dunnettreader + conservatism   50

Philip Connell - British Identities and the Politics of Ancient Poetry in Later 18thC England (2006) | The Historical Journal on JSTOR
The Historical Journal, Vol. 49, No. 1 (Mar., 2006), pp. 161-192 - This article examines the scholarly recovery and popular reception of 'ancient poetry' in later eighteenth-century England, with a view to elucidating the relationship between cultural primitivism and more overtly politicized discourses of national identity. The publication of the poems of Ossian, in the early 1760s, gave a new prominence to the earliest cultural productions of Celtic antiquity, and inspired the attempts of English literary historians, such as Thomas Percy and Thomas Warton, to provide an alternative 'Gothic' genealogy for the English literary imagination. However, both the English reception of Ossian, and the Gothicist scholarship of Percy and Warton, were complicated by the growing strength of English radical patriotism. As popular political discourse assumed an increasingly insular preoccupation with Saxon liberties and ancient constitutional rights, more conservative literary historians found their own attempts to ground English poetic tradition in some form of Gothic inheritance progressively compromised. The persistence of ancient constitutionalism as a divisive element of English political argument thus curtailed the ability of Gothicist literary scholarship to function as an effective vehicle for English cultural patriotism.
article  jstor  18thC  English_lit  literary_history  British_history  British_politics  politics-and-literature  political_culture  political_discourse  Gothic  ancient_constitution  liberty  radicals  conservatism  antiquity  antiquaries  history_of_England  popular_culture  high_culture  downloaded 
july 2016 by dunnettreader
Louis Pinto - Le débat sur les sources de la morale et de la religion (2004) - Cairn.info
Après la Grande Guerre, le ralliement d’une partie de la droite conservatrice à un régime désormais doté d’une légitimité guerrière et patriotique a pour effet de modifier sensiblement la définition des vertus républicaines jusqu’alors associée à l’alliance entre la démocratie et la science, qui caractérise le durkheimisme aussi bien que l’idéologie laïque. Cette évolution se reflète en partie dans le champ philosophique : dans le livre Les Deux sources de la morale et de la religion (1932), Bergson entend se situer sur les terrains de prédilection de la sociologie durkheimienne. Les oppositions majeures de sa métaphysique se trouvent appliquées à la société, la célèbre opposition entre le « clos » et l’« ouvert » permettant de renvoyer les sociologues du côté du légalisme et de l’utilitarisme étroits, et d’attribuer des qualités nobles et novatrices à des « héros ». On s’intéresse ici à la riposte d’Albert Bayet qui est simultanément celle d’un professeur rationaliste défendant l’héritage des Lumières, celle d’un sociologue d’inspiration durkheimienne et celle d’un militant de la laïcité non résigné à se voir dépouillé de valeurs comme la générosité et l’enthousiasme. Après avoir contesté aussi bien la notion de morale ouverte que l’individualisme métaphysique, il montre le lien entre les prises de position théoriques et leurs conséquences politiques.
cosmology  comparative_religion  cultural_authority  spirituality  intelligentsia  Durkheim  evolution-as-model  sociology_of_knowledge  morality-conventional  Bergson  psychology  utilitarianism  downloaded  political_culture  phenomenology  James_William  social_theory  declinism  France  social_sciences  entre_deux_guerres  irrationalism  morality-divine_command  social_order  article  intellectual_history  politics-and-religion  conservatism  morality-objective 
february 2016 by dunnettreader
Muel-Dreyfus - La rééducation de la sociologie sous le régime de Vichy (2004) - Cairn.info
Les polémiques contre la sociologie durkheimienne ont une longue histoire qui remonte aux attaques contre la Nouvelle Sorbonne et à l’affaire Dreyfus. En ce sens, elles font partie de l’« inconscient d’école » propre à l’univers académique français dont ce qu’on pourrait appeler l’« inconscient anti-sociologique » est une des composantes. Leur réactivation sous le régime de Vichy tient à la conjonction de plusieurs facteurs : la mise en œuvre d’une politique scolaire conservatrice qui assimile sociologie/pédagogie/« esprit primaire » dans sa condamnation de l’école républicaine ; la reconquête d’une influence de l’enseignement libre qui vitupère la morale laïque inspirée par la sociologie ; l’expansion d’une science sociale réduite à l’expertise au service de l’ordre moral – psychosociologie de la famille et sociobiologie des « inadaptations » notamment. Ces courants différents ont en commun de refuser toute idée d’historicisation et de détermination sociale des faits, des institutions, des croyances et des destins collectifs ou individuels au profit de différentes formes de naturalisation du social et de différentes idéologies du « don naturel » dont la convergence en période de crise, propice au retour de la raison mythique, impose l’idée d’une éternité de cette vision du mon
conservatism  morality-objective  Vichy  social_order  norms  France  downloaded  article  social_sciences  Catholics-and-politics  Durkheim  intellectual_history  sociology_of_knowledge  20thC  hierarchy  cultural_authority  education  19thC  laïcité  cultural_history  social_theory  political_culture 
february 2016 by dunnettreader
Martin Longman - Michael Gerson's Party? It Dead - Han 2016
I’m not going to burden you with a treatise on Edmund Burke on a Friday afternoon. If people want to call him the “father of conservatism,” I’m willing to let…
US_politics  parties  political_polarization  right_wing  conservatism  far_right  Pocket  GOP  from instapaper
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Dafydd Moore - Patriotism, Politeness, and National Identity in the South West of England in the Late 18thC (2009) | JSTOR - ELH
ELH, Vol. 76, No. 3 (Fall, 2009), pp. 739-762 -- looks at Enlightenment sociability and culture and a focus on regional history as part of national identity to discuss one dimension of conservative reaction against French revolutionary radicalism -- part of bibliography covers "patriot" claims to historical sources of identity through 18thC, plus diversified approach to what constituted "conservatism" -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_history  political_culture  Enlightenment  18thC  1790s  French_Revolution  national_ID  regional_history  history_of_England  Antiquarianism  poetry  ancient_Britain  conservatism  anti-Jacobin  Patriots  patriotism  national_origins  national_tale  downloaded 
november 2015 by dunnettreader
Samuel Moyn - The First Historian of Human Rights (2011) | JSTOR - The American Historical Review
Vol. 116, No. 1 (February 2011), pp. 58-79 -- Revisiting Ritter's story of the invention of human rights—as perverse as it was pioneering—affords critical distance from what has become a central historiographical fashion. It is precisely because his narrative constructs the past of human rights for so unfamiliar a project that Ritter provides a more vivid reminder of how easy it still is to devise a field with the goal of crafting a usable past for new imperatives. The deep past out of which human rights are supposed to have sprung provides rich but manipulable material for such enterprises. Ritter's first history is also a salutary reminder of the meanings that the concept of human rights accreted in the postwar era, when they transcended the nation‐state and began to be called in English by their current name. The 1940s, when Ritter wrote, are often forced to play the role of precursor in contemporary narratives—as a kind of failed early version of the post–Cold War 1990s, when human rights as a movement and a framework became visible enough to motivate historians to work on them. Given the Universal Declaration, the chronological focus on the 1940s is understandable. But Ritter provides an inadvertent warning against omitting the conservative and religious sources of human rights in that era, and therefore interpreting it anachronistically. His case powerfully buttresses emerging skepticism about the whole notion of rooting contemporary human rights in the 1940s, let alone earlier, given more recent transformations in the very meaning of the concept, and the unprecedented explosion of a movement based on them. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  intellectual_history-distorted  20thC  entre_deux_guerres  post-WWII  Cold_War  IR-realism  IR  religious_history  Christianity  Christian_Democracy  human_rights  anti-capitalism  anti-materialism  communitarian  anti-individualism  international_law  usable_past  historiography-postWWII  United_Nations  post-war_reconstruction  Germany  Europe  theology  rights-legal  conservatism  downloaded 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
Listening to Ta-Nehisi Coates Whilst Snuggled Deep Within My Butthole | Jezebel - July 2015
Dear Ta-Nehisi Coates—how do you pronounce that, by the way? Lately, it has become more difficult to see in here. My intellectual wings have been chafing my… She picks up every piece of passive-aggressive discomfort, weaseling self-justification, feeble attempts to reassert cultural and moral authority without appearing to (wouldn't "do" for the Yale professor of humility to be seen to pull rank), and general intellectual, moral and rhetorical disaster in David Brooks' column. He's given his readers an excuse not to take Ta-Nehisi seriously, since Brooks has publicly performed the discomfort of white privilege for them and has shared with them what he's "learned" from Black Lives Matter and Ta-Nehisi's book, which is that he still believes in fairy tales, and so his readers are encouraged to as well.
Instapaper  US_society  political_culture  racism  pundits  books  elites-political_influence  conservatism  satire  rhetoric-political  rhetoric-moral_basis  American_exceptionalism  racism-structural  identity_politics  from instapaper
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Jack M. Balkin -The Last Days of Disco: Why the American Political System is Dysfunctional :: SSRN - Boston University Law Review, Vol. 94, 2014
...what looks like constitutional dysfunction is actually constitutional transition, (..)Americans last experienced this sense of dysfunction during the late 1970s and early 1980s (..) the transition to a new constitutional regime will be far more difficult than those effected in 1932 and 1980. (1) the growth of the modern state and changes in the role of the presidency mean that even the most politically adept and fortunate presidents face greater obstacles to implementing transformative change than they once did; they are less able than past reconstructive leaders to disrupt existing institutions and clear the ground for a new politics. This, by itself, does not prevent the emergence of a new constitutional regime. But (2) the current transition will be especially difficult because we are near the peak of a long cycle of increasing polarization between the nation’s two major political parties. That polarization greatly raises the stakes of a transition to a new constitutional regime. The defenders of the old order have every incentive to resist the emergence of a new regime until the bitter end. A long and frustrating transition will have important side effects. (1) a dysfunctional Congress tempts the Executive to act unilaterally, (..). Future presidents may use these new sources of power even when the period of dysfunction has passed. (2) sustained political dysfunction also tends to empower the judiciary vis-à-vis Congress. Moreover, judges appointed by the older dominant party, late in the regime, are less likely to engage in judicial restraint and more likely to push the jurisprudential envelope. This helps explain some of the Roberts Court's recent work. -- PDF File: 40 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  US_politics  US_constitution  SCOTUS  exec_branch  US_President  Congress  US_judiciary  separation-of-powers  faction  GOP  Democrats  legal_history  political_change  political_culture  legal_culture  originalism  change-social  power-asymmetric  ideology  conflict  competition-political  constitutional_law  constitutional_regime  government-forms  government-roles  polarization  policymaking  political_gridlock  limited_government  judicial_review  conservatism  right-wing  political_participation  rule_of_law  instrumentalist  means-justify-ends  legitimacy  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Carmel P. Murphy - History, revolution and the British popular novel: historical fiction in the romantic age (2013 PhD Thesis) | University College Cork.
Intro (pp.1-42) and Chapters 2 & 3 (pp.106-231) currently unavailable at request of author. -- Examining the complex intersection of the historical fiction genre with the political and historical dialogue generated by the French Revolution crisis, the thesis contends that contemporary fascination with the historical episode of the Revolution, and the fundamental importance of history to the disputes which raged about questions of tradition and change, and the meaning of the British national past, led to the emergence of increasingly complex forms of fictional historical narrative during the “war of ideas.” Considering the varying ways in which novelists (..) engaged with the historical contexts of the Revolution debate, (..) juxtaposes the manner in which English Jacobin novelists inserted the radical critique into the wider arena of history with (.use of.) the historical by anti-Jacobin novelists to combat the revolutionary threat and internal moves for socio-political restructuring. I argue that the use of imaginative historical narrative(..) represented a significant element within the literature of the Revolution crisis (.and..) a key context (.for.) the emergence of Scott’s national historical novel in 1814, and the broader field of historical fiction in the era of Waterloo. Tracing the continued engagement with revolutionary and political concerns evident in the early Waverley novels, Burney’s The Wanderer (1814), Godwin’s Mandeville (1816), and Mary Shelley’s Valperga (1823), my discussion concludes by arguing that Godwin’s and Shelley’s extension of the mode of historical fiction initially envisioned by Godwin in the revolutionary decade, and their shared endeavour to retrieve the possibility enshrined within the republican past, appeared as a significant counter to the model of history and fiction developed by Walter Scott in the post-revolutionary epoch. -- downloaded pdf to Note
thesis  1790s  1800s  1810s  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  French_Revolution  anti-Jacobin  conservatism  Radical_Enlightenment  Jacobins  historical_fiction  novels  English_lit  historians-and-politics  counter-revolution  Scott_Sir_Walter  Burney_Frances  Godwin_Wm  Shelley_Mary  Tories  usable_past  historiography-18thC  historiography-19thC  history_as_examples  historiography-Tory  historiography-Whig  tradition  change-social  reform-political  reform-social  social_order  critique  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Lant Pritchett -The Politics of Penurious Poverty Lines (Part II) Strange Bedfellows | Center For Global Development September 2014
Re unholy alliance in US, Europe and Japan between advocates for the destitute, fiscal realists and post-materialists -- I argue the success of the "advocates for the destitute" is the result of a coalition of strange bedfellows that actually bring the political heft in rich countries and use the rhetoric of the "advocates" as cover. The fiscal realists and post-materialists like penurious poverty lines not because they put more attention on the poor [the advocates' rationalization of using the poorest of the poor as a PR target], but because they take income gains to everyone else off the table by making a small deal of big differences in incomes between the “middle class” in Ethiopia or India and those of the rich countries. Reframing the “center” of the development agenda around an arbitrary poverty measure that eliminates 5 billion people from “development” is a political master-stroke for the fiscal realists. The advocates of penurious poverty lines create political space for fiscal realists to posture as “pro-development” (and not just hard-hearted or fiscally strapped) while arguing that “development assistance” hasn’t gone to “the poor” (by this new arbitrary measure) and hence with “focus,” agencies need less resources. “Extreme poverty” is a boon for post-materialists in promoting their goals as it manages to take the concerns of large majorities in developing countries in favor of rapid material progress (prioritized at their existing material conditions over other legitimate goals) off the table as their income gains don’t “count” as development progress as they are not “poor.”
post-2015_agenda  development  poverty  global_governance  emerging_markets  OECD_economies  aid  conservatism  values  environment  sustainability  welfare  technical_assistance  technology_transfer  middle_class  international_organizations  UN 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Three Ways of Explaining the Rise of “Law and Economics,” and Also, One Way (Guest Post by Sara Mayeux) | s-usih.org
So, how did law and economics go from an oddball preoccupation of a few Chicago professors to one of the dominant intellectual frameworks for thinking and talking about law? Here are three recent accounts, each emphasizing a different causal mechanism: the two chapters on law and economics in Steven Teles’s book The Rise of the Conservative Legal Movement; the discussion of law and economics in Rodgers’s Age of Fracture; and Brad Snyder’s recent article “The Former Clerks Who Nearly Killed Judicial Restraint.”
intellectual_history  20thC  US_legal_system  legal_theory  law-and-economics  judiciary  postmodern  neoliberalism  conservatism  right-wing  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Robert M. Solow, review essay - Hayek, Friedman, and the Illusions of Conservative Economics | New Republic - Dec 2012
Review essay of The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression By Angus Burgin -- starting in late 1930s - Good Hayek vs Bad Hayek and lots on Uncle Milton - Solow doesn't think much of the influence of the Mont Pèlerin Society and sees a lot of contingency in the political rise of Thatcher and Reagan -- but agrees re Friedman's effective sales job of anti-intellectual and anti-empirical extreme dogma
books  reviews  intellectual_history  political_history  20thC  entre_deux_guerres  post-WWII  conservatism  laisser-faire  right-wing  Hayek  Friedman_Milton  mixed_economy  capitalism  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Chris Dillow - Stumbling and Mumbling: Am I a Tory? - July 2014
Am I a Tory, or is Jesse Norman a socialist? I'm prompted to ask because the other day he reminded me of his superb lecture (pdf) on Burke and Oakeshott. What I mean is that, as Jesse says, both men, in their different ways, supported tradition against rationalism. This anti-rationalism, says Jesse, is "one of the central intellectual roots of conservatism through the ages." -- Jesse continues: Rationalism can be seen in totalitarian societies, which seek to capture and organize the staggeringly diverse potential of human beings, and frame it on some Procrustean bed". It certainly can. But for me, managerialist rationalism is also totalitarian, in the sense both that it wants to extend to places such as universities where it is unwarranted, and that it seeks to suppress diversity in favour of conformist careerism. So, it seems that me, Jesse, Burke and Oakehott have much in common. And, indeed, Jesse is well aware (pdf) that crony capitalism and excessive CEO pay are inconsistent with conservative tradition he praises. -- downloaded pdfs
political_economy  political_philosophy  political_culture  conservatism  Tories  Burke  Oakeshott  MacIntyre  managerialism  totalitarian  ideology  capitalism  power  crony_capitalism  corporate_governance  rationalist 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - The Decline of Natural Right [chapter] (2009) :: SSRN in THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF NINETEENTH CENTURY PHILOSOPHY, Allen Wood and Songsuk Susan Hahn, eds., Cambridge University Press
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 09-38 -- What happened to the doctrine of natural right in the 19thC? We know that it flourished in the 17thC and 18thC. We know that something like it - the doctrine of human rights and new forms of social contract theory - flourished again in the second half of the 20thC and continues to flourish in the 21stC. In between there was a period of decline and hibernation - ... in which to invoke natural right was always to invite intellectual ridicule and accusations of political irresponsibility. Thus article asks: How far can the decline of natural right in the 19thC be attributed to the reaction against the revolution in France? How far it was the effect of independent streams of thought, like positivism and historicism? Why was radical thought so ambivalent about natural right throughout the 19thC, and why was socialist thought in particular inclined to turn its back on it? As a framework for thought, natural right suffered a radical decline in the social and political sciences. But things were not so clear in jurisprudence, and natural right lived on to a much riper old age in the writings of some prominent economists. What is it about this theory that allowed it to survive in these environments, when so much of the rest of intellectual endeavor in the 19thC was toxic or inhospitable to it. Finally, I shall ask how far American thought represents an exception to all of this. Why and to what extent did the doctrine survive as a way of thinking in the United States, long after it had lost its credibility elsewhere. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  intellectual_history  18thC  19thC  philosophy_of_law  philosophy_of_social_science  natural_law  natural_rights  human_rights  counter-revolution  historicism  positivism  legal_theory  nationalism  national_interest  conservatism  socialism  social_contract  relativism  revolutions  1848_revolutions  French_Revolution  anticlerical  Bentham  Burke  Hume  Jefferson  Kant  Locke  Marx  Mill  Savigny  Spencer_Herbert  George_Henry  US_society  American_exceptionalism  liberalism  social_theory  social_sciences  Social_Darwinism  social_order  mass_culture  political_participation  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Brian Leiter -The Radicalism of Legal Positivism (2010) :: SSRN - Guild Practitioner, 2010
U of Chicago, Public Law Working Paper No. 303 -- “Legal positivism” is often caricatured by its jurisprudential opponents, as well as by lawyers and legal scholars not immediately interested in jurisprudential inquiry. “Positivist” too often functions now as an “epithet” in legal discourse, equated (wrongly) with “formalism,” the view that judges must apply the law “as written,” regardless of the consequences. Lon Fuller, Ronald Dworkin, and the Critical Legal Studies writers have all contributed in different ways to the sense that "positivism" is either a political conservative or politically sterile position. This essay revisits the actual theory of law developed by positivist philosophers like Bentham, Hart, and Raz, emphasizing why it is, and was, understood by its proponents, to be a radical theory of law, one unfriendly to the status quo and anyone, judge or citizen, who thinks obedience to the law is paramount. To be clear, the leading theorists of legal positivism thought the theory gave the correct account of the nature of law as a social institution; they did not endorse it because of the political conclusions it entailed, and which they supported. Yet these theorists realized that the correct account of the nature of law had radical implications for conventional wisdom about law. We would do well to recapture their wisdom today. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  philosophy_of_law  intellectual_history  intellectual_history-distorted  18thC  19thC  20thC  positivism-legal  conservatism  radicals  Bentham  Hart  Raz  Critical_Legal_Studies  Dworkin  Fuller  natural_rights  moral_philosophy  political_philosophy  institutions  institutional_change  reform-legal  formalism-legal  judiciary  sociology_of_law  social_theory  social_order  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jesse R. Harrington and Michele J. Gelfand - Tightness–looseness across the 50 united states | PNAS | Mobile
Department of Psychology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD -- This research demonstrates wide variation in tightness–looseness (the strength of punishment and degree of latitude/permissiveness) at the state level in the United States, as well as its association with a variety of ecological and historical factors, psychological characteristics, and state-level outcomes. Consistent with theory and past research, ecological and man-made threats—such as a higher incidence of natural disasters, greater disease prevalence, fewer natural resources, and greater degree of external threat—predicted increased tightness at the state level. Tightness is also associated with higher trait conscientiousness and lower trait openness, as well as a wide array of outcomes at the state level. Compared with loose states, tight states have higher levels of social stability, including lowered drug and alcohol use, lower rates of homelessness, and lower social disorganization. However, tight states also have higher incarceration rates, greater discrimination and inequality, lower creativity, and lower happiness relative to loose states. In all, tightness–looseness provides a parsimonious explanation of the wide variation we see across the 50 states of the United States of America. -- downloaded pdf to Note
culture  culture-American  norms  inequality  discrimination  US_politics  conservatism  liberalism  crime  punishment  deviance  tolerance  social_order  ecology  social_psychology  US_society  creativity  Innovation  happiness  hierarchy  culture_wars  culture-tightness  culture-looseness  prisons  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Laurence L. Bongie, David Hume: Prophet of the Counter-revolution (2nd ed., 2000), Foreword by Donald W. Livingston - Online Library of Liberty
Laurence L. Bongie, David Hume: Prophet of the Counter-revolution (2nd ed.), Foreword by Donald W. Livingston (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2000). 07/13/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/673> -- Though usually Edmund Burke is identified as the first to articulate the principles of a modern conservative political tradition, arguably he was preceded by a Scotsman who is better known for espousing a brilliant concept of skepticism. As Laurence Bongie notes, “David Hume was undoubtedly the eighteenth-century British writer whose works were most widely known and acclaimed on the Continent during the later Enlightenment period. Hume’s impact [in France] was of undeniable importance, greater even for a time than the related influence of Burke, although it represents a contribution to French counter-revolutionary thought which, unlike that of Burke, has been almost totally ignored by historians to this day.” The bulk of Bongie’s work consists of the writings of French readers of Hume who were confronted, first, by the ideology of human perfection and, finally, by the actual terrors of the French Revolution. Offered in French in the original edition of David Hume published by Oxford University Press in 1965, these vitally important writings have been translated by the author into English for the Liberty Fund second edition. In his foreword, Donald Livingston observes that “If conservatism is taken to be an intellectual critique of the first attempt at modern total revolution, then the first such event was not the French but the Puritan revolution, and the first systematic critique of this sort of act was given by Hume.” -- original on bookshelf - downloaded for Livingston foreword and translations
books  bookshelf  etexts  17thC  18thC  19thC  Hume-historian  Hume-politics  Hume-ethics  history_of_England  intellectual_history  political_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  moral_psychology  moral_sentiments  progress  perfectibility  human_nature  historians-and-politics  historiography-18thC  Enlightenment  Scottish_Enlightenment  French_Enlightenment  English_Civil_War  Puritans  Levellers  Interregnum  Protectorate  Charles_I  Cromwell  Parliament  Parliamentarians  Ancien_régime  French_Revolution  Terror  counter-revolution  Counter-Enlightenment  conservatism  Whigs-Radicals  Radical_Enlightenment  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works and Life of Walter Bagehot, vol. 2 (Historical & Financial Essays) - Online Library of Liberty
WILLIAM COWPER.1 (1855.) *--* THE FIRST EDINBURGH REVIEWERS.1 (1855.) *--* THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY.1 (1856.) *--* EDWARD GIBBON.1 (1856.) *--* THE CHARACTER OF SIR ROBERT PEEL.1 (1856.) *--* PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY.1 (1856.) *--* THE CRÉDIT MOBILIER AND BANKING COMPANIES IN FRANCE.1 (1857.) *--* LORD BROUGHAM.1 (1857.) *--* THE MONETARY CRISIS OF 1857. The essay on the early Edinburgh Review is a delight -- Those years were the commencement of what is called the Eldonine period. The cold and haughty Pitt had gone down to the grave in circumstances singularly contrasting with his prosperous youth, and he had carried along with him the inner essence of half-liberal principle, which had clung to a tenacious mind from youthful associations, and was all that remained to the Tories of abstraction or theory. As for Lord Eldon, it is the most difficult thing in the world to believe that there ever was such a man. It only shows how intense historical evidence is, that no one really doubts it. He believed in everything which it is impossible to believe in—in the danger of Parliamentary Reform, the danger of Catholic Emancipation, the danger of altering the Court of Chancery, the danger of altering the Courts of Law, the danger of abolishing capital punishment for trivial thefts, the danger of making landowners pay their debts, the danger of making anything more, the danger of making anything less. It seems as if he maturely thought: “Now I know the present state of things to be consistent with the existence of John Lord Eldon; but if we begin altering that state, I am sure I do not know that it will be consistent”.
books  etexts  Bagehot  17thC18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  historiography-18thC  historiography-19thC  historiography-Whig  historians-and-politics  Macaulay  Gibbon  Edinburgh_Review  Reform_Act_1832  Catholic_emancipation  conservatism  Tories  reform-political  Parliament  judiciary  financial_system  political_economy  financial_crisis  banking  France  French_Empire  Peel_Robert  Brougham  English_lit  Romanticism  Shelley  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Fred Clark - Conversion to what? Conversion from what? The unanswered questions of ‘Great Commission Baptists’ | Slacktavist June 2014
-- if you’re not familiar with evangelicalese, you may not immediately recognize “Great Commission” [distinct from Great Commandment] has little to do with the actual content of Jesus’ actual words in Matthew. Jesus charges his disciples to do four things: Go, make disciples, baptize, teach. Funny thing, though, is that this isn’t what white evangelicals usually mean ... What “Great Commission” almost always means, instead, is convert — evangelize, proselytize, saved the unsaved, rescue sinners from Hell. Here is Dockery discussing the Great Commission imperative for the SBC: "Many of us across SBC life have not recognized well the rapidly changing cultural context in which we now find ourselves, perhaps best typified by the Pew study on 'the rise of the Nones.' Secondly, I think, we are all probably unaware of the incipient universalism that dominates the thoughts of many in our congregations. The combination of these two factors means that the reality of the lostness of those all around us has somehow disappeared from our thinking and thus the urgency of Great Commission efforts has taken a backseat." -- Dockery makes this clear when he warns against an “incipient universalism” that undermines the “urgency” of conversionism. Such urgency, “courage and faithfulness” can only exist, he argues, if we truly appreciate “the reality of the lostness of those all around us.” In a word, Hell. This is what he means by “the gospel” — being saved from Hell. This is what people must be converted from and what people must be converted to: to not going to Hell. Dockery cannot imagine any reason that a universalist would find the Great Commission compelling. If no one is really in peril of being eternally “lost” to everlasting torture in Hell, then why should we bother following these final instructions from Jesus?
21stC  religious_culture  US_society  Evangelical  hell  salvation  conservatism  religion-fundamentalism  Christianity 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
ANTHONY PAGE - RATIONAL DISSENT, ENLIGHTENMENT, AND ABOLITION OF THE BRITISH SLAVE TRADE | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 54, No. 3 (SEPTEMBER 2011), pp. 741-772
Following British abolition of the slave trade in 1807, the origins and nature of popular abolitionism have been much debated among historians. Traditionally, religion was seen as the driving force, with an emphasis on the role of Quakers and evangelicals, whilst in the twentieth century social historians began to stress the importance of economic and social change. This article revises both interpretations by helping to recover and analyse the abolitionism of enlightened Rational Dissenters. Legal inequality and their 'rational piety' encouraged heterodox Dissenters to become active in a wide range of reformist causes. Owing to evangelical dominance in the nineteenth century, however, the role of Rational Dissenters was marginalized in histories of abolitionism. Recovering Rational Dissenting abolitionism underlines the importance of religion in the campaign against the slave trade. Since Rational Dissent was to a large extent a religion of the commercial classes, this article also sheds light on the hotly debated relationship between capitalism and abolition. -- extensive bibliography on jstor information page -- paywall Cambridge journals -- a return to Clark's view of radical dissent as revolutionary force in Ancien Regime Britain
article  jstor  paywall  historians-and-religion  revisionism  intellectual_history  religious_history  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  West_Indies  American_colonies  slavery  dissenters  Radical_Enlightenment  Price_Richard  Priestley  abolition  radicals  reform-political  reform-social  merchants  capitalism  middle_class  ClarkJonathan  Evangelical  conservatism  counter-revolution  bibliography  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Milan Zafirovski - The Merton Theorem Revisited and Restated: Conservatism and Fascism as Functional Analogues | JSTOR: The American Sociologist, Vol. 41, No. 2 (June 2010), pp. 142-173
The paper revisits and restates the Merton Theorem of American religious conservatism (Puritanism) and European fascism (Nazism) as functional analogues. The original formulation the Merton Theorem identifies and describes them as functional analogues in nativism or nationalism through exclusion of and aggression against non-native out-groups. The paper offers an extended restatement of the Merton Theorem in which American conservatism and European fascism function as functional analogues in that both represent the model of a closed, or the antithesis to an open, society, of which nativism is a special case. In the extended Merton Theorem they are functional analogues specifically in terms of such indicators or dimensions of a closed society as political absolutism, closure and oppression, religious absolutism and nihilism, moral absolutism and repression, and extremism. -- important bibliography of work since Walzer in 1960s on 17thC, Weber's thesis etc plus recent articles on nationalism, ethnic identity, right wing extremism -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_theory  historical_sociology  change-social  political_culture  Puritans  Protestant_Ethic  conservatism  right-wing  fascism  nationalism  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  religious_history  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  modernization  secularization  fundamentalism  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Nicholas Hudson - "Britons Never Will be Slaves": National Myth, Conservatism, and the Beginnings of British Antislavery | Eighteenth-Century Studies 34.4 (2001) 559-576 - Project MUSE
According to a virtual consensus in modern scholarship on the abolition of slavery, this event marked a historic victory for nonconformist, radical, or otherwise antiestablishment elements in British culture. A recent historian has connected the rise of antislavery with "Wilkite" tendencies in the British middle class, and others have located abolitionism in a "reform complex" devoted to the radical overhaul of the British political system. It has been widely assumed that British slavery was generally excused by the established Anglican church and that the abolitionist movement was dominated by "Quakers, evangelicals and Rational Dissenters." -- This scholarship exemplifies a "Whig" historiography that routinely looks for the sources of social change in the attack of peripheral or nontraditional groups on the center. -- the most resonant voices against slavery during the 18thC belonged to men and women with strong backgrounds in the Anglican Church and conservative views on social and political issues in Britain. These include Samuel Johnson, William Warburton, Edmund Burke, ... -- we find that these humanitarian objections emerged from within the groups and ideologies that conceived of Britain as fundamentally Anglican, royal, and hierarchical. -- it is, in fact, inaccurate to identify mainstream British values with the merchants and colonists who controlled the slave-trade. As I will contend, antislavery took shape amidst an essentially ideological conflict about the very nature of "Britain" between proponents of unbridled free-market capitalism and the essentially conservative and traditionalist outlook of those who wished to contain capitalism within the constraints of morality, religion, and their patriotic image of Britons as a freedom-loving people. -- copy 1st 2 pages in Simple Note
article  Project_MUSE  paywall  find  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  West_Indies  American_colonies  slavery  dissenters  Radical_Enlightenment  Whigs-oligarchy  Whigs-Radicals  Whigs-opposition  Tories  national_ID  British_Empire  abolition  plantations  planters  Anglican  Royalists  Wilkes  Johnson  Warburton  Burke  conservatism  historiography-Whig  nationalism  merchants  finance_capital  moral_economy  political_economy  capitalism  patriotism  Patriots  Patriot_King  Bolingbroke  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Edmund Burke: A Historical Study (1867) - John Morley - Google Books
Explicitly not a biography - a mix of life political history and political culture of last half of 18thC -- added to Google_Books library - lots of full view copies on Google_Books - this from Czech Library looks in good shape
books  etexts  Google_Books  Morley  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_history  parties  Whigs-oligarchy  Burke  George_III  Ireland  American_Revolution  French_Revolution  East_India_Company  British_foreign_policy  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  British_Empire  conservatism  Pitt_the_Younger  UK_Government  UK_government-colonies  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Hans Blumenberg: Former Reflections Enduring Doubt - Waggish (2009)
Very interesting discussion of Augustine, the medieval attempt to overcome Gnosticism which fails (nominalism and Luther put burden of evil on God) - modernity avoids theodicy dilemma by placing emphasis on man striving to overcome in this world rather than withdraw and place hope in salvation. In effect, "presume not God to scan, the proper study of mankind is man" -- The Legitimacy of the Modern Age covers a lot of ground, but one of the central theses, and the one that bears little resemblance to most prior theories of history, is this one: "The modern age is the second overcoming of Gnosticism. A presupposition of this thesis is that the first overcoming of Gnosticism, at the beginning of the Middle Ages, was unsuccessful. A further implication is that the medieval period, as a meaningful structure spanning centuries, had its beginning in the conflict with late-antique and early-Christian Gnosticism and that the unity of its systematic intention can be understood as deriving from the task of subduing its Gnostic opponent."
Christianity  Early_Christian  gnostic  Augustine  medieval_philosophy  Aquinas  nominalism  theology  theodicy  Pope  Essay_on_Man  modernity  progress  conservatism  Blumenberg  Schmitt  EF-add 
april 2014 by dunnettreader
Terry Eagleton - The Contradictions of Postmodernism | JSTOR: New Literary History, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Winter, 1997), pp. 1-6
Culture or historicism or the marginalized aren't inherently radical left - as likely to be appropriated or constituted by reactionaries -- culturisn as reductionist as biologism etc. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  20thC  21stC  social_theory  culture  cultural_history  new_historicism  New_Left  postmodern  post-colonial  conservatism  culture_wars  Marxist 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Clement Fatovic - Reason and Experience in Alexander Hamilton’s Science of Politics | JSTOR: American Political Thought, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring 2013), pp. 1-30
Alexander Hamilton is often described as an enterprising modernist who promoted forward-looking reforms that broke with established institutions and ideas. However, the scale and apparent novelty of his reforms have tended to obscure the extent to which those innovations were rooted in a belief that knowledge and practice must be guided by “experience.” This article argues that even Hamilton’s most far-reaching reforms were grounded in a Humean understanding of the limits of rationality in explaining and controlling the world. Hamilton’s agreement with David Hume on the epistemic authority of experience helps explain his positions on constitutional design, executive power, democratic politics, public opinion, and other important political issues. Moreover, the epistemological underpinnings of Hamilton’s political thought are significant because they suggest that a “science of politics” grounded in experience can avoid some of the dangers associated with more rationalistic approaches yet still be quite open to significant innovation in politics. -- Michael Zuckert editor -- paywall Chicago
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  Early_Republic  Hamilton  Hume-politics  scepticism  Innovation  US_constitution  conservatism  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Stanley Aronowitz - The End of Political Economy | JSTOR: Social Text, No. 2 (Summer, 1979), pp. 3-52
Written at end of 1970s seeing a "crisis of capitalism" that abandonment of political economy left social scientists, historians etc bereft of a way to think about current state of affairs including US foreign policy, neo-colonialism and so forth. Interesting for how political economy was lost than for leftist Cold War views. -downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_theory  intellectual_history  political_economy  social_sciences-post-WWII  Cold_War  economic_theory  Keynesianism  conservatism  post-colonial  Marxism  US_foreign_policy  capitalism  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Gaile Pohlhaus and John R. Wright - Using Wittgenstein Critically: A Political Approach to Philosophy | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 30, No. 6 (Dec., 2002), pp. 800-827
Rejects claim that Wittgenstein focus on practice puts him in the conservative tradition of Montaigne or Oakeshott. But also rejects Rorty's approach of dismissing felt problems of sceptics or foundationalists. -- downloaded pdf to Note
political_philosophy  praxis  conservatism  Montaigne  Wittgenstein  Rorty  liberalism  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
James Schmidt - Charles W. Morris on Empiricism and the Counter-Enlightenment (Fabricating the “Counter-Enlightenment” Part IV) | Persistent Enlightenment
there remains an ambiguity in the way in which the term is used: it can function either as a characterization of views that were held in an earlier period (e.g., during the “Romantic Age”) or as a way of describing a continuing opposition to the continuing project of the Enlightenment......This last point can be seen in the two English examples from 1942. In his discussion of opposition to Enlightenment idea in eighteenth-century Latin America, Lanning was engaged in the historian’s task of exploring the ways in which ideas were appropriated during another period. But the “counter-Enlightenment” that figures in Charles W. Morris’s contribution to the second meeting of the Conference on Science, Religion, and Philosophy is not something that resides in the past; it is a present threat..... The tension inherent in the attempt to respect the autonomy of disciplines while, at the same time, appealing to fundamental religious values was nowhere more apparent than in the caustic address delivered by Mortimer J. Adler (one of the Conference’s founding members) at the inaugural meeting. As he saw it, the greatest danger to “the democratic way of life” came not from foreign enemies but from forces closer to home..... Morris’ account of democracy conforms rather closely to what we have grown accustomed to describing as “political liberalism.” But, as we shall see in our next installment, by the end of the 1940s the question of just what “liberalism” meant had become quite contested. And one of the results of that contestation would be a discussion of the nature of something called “the Counter-Enlightenment.”
intellectual_history  20thC  WWII  Cold_War  social_sciences-post-WWII  US_politics  political_culture  science-and-religion  Logical_Positivism  empiricism  conservatism  liberalism  nihilism  Counter-Enlightenment  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
The evolution of morality – Allen Buchanan and Russell Powell – Aeon - December 2013
Allen Buchanan is professor of philosophy and professor of law at Duke University in North Carolina. His latest book is Better Than Human: The Promise and Peril of Enhancing Ourselves (2011).

Russell Powell is a philosopher at Boston University, whose research interests include bioethics and biotechnology. His book, Genetic Engineering and the Future of Humanity, is forthcoming.

Nevertheless, the evo-conservative argument has some attractions. Human altruism does tend to be parochial, and people do often act as if they ascribe significantly greater moral worth to kin, kith and countryman. The trouble with this understanding of morality is that it cannot be the whole picture, or even most of it. After all, these evolutionary accounts are incapable of explaining a large swath of contemporary moral behaviour that we call the ‘inclusivist anomaly’. These are features of human morality that are strikingly more inclusive than evolutionary theory would lead us to expect, suggesting that human moral nature is far more flexible than evo-conservatives have acknowledged. This flexibility in turn offers ample room for the development of still more inclusive moralities that, on the evo-conservative view, evolution is purported to have ruled out.
evo_psych  evolution-social  moral_philosophy  moral_sentiments  cosmopolitanism  human_nature  moral_psychology  progress  conservatism 
december 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Power at the Local Level: Growth Coalition Theory | Who Rules America
Theory of local "growth coalitions" and history of urban policy and public administration institutions growing out of Good Government battles against Democratic Party machines and Socialists. Rockefeller Foundation and University of Chicago building nationwide urban policy network of thinktanks through Progressive and New Deal era. Electoral and managerial "reforms" (off yr & nonpartisan elections, citywide councils w/ no or minimal pay), city managers) that defanged threats from immigrant, Negro & Socialist politicians, foreclosed working class participation in governing bodies etc.

The idea that the heart of a local power structure is provided by those businesses concerned with local real estate values explains what had been considered a perplexing issue in what was once called the "community power literature:" the relative absence of industrial executives as top leaders within the city..... manufacturers usually are not concerned with land values unless they are also big landowners as well. Their focus is on making profits through the sale of products in regional, national, and international markets. For an industrialist, any given locality is merely a site for production that can be abandoned with a fair amount of ease if it becomes too costly, .... Their power is not in their involvement in local government but in their ability to move, which ... creates an underlying tension between the two sets of interests.

Since a great many specific government decisions can affect land values and growth potentialities, leaders of the growth coalition are prime participants in local government. Their involvement is even greater than that of corporate capitalists at the national level, where the power elite can rely to some extent on such "signals" as stock prices, interest rates, and the level of new investments to tell government officials what they think of current policies.

Due to the separation of local, state, and national government in the United States, the wily members of the local growth coalition are able to have it both ways. At the state and national levels they support those politicians who oppose, in the name of fiscal and monetary responsibility, the kinds of government policies that might create more jobs, whereas at the local level they talk in terms of their attempts to create more jobs. Their goal is never profits, but only jobs.
19thC  20thC  US_history  urban  urbanization  political_history  political_press  politics-and-money  urban_politics  US_economy  US_politics  political_economy  political_culture  local_government  business  elites  networks  investment  profit  property  Labor_markets  conservatism  lobbying  landowners  economic_growth  off-shoring  urban_development  suburbs  parties  elections  Great_Depression  US_politics-race  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
Samuel Moyn, review essay - Dignity’s Due | The Nation Oct 2013
Review essay - Dignity, Rank, & Rights By Jeremy Waldron.

Dignity: Its History and Meaning. By Michael Rosen.

Why are philosophers invoking the notion of human dignity to revitalize theories of political ethics? Unlike Ishmael, Ahab fears the loss of dignity resulting from the departure or silence of God. He fears that when belief in a God on high wanes, humanity’s worth and purpose is thrown radically into doubt.....

When the Allied victory in World War II swept Europe of reactionary politics (except in Iberia), Catholics began to link human dignity with parliamentary democracy and “human rights.” But even then, Catholics wanted to separate dignity from the potentially anarchistic implications of individual rights. And so the most unfortunate fact in the history of human dignity is that, when the notion was introduced into world politics by Christian hands, it had been severed from a revolutionary legacy thought at the time to be a slippery slope to communism and a road to serfdom. In the history of postwar constitutions, after Ireland’s pioneering usage, human dignity appeared first in conservative Catholic Bavaria’s Constitution in 1946, then in that of Christian Democratic Italy in 1947, before the West German Constitution was written with its now-famous first article: “Human dignity shall be inviolable.”.....

After 1945, Westerners generally followed the example of the Catholics in the previous decade and used the notion of human dignity to attack communism. A founding document of American Cold War politics, NSC-68, states that the point of the US campaign to contain communism was a defense of human dignity, .... Finally, and at first independently, a new kind of international human rights movement arose, one initially focused on the sorts of bodily violations like torture that a global public came to regard as the most egregious violations of human dignity

( Interestingly, Rawls never focused on dignity, but the retrieval of Kant he inspired eventually got there—though, as Rosen shows in one of his most impressive discussions, it was in a far more secular key than Kant’s texts permit.)
books  reviews  20thC  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  Kant-ethics  Rawls  Habermas  human_rights  Catholics  Catholics-Ireland  United_Nations  conservatism  hierarchy  anti-Communist  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Concurring Opinions » Schmayek’s Shutdown - Frank Pasquale -Oct 2013
For the Tea Party, PPACA is a horror, perhaps even a new form of slavery, a threat to liberty even darker than the feudal past Hayek evoked.

But there is another figure just as important to current neoliberal thought as Hayek. Carl Schmitt provided jurisprudential theories of “the emergency” and “the exception” that highlighted the best opportunities for rapid redistribution of wealth upwards. In Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste, Philip Mirowski explains how neoliberal thought, far from advocating a shrinking of the state, in fact sparks a redirection and intensification of its energies. As he puts it, “A primary function of the neoliberal project is to redefine the shape and the function of the state, not to destroy it” (56). Moreover, the “strong state was necessary to neutralize what [Hayek] considered to be the pathologies of democracy” (84). Even a temporary dictatorship can work in a pinch.
US_politics  Hayek  Schmitt  liberalism  reactionary  neoliberalism  libertarianism  conservatism  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Regional Differences Have Doomed the Tea Party | Ten Miles Square | The Washington Monthly
...a list of 32 tea party hardliners who arguably represent the core of the shutdown caucus. 26 of them - over 80 percent of the group - were elected from the centuries-old cultural regions I call the Deep South, Greater Appalachia, and Far West - regions which together account for just a third of the U.S. population.

There are tea party supporters everywhere, but only in these three cultural regions have they managed to achieve real and lasting political success. This is because their platform - ... is in accord with the centuries-old cultural ethos of each of these regions, and anathema to those elsewhere.

Several commentators have drawn parallels between the actions of the “shutdown caucus” and those of 19th century Confederate nullifiers and secessionists..... In regards to the Deep South, they’re onto something.

This is a region founded by West Indies slave plantation owners, men who cherished and fought for a form of classical Republicanism modeled on Ancient Greece and Rome, where a privileged minority enjoyed liberty and democracy, and slavery was the natural lot of the many. The agenda of the Deep Southern oligarchy has been consistent for more than three centuries: to control and maintain a one party state with a colonial-style economy staffed by a compliant, low-wage workforce with as few labor, workplace safety, health care, and environmental regulations as possible. Its slave and racial caste systems have been smashed by outside intervention, but its representatives in Washington have continued to fight to reduce federal power....

Colin Woodard is State and National Affairs Writer at the Portland Press Herald / Maine Sunday Telegram and author of American Nations: A History of the Eleven Rival Regional Cultures of North America
US_politics  US_history  political_culture  republicanism  libertarianism  conservatism  US_Civil_War  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Daniel McCarthy - The Constitution vs. Calhoun: Why Harry Jaffa Is Still Wrong About Willmoore Kendall | The American Conservative
Calhoun’s idea of the concurrent majority among different groups (and in effect, different peoples) is antithetical to Kendall’s understanding of a united people encompassing many factional interests. “The deliberate sense of the community” makes no sense if there are many communities; the whole can’t check the abuses of majority or minority factions if there is no whole. Not only is Calhoun not Kendall’s hero, but the entire intellectual edifice Kendall devoted his life to describing—in The Conservative Affirmation, in Basic Symbols, and in the essays and fragments of Contra Mundum—is built on a foundation that denies Calhoun’s premises.
19thC  20thC  US_history  US_politics  political_philosophy  political_culture  US_Civil_War  faction  national_interest  community  conservatism  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
JONATHAN KAY, review: Jesse Walker, "The United States of Paranoia: A Conspiracy Theory" - A Nation of Birthers | The American Conservative August 2013
Jesse Walker, books editor for Reason, supplies a needed counterpoint in The United States of Paranoia. The author does not try to defend the unhinged theories spouted by the likes of Jones and Glenn Beck. Instead, he argues that U.S. political culture, on all sides, has been infused with a spirit of wild-eyed fear-mongering since the nation’s founding. Paranoia isn’t a hallmark of conservatism. It’s a hallmark of America.

The Founding Fathers themselves were big-time conspiracy-mongers, Walker reports. George Washington, for instance, accused the Brits of hatching “a regular Systematick Plan” to turn colonists into “tame & abject Slaves.” Much of this over-the-top language found its way into the Declaration of Independence, which presented George III as a sort of 18th-century Stalin.
books  reviews  US_history  US_politics  American_colonies  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  paranoid_politics  Puritans  slavery  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  Native_Americans  libertarianism  Obama  conservatism  right-wing  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Kenan Malik: FROM THE VAULTS: BLANK SLATES AND STRAW DOGS | Pandaemonium
Continuing my series of old essays and talks about human nature that I have not previously published on Pandaemonium, this is a review of Steven Pinker’s The Blank Slate and John Gray’s Straw Dogs. It was first published in Prospect, October 2002.
books  reviews  human_nature  evo_psych  biocultural_evolution  scientism  conservatism  21stC  EF-add 
august 2013 by dunnettreader
Daniel Finn: The moral ecology of markets: on the failure of the amoral defense of markets | T & F Online
Review of Social Economy
Volume 61, Issue 2, 2003, pages 135- 162
Available online: 04 Jun 2010
DOI: 10.1080/0034676032000098192

Many economists have defended capitalism; most have tried to do so within the self-imposed methodological constraint that economists should employ only empirical arguments, not normative ones. This essay examines three classic amoral defenses of capitalism—by Milton Friedman, James Buchanan, and Friedrich Hayek—and argues that each fails on its own terms, since each implicitly incorporates moral presumptions essential to the author's argument. Constructively, the essay proposes that no one can adequately endorse (or critique) markets without making a moral evaluation of their context—their “moral ecology.” Four issues are identified as necessarily addressed in every adequate evaluation of markets. The essay does not endorse any one position on these elements, but argues instead that seemingly incommensurable standpoints on markets—ranging from Marxist to libertarian—actually represent positions on the these four basic issues.

Downloaded pdf to Note
article  political_economy  markets  liberalism  libertarianism  conservatism  Hayek  moral_philosophy  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2013 by dunnettreader
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity by James Fitzjames Stephen. | Questia
Leslie Stephen brother - Liberty Fund edition - Synopsis Students of political theory will welcome the return to print of this brilliant defence of ordered liberty. Impugning John Stuart Mill's famous treatise, On Liberty, Stephen criticised Mill for turning abstract doctrines of the French Revolution into "the creed of a religion". Only the constraints of morality and law make liberty possible, warned Stephen, and attempts to impose unlimited freedom, material equality, and an indiscriminate love of humanity will lead inevitably to coercion and tyranny. Liberty must be restrained by custom and tradition if it is to endure; equality must be limited to equality before the law if it is to be just; and fraternity must include actual men, not the amorphous mass of mankind, if it is to be real and genuine.
books  Questia  19thC  political_philosophy  conservatism  property  rule_of_law  Victorian  liberty  liberalism  Mill 
july 2013 by dunnettreader
Review - Burke & Sons - FT.com
Review of Norman's biography of Burke Reagan and Thatcher not heirs
books  reviews  18thC  conservatism  Burke 
june 2013 by dunnettreader

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