socialists. Rockefeller Foundation and University of Chicago building nationwide urban policy network of thinktanks through Progressive and New Deal era. Electoral and managerial "reforms" (off yr & nonpartisan elections, citywide councils w/ no or minimal pay), city managers) that defanged threats from immigrant, Negro & Socialist politicians, foreclosed working class participation in governing bodies etc.

The idea that the heart of a local power structure is provided by those businesses concerned with local real estate values explains what had been considered a perplexing issue in what was once called the "community power literature:" the relative absence of industrial executives as top leaders within the city..... manufacturers usually are not concerned with land values unless they are also big landowners as well. Their focus is on making profits through the sale of products in regional, national, and international markets. For an industrialist, any given locality is merely a site for production that can be abandoned with a fair amount of ease if it becomes too costly, .... Their power is not in their involvement in local government but in their ability to move, which ... creates an underlying tension between the two sets of interests.

Since a great many specific government decisions can affect land values and growth potentialities, leaders of the growth coalition are prime participants in local government. Their involvement is even greater than that of corporate capitalists at the national level, where the power elite can rely to some extent on such "signals" as stock prices, interest rates, and the level of new investments to tell government officials what they think of current policies.

Due to the separation of local, state, and national government in the United States, the wily members of the local growth coalition are able to have it both ways. At the state and national levels they support those politicians who oppose, in the name of fiscal and monetary responsibility, the kinds of government policies that might create more jobs, whereas at the local level they talk in terms of their attempts to create more jobs. Their goal is never profits, but only jobs.
19thC  20thC  US_history  urban  urbanization  political_history  political_press  politics-and-money  urban_politics  US_economy  US_politics  political_economy  political_culture  local_government  business  elites  networks  investment  profit  property  Labor_markets  conservatism  lobbying  landowners  economic_growth  off-shoring  urban_development  suburbs  parties  elections  Great_Depression  US_politics-race  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Interlocking Directorates in the Corporate Community (updated October 2013) | Who Rules America
Describes concepts and research methods for identifying interlocking governance and ownership relations in the corporate community -- used in the new study (separate bookmark) - Interlocks and Interactions Among the Power Elite: The Corporate Community, Think Tanks, Policy-Discussion Groups, and Government by G. William Domhoff, Clifford Staples, & Adam Schneider - August 2013
US_economy  global_economy  business  corporate_governance  power  elites  public_policy  networks  1-percent  NGOs  nonprofit  databases  methodology  social_capital  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff, Clifford Staples, & Adam Schneider: Interlocks and Interactions Among the Power Elite | Who Rules America August 2013
Interlocks and Interactions Among the Power Elite: The Corporate Community, Think Tanks, Policy-Discussion Groups, and Government
by G. William Domhoff, Clifford Staples, & Adam Schneider

This document presents new findings about the American power structure based on the connections among 2,563 corporations, 6 business leadership and policy-discussion groups, 33 prominent think tanks, 82 major foundations, 47 private universities with large endowments, and 19 White House advisory committees for the years 2011-2012. In all, the database used for our study contains 2,750 separate organizations and 9,121 individuals.

It may be the largest and most extensive data set ever assembled for the United States that includes for-profit, nonprofit, and governmental organizations. 35.2% of the individuals in our database have connections to at least two of the organizations in the database.
US_politics  US_economy  US_government  power  elites  political_culture  public_policy  NGOs  university  nonprofit  business  lobbying  corporate_governance  capitalism  classes  networks  inequality  1-percent  databases  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Basics of Studying Power (2005)| Who Rules America
Intro to the "power research" section of Domhoff website Who Rules America - Nice overview of the methods used to infer the presence of various dimensions of "power" - he adopts Mann's 4 networks theory as orientation for his class dominance approach to modern societies - bibliography
social_theory  methodology  power  elites  networks  public_policy  classes  capitalism  politics-and-money  historical_sociology  bibliography  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
Who Rules America: An Investment Manager's View on the Top 1% | G. William Domhoff - Who Rules America
Letter from an investment adviser re breakdown of top 1% - it's the upper reaches that depend on the financial sector and capital gains for the outsized wealth, and the political system (structure of financial system, tax policy etc) caters to their sources of income and wealth
US_economy  US_politics  inequality  1-percent  taxes  financial_system  elites  pensions  investment  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
Thomas Frank - TED talks are lying to you - Salon.com - Oct 2013
Consider, then, the narrative daisy chain that makes up the literature of creativity. It is the story of brilliant people, often in the arts or humanities, who are studied by other brilliant people, often in the sciences, finance, or marketing. The readership is made up of us — members of the professional-managerial class — each of whom harbors a powerful suspicion that he or she is pretty brilliant as well. What your correspondent realized, relaxing there in his tub one day, was that the real subject of this literature was the professional-managerial audience itself, whose members hear clear, sweet reason when they listen to NPR and think they’re in the presence of something profound when they watch some billionaire give a TED talk. And what this complacent literature purrs into their ears is that creativity is their property, their competitive advantage, their class virtue. Creativity is what they bring to the national economic effort, these books reassure them — and it’s also the benevolent doctrine under which they rightly rule the world.
21stC  elites  neoliberalism  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Philip Benedict: More than Market and Manufactory: The Cities of Early Modern France (1997)
JSTOR: French Historical Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Summer, 1997), pp. 511-538 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Although French social and economic historians have closely linked the study of early modern cities to the study of commerce and manufacturing, other social, political, and cultural developments also stimulated urban growth between 1500 and 1789, notably the growth of the state, urban expropriation of rural land, and the movement to the cities of old noble families. Investigation of the pace of these trends suggests that they made their effects most strongly felt between 1550 and 1700, although continuing thereafter. The concentration of elite wealth in the cities that they promoted transformed urban social structures, stimulated luxury production and consumption, and formed the essential context for the development of many new cultural institutions and practices, from permanent theater companies to "coaching in visits."
article  jstor  cultural_history  social_history  16thC  17thC  18thC  France  Paris  urbanization  consumers  elites  urban  commerce  luxury  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
John Berdell: Interdependence and independence in Cantillon's Essai (2009) | T & F Online
The European Journal of the History of Economic Thought, Volume 16, Issue 2, 2009, pages 221- 249, Available online: 18 Jun 2009, DOI: 10.1080/09672560902890988 -- paywall -- Cantillon's contribution to economic thought is widely understood to lie in his systematic examination of economic interconnectedness. The model developed here brings profits fully into price determination, casts additional light on Cantillon's treatment of distribution, and provides the first extended analysis of the policy recommendations found in part one of his Essai. These anti-urban policies are examined in relation to French urbanization and William Petty's analysis of Irish economic development.Entrepreneurial risk-bearing is central to the Essai and this model, yet for Cantillon landlord tastes determine the economy's equilibrium position. This view is mirrored in his treatment of class mobility: only by becoming landed proprietors can entrepreneurs escape dependence and become independent or autonomous determiners of society. Indeed, social mobility actually accounts for the ‘independence’ of the landed proprietors as a group. Rent's special role stems not so much from the nature of land or agriculture – as Physiocracy would emphasize – as from the nature of the social forces determining its ownership.Keywords: : Cantillon , classical economics , income distribution , Petty , demography
article  paywall  economic_history  economic_theory  intellectual_history  18thC  France  Britain  Ireland  Cantillon  Petty_William  landowners  mobility  status  social_order  elites  urbanization  demography  entrepreneurs  landed_interest  profit  distribution-income  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Philip T. Hoffman, Gilles Postel-Vinay and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal: Redistribution and Long-Term Private Debt in Paris, 1660-1726 (1995)
JSTOR: The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 55, No. 2 (Jun., 1995), pp. 256-284 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Based on a large sample from Parisian notarial records, this article examines the long-term private credit market in Paris in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries and analyzes how it was affected by government-caused redistribution. It estimates the level of private indebtedness from 1662 to 1789, explains the problems the credit market faced, and determines who profited and who lost when government defaults, banking reforms, and currency manipulations struck private borrowers and lenders. It concludes by accounting for the expansion of the credit market in the last half of the eighteenth century.
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september 2013 by dunnettreader
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