dunnettreader + civic_virtue   75

If we disagree about morality, how can we teach it? – Michael Hand | Aeon Ideas
Photo by Aaron Ontiveroz/The Denver Post/Getty People disagree about morality. They disagree about what morality prohibits, permits and requires. And they…
moral_philosophy  civic_virtue  from instapaper
march 2018 by dunnettreader
Anna Foy - Grainger and the ‘Sordid Master’: Plantocratic Alliance in The Sugar-Cane and Its Manuscript (2017) | The Review of English Studies | Oxford Academic
Scholarship on James Grainger’s perceived alliance with the West Indian plantocracy in The Sugar-Cane has so far not assimilated relevant information from the poem’s extant manuscript. In an unpublished comment on Adam Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments, Grainger rejects Smith’s characterization of planters as ‘sordid masters’ and plans his ‘vindication’ of planters accordingly. The published poem largely fulfils this plan: it argues that planters are not heritably incapable of moral sentiment, even as it accepts the Enlightenment’s institutional critique of slavery as a political system that cultivates bad moral habits in slave masters. Grainger relies on conjectural-historical reasoning then typical of Enlightenment moral philosophy, and he posits ‘probity’ as a bulwark against Creole degeneration. Manuscript evidence suggests further that Grainger sought probity in his own philosophical outlook. Although modern scholars have sometimes seen the poem as an attempt to win plantocratic favour, political references confirm that he took a position in the Canada-Guadeloupe controversy opposed to that of the powerful West India Interest. Moreover, during the course of composition, Grainger altered his portraits of planters to make them less flattering and more satirical—an editing process consistent with his apparent desire for philosophical impartiality. -- Downloaded via iPhone to Dbox
Enlightenment  English_lit  Virgil  Scottish_Enlightenment  Kames  poetry  moral_philosophy  article  downloaded  West_Indies  imitation  British_Empire  slavery  18thC  civic_virtue  Smith 
april 2017 by dunnettreader
Codruţa Cuceu, Milestones in the Critique of the Public Sphere: Dewey and Arendt (2011) - PhilPapers
Journal for Communication and Culture 1 (2):99-110 (2011) -- This paper proposes a turnover to the theories which have fostered the 20th Century discourse upon the public sphere. By depicting the way in which the structural transformations suffered by the public sphere within the framework of modernity have been theorized by the pre-Habermasian discourse upon the public sphere, the present work aims at revealing the similarities as well as the differences between John Dewey‟s approach of the public sphere and Hannah Arendt‟s theory of the political realm. Although Arendt was not so much influenced by pragmatism, their theories share a normative dimension according to which the public sphere is structured in order to achieve certain functions, which were disrupted in modernity. Therefore Dewey‟s eclipse of the public, through the multiplication of its content, corresponds to Arendt‟s decay of the public realm through the rise of the social. -- Keywords Arendt Dewey modernity decay public sphere plurality political sphere
Categories: Political Theory in Social and Political Philosophy
Downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
article  republicanism  Dewey  social_theory  modernity  political_philosophy  public_opinion  political_culture  Arendt  civic_virtue  democracy  downloaded  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  political_participation  Habermas  public_sphere 
april 2016 by dunnettreader
André Lang - La part maudite du politique chez Machiavel, ou le retour aux origines (2005) - Cairn.info
I - L’anacyclosis révisée
II - Les constitutions à l’épreuve de l’histoire
III - Le retour au principe
IV - Le moment Romuléen et le moment Numéen
V - Le principe comme puissance de régénération
VI - Les exécutions ou l’équivoque politique du retour à l’origine
VII - Brutus ou la part souveraine de la violence des principes
De l’exécution à l’exécutif : conclusion et perspectives
Pour citer cet article

Lang André, « La part maudite du politique chez Machiavel, ou le retour aux origines. », Le Philosophoire 2/2005 (n° 25) , p. 213-230
URL : www.cairn.info/revue-le-philosophoire-2005-2-page-213.htm.
DOI : 10.3917/phoir.025.0213.
Aristotle  class_conflict  political_participation  Pocock  Polybius  corruption  state_of_exception  republicanism  violence  article  norms  dialectic-historical  common_good  political_philosophy  Machiavelli  interest_groups  civic_virtue  downloaded  politics-and-history  mixed_government  historical_change  history_as_examples  cyclical_history  rule_of_law  cycles  republics-Ancient_v_Modern 
february 2016 by dunnettreader
Christian Ruby - Le « public » contre le « peuple » : une structure de la modernité (2005) - Cairn.info
Plan de l'article

Philosophie et « public », de nos jours
La constitution moderne de l’opposition « public »/« peuple »
Le statut historique de « public »
La formation et l’agencement des publics
L’importance actuelle de cette référence au « public »
La déprise nécessaire
Pour citer cet article

Ruby Christian, « Le « public » contre le « peuple » : une structure de la modernité. », Le Philosophoire 2/2005 (n° 25) , p. 89-104
URL : www.cairn.info/revue-le-philosophoire-2005-2-page-89.htm.
DOI : 10.3917/phoir.025.0089.
article  public_sphere  public_opinion  representative_institutions  masses-fear_of  political_participation  democracy  media  citizens  parties-transmission_belts  civic_virtue  Habermas  downloaded  interest_groups  consumerism  political_culture  general_will  political_press  solidarity  Dewey  citizenship  political_philosophy  legitimacy  rhetoric-political  modernity  republicanism  mass_culture 
february 2016 by dunnettreader
Farr, Hacker & Kazee - Harold Lasswell, The Policy Scientist of Democracy (2006) | The American Political Science Review
The Policy Scientist of Democracy: The Discipline of Harold D. Lasswell -- James Farr, Jacob S. Hacker and Nicole Kazee -- Vol. 100, No. 4, Thematic Issue on the Evolution of Political Science, in Recognition of the Centennial of the Review (Nov., 2006), pp. 579-587 -- The "policy scientist of democracy" was a model for engaged scholarship invented and embodied by Harold D. Lasswell. This disciplinary persona emerged in Lasswell's writings and wartime consultancies during the 1940s, well before he announced in his APSA presidential address, printed in the Review precisely 50 years ago, that political science was "the policy science par excellence." The policy scientist of democracy knew all about the process of elite decision making, and he put his knowledge into practice by advising those in power, sharing in important decisions, and furthering the cause of dignity. Although Lasswell formulated this ambitious vision near the zenith of his influence, the discipline accorded the ideal—and Lasswell—a mixed reception. Some heralded the policy scientist of democracy; others observed a contradictory figure, at once positivist and value-laden, elitist and democratic, heroic and implausible. The conflicted response exemplifies Lasswell's legacy. The policy scientist of democracy was—and is—too demanding and too contradictory a hero. But the vital questions Lasswell grappled with still must be asked a century into the discipline's development: what is the role of the political scientist in a democratic society? - downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
social_sciences-post-WWII  technocracy  entre_deux_guerres  social_psychology  article  public_intellectuals  jstor  WWII  behavioralism  public_policy  20thC  public_interest  downloaded  political_science  US_history  elites  intellectual_history  bibliography  democracy  civic_virtue 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Civility and Formality :: SSRN October 2013
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 13-57 -- Civility is a distinctive virtue in social and political relations, not an all-embracing one. In this paper, I suggest that civility is also a "chilly" virtue, associated more with formality than with niceness; that is, I argue that its importance is best accounted for on this basis. I pursue the theme of formality in a number of different areas: formality in market relations; formality in political inclusiveness; formality in the willingness to listen and "stay present" for the articulation of views to which is utterly opposed; and formality in democratic deliberations. So defined, civility is not everything and it may need to be balanced against other principles and requirements of politics. But the account I give of its relation to formality enables us to see it in the distinctive importance that it has, even though its importance may not be absolute. -- Pages in PDF File: 22 -- Keywords: civility, disagreement, difference, formality, legal rights, legislation, markets, inclusiveness, toleration -- downloaded pdf to Note
political_philosophy  political_culture  democracy  civic_virtue  commerce-doux  civility-political  manners  markets-structure  tolérance  deliberation-public  inclusion  social_psychology  norms  downloaded 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
Critical Dialogue: Nadia Urbinati (Democracy Disfigured) and Elizabeth Beaumont (The Civic Constitution) | - Academia.edu - Perspectives on Politics, June 2015
Critiques and responses(1) The Civic Constitution: Civic Visions and Struggles in the Path toward Constitutional Democracy. By Elizabeth Beaumont. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. 386p. (2) Democracy Disfigured: Opinion, Truth, and the People. By Nadia Urbinati. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. 320 -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  political_philosophy  democracy  civil_society  civic_virtue  constitutionalism  constitutions  constitutional_regime  public_opinion  political_participation  political_culture  community  political_discourse  political_nation  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
David Millon - The Ideology of Jury Autonomy in the Early Common Law :: SSRN - Nov 2000
Washington & Lee Public Law Research Paper No. 00-5 -- This article looks closely at the substantial discretion exercised by the premodern English jury. Through the sixteenth century, jurors enjoyed broad autonomy with respect to fact-finding. For much of the medieval period they came to court already knowledgeable about the facts of a case and rendered their verdicts on that basis. Even after they ceased to be self-informed and had to rely instead on evidence presented in court, jurors continued to exercise their fact-finding authority with substantial independence from judicial control and review. The premodern jury also had significant autonomy regarding what we would call questions of law, an aspect of jury discretion that has received little attention from historians. In this article I look closely at the evidence bearing on both facets of jury autonomy, including trial records, accounts of trial proceedings, and legislation relating to the jury. In addition, I attempt to shed some light on the ideological assumptions that justified the early common law's commitment to jury autonomy, a commitment that is hard to understand in light of the modern rule of law idea. -- PDF File: 44. -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  legal_history  British_history  medieval_history  16thC  common_law  trials  juries  evidence  epistemology-social  Europe-Early_Modern  legal_culture  legal_validity  legitimacy  civic_virtue  citizenship  local_government  public_goods  commonwealth  governance-participation  status  cities-governance  persona  judgment-independence  autonomy  authority  elites  clientelism  duties  duties-civic  community  rule_of_law  fairness  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Paul Stob, Review: John McGowan, Pragmatist Politics: Making the Case for Liberal Democracy (2012) | KB Journal - 2013
McGowan, John. Pragmatist Politics: Making the Case for Liberal Democracy. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012. -- Paul Stob, Department of Communication Studies, Vanderbilt University -- John McGowan’s Pragmatist Politics draws upon the pragmatist tradition—primarily the work of William James, John Dewey, and Kenneth Burke—to formulate a liberal democratic politics for the twenty-first century. At least that’s the overt aim of the book. But what may stand out most to readers of KB Journal is how McGowan seems intent on crafting an attitude. In formulating a pragmatist politics, McGowan fails to explicate political programs and initiatives, he disregards the nuts and bolts of democratic negotiation, and he provides no real strategies for building grassroots coalitions. What he does—and what he does admirably—is present readers with a pragmatist attitude that will, he hopes, come to permeate public culture. -- Stob describes how McGowan links rhetoric and political philosophy, especially using Burke's "comic" frame as fitting a pragmatist approach to goals and public participation of liberal democracy -- downloaded page as pdf to Note
books  reviews  political_philosophy  liberalism  liberal_democracy  rhetoric-political  conversation  persuasion  Burke_Kenneth  Dewey  James_William  secularism  symbolic_interaction  symbols-political  symbols-religious  communication  community  individualism  civic_virtue  civic_humanism  downloaded 
april 2015 by dunnettreader
JAMES LIVESEY, Review Essay - BERKELEY, IRELAND AND 18thC INTELLECTUAL HISTORY (Dec 2014) | Modern Intellectual History - Cambridge Journals Online
Department of History, School of Humanities, University of Dundee -- Books reviewed: (1) Marc A. Hight ed., The Correspondence of George Berkeley (Cambridge University Press, 2013), (2) Scott Breuninger , Recovering Bishop Berkeley: Virtue and Society in the Anglo-Irish Context (Palgrave, 2010), (3) Daniel Carey and Christopher J. Finlay , eds., The Empire of Credit: The Financial Revolution and the British Atlantic World, 1688–1815 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2011) -- 18thC Irish intellectual history has enjoyed a revival in recent years. New scholarly resources, such as the Hoppen edition of the papers of the Dublin Philosophical Society and the recently published Berkeley correspondence, have been fundamental to that revival. Since 1986 the journal Eighteenth-Century Ireland: Iris an dá chultúr has sponsored a complex conversation on the meaning and legacy of the 18thC in Irish history. Work in the journal and beyond deploying “New British” and Atlantic histories, as well as continuing attention to Europe, has helped to enrich scholarly understanding of the environments in which Irish people thought and acted. The challenge facing historians of Ireland has been to find categories of analysis that could comprehend religious division and acknowledge the centrality of the confessional state without reducing all Irish experience to sectarian conflict. Clearly the thought of the Irish Catholic community could not be approached without an understanding of the life of the Continental Catholic Church. Archivium Hibernicum has been collecting and publishing the traces of that history for a hundred years and new digital resources such as the Irish in Europe database have extended that work in new directions. The Atlantic and “New British” contexts have been more proximately important for the Protestant intellectual tradition. -- paywall
articles  books  reviews  paywall  intellectual_history  18thC  Ireland  Protestants-Ireland  Catholics-Ireland  Berkeley  Anglo-Irish_constitution  British_politics  reform-social  reformation_of_manners  virtue_ethics  civic_virtue  Protestant_Ascendancy  Whigs-oligarchy  Church_of_England  Church_of_Ireland  patronage  networks-political  networks-social  networks-information  fiscal-military_state  public_finance  taxes  credit  financial_innovation  financial_sector_development  economic_history  political_economy  politics-and-religion  politics-and-money 
february 2015 by dunnettreader
Full transcript: President Obama, Dec 4 2013 - Inequality and rolling back Reagan Revolution | The Washington Post
But starting in the late ‘70s, this social compact began to unravel.Technology made it easier for companies to do more with less, eliminating certain job occupations. A more competitive world led companies ship jobs anyway. And as good manufacturing jobs automated or headed offshore, workers lost their leverage; jobs paid less and offered fewer benefits. As values of community broke down and competitive pressure increased, businesses lobbied Washington to weaken unions and the value of the minimum wage. As the trickle-down ideology became more prominent, taxes were slashes for the wealthiest while investments in things that make us all richer, like schools and infrastructure, were allowed to wither. And for a certain period of time we could ignore this weakening economic foundation, in part because more families were relying on two earners, as women entered the workforce. We took on more debt financed by juiced-up housing market. But when the music stopped and the crisis hit, millions of families were stripped of whatever cushion they had left. And the result is an economy that’s become profoundly unequal and families that are more insecure. (..) it is harder today for a child born here in America to improve her station in life than it is for children in most of our wealthy allies, countries like Canada or Germany or France. They have greater mobility than we do, not less.(..) The combined trends of increased inequality and decreasing mobility pose a fundamental threat to the American dream, our way of life and what we stand for around the globe. And it is not simply a moral claim that I’m making here. There are practical consequences to rising inequality and reduced mobility. -- downloaded as pdf to Note
speech  Obama  inequality  supply-side  labor_share  business-ethics  norms  norms-business  morality-conventional  morality-Christian  utilitarianism  globalization  technology  US_foreign_policy  US_economy  US_politics  US_society  US_government  US_history  common_good  civic_virtue  economic_growth  economic_culture  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  unemployment  health_care  public_goods  public_opinion  public_policy  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Andrew Sprung - Reagan Revolution rollback | xpostfactoid - Jan 2015
Thanks largely to Piketty it's become increasingly clear that in the Reagan Revolution, middle class America sold its birthright for a mess of supply-side pottage. Dems willingness to credit GOP dogma -- raising taxes on high incomes and investment gains inhibits growth, deregulation spurs it -- are melting away. Post midterm losses, Dems are beginning to heighten rather than soft-pedal the policy contrasts between the parties. Wounded politically by perceptions that the ACA helps the poor at the expense of working people, they are looking for proposals attractive to the middle class. Emboldened by accelerating growth and employment gains, they are perhaps shedding inhibitions about leveling the playing field between workers and management. (..)To mess up my timeline a bit, Obama delivered a Pikettian narrative in Dec 2013 ..should have been a landmark speech on inequality (..) if he (and Dems) hadn't (tried to) protect their Senate majority. [In the Dec 2013 soeech] Obama zeroed in on policy choices. "As values of community broke down and competitive pressure increased, businesses lobbied Washington to weaken unions and the value of the minimum wage. As the trickle-down ideology became more prominent, taxes were slashes for the wealthiest while investments in things that make us all richer, like schools and infrastructure, were allowed to wither. And for a certain period of time we could ignore this weakening economic foundation (..) But when the music stopped and the crisis hit, millions of families were stripped of whatever cushion they had left. And the result is an economy that’s become profoundly unequal and families that are more insecure. -- terrific links roundup
US_economy  US_politics  Obama  Obama_administration  Reagan  supply-side  trickle-down  neoliberalism  inequality  middle_class  wages  wages-minimum  labor  labor_law  labor_share  labor_standards  Labor_markets  investment  executive_compensation  1-percent  infrastructure  education  education-higher  civic_virtue  common_good  Piketty  economic_growth  economic_culture  distribution-income  distribution-wealth  unemployment  health_care  public_goods  public_opinion  public_policy  elections  political_culture  political_economy  political_discourse  political_participation  Pocket 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Dan Edelstein, The Republic, Nature and Right -- response to review by Annie Jourdan of his "The Terror of Natural Right" | Books & ideas - La Vie des Idèes- 2010
Dan Edelstein, « The Republic, Nature and Right », Books and Ideas, 2 September 2010. Translated from French by John Zvesper with the support of the Fondation Maison des Sciences de l’Homme -- First published in laviedesidees.fr, 15 February 2010 -- This article is a response to the review of Dan Edelstein’s book, The Terror of Natural Right. Republicanism, the Cult of Nature and the French Revolution (University of Chicago Press), by Annie Jourdan, published as "Le mystère de la Terreur. Violence et droit naturel"[“The mystery of the Terror. Violence and Natural Right”], in La Vie des idées l15 February 2010. -- both review and response (in both languages) available as pdfs -- downloaded English translation of Edelstein to Note
books  bookshelf  reviews  18thC  intellectual_history  political_history  French_Revolution  American_Revolution  natural_rights  natural_law  political_philosophy  political_culture  Terror  Jacobins  Founders  republicanism  Locke-2_Treatises  civic_virtue  downloaded 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Colin Kidd - Civil Theology and Church Establishments in Revolutionary America | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 42, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), pp. 1007-1026
The discourse of America's founding generation, it is now widely recognized, was rich and variegated in its composition, drawing upon the commonwealth tradition, the English common law, Montesquieu, Locke, Scottish moral philosophy, and the classics. These sources yield significant clues as to how eighteenth-century Americans viewed religious liberty and church-state relations, subjects of the First Amendment to the Constitution. Supplementing the work of legal historians on the religious provisions of the early state constitutions, the study of political ideas suggests the parameters of the eighteenth-century debate over the effects which various types of religious belief and ecclesiastical establishment had upon manners and institutions. It also reveals the ideological underpinnings of the apparently inconsistent legal provisions for religion at the state level, and, far from settling the elusive question of `original intent', highlights the nature of the divisions within the founding generation. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  theology  religious_history  church_history  religious_culture  religion-established  civil_religion  civil_liberties  tolerance  US_constitution  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  US_history  Founders  bill_of_rights  ancient_Rome  ancient_Greece  Commonwealthmen  Locke-religion  Hutcheson  Smith  Montesquieu  civic_virtue  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  US_legal_system  US_politics  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Kevin Slack - Benjamin Franklin’s Metaphysical Essays and the Virtue of Humility | JSTOR: American Political Thought, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring 2013), pp. 31-61
Historians have long rejected Max Weber and D. H. Lawrence’s portrayal of Benjamin Franklin as the stuffy architect of a new kind of prudish bourgeois virtue. Recent scholarly work has challenged this notion and has added something more: the idea that Franklin is a serious thinker, even an ironic thinker, in the Western philosophic tradition. Certainly Franklin participated in a vigorous intellectual debate with the greatest minds of his time over the meaning of religion, moral duty, and virtue. In this article I return to Franklin’s own writings to provide what I think is a new and hopefully provocative interpretation of Franklin as a philosophic thinker. After briefly recounting the traditional interpretation of Franklin’s Autobiography, I present new interpretations of Franklin’s metaphysical essays in the context of his orientation to the philosophical schools of his day and argue that Franklin, upon this foundation, constructs his own theory of the philosophical temper. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  18thC  American_colonies  American_Revolution  French_Enlightenment  Enlightenment  Deism  metaphysics  determinism  moral_philosophy  political_philosophy  Franklin_Ben  virtue  civic_virtue  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Matthew Bowser - The Golden Age of Rome: Augustus’ program to better the Roman Empire (2013 undergrad thesis) | History of the Ancient World - October 2014
Undergraduate Thesis, University of Pittsburgh, 2013 -- posted to History of the Ancient World website - Argument continues among historians to this day whether Augustus should be considered the benefactor that Vergil portrays, who restored virtue and order, or as the tyrant Tacitus describes. Using evidence from a variety of contemporary sources, I intend to show that Augustus did in fact work to bring about the Age of Gold that Vergil promises. Whether through warfare, legislation, political maneuvering, or propaganda, I believe that his actions from the start reflect a clear program to make the Roman Empire the most powerful and most secure state that it could be, and that he was not just working for personal ambition. I have narrowed down the concept of the Golden Age, as portrayed by the poets, to three primary qualities: peace and security, the flourishing of the old Republican virtues, and prosperity under a glorious, divine leader. I will address each of these aspects in turn, consulting evidence from the period to show how Augustus’ regime worked to satisfy them. This evidence will include contemporary literature, historical facts and records, art, architecture, religion, and symbolism. I will also address the major criticisms of each facet by eyewitnesses such as Ovid and Propertius, by Roman historians such as Tacitus and Suetonius, and by various modern scholars of Roman history. Studying the success of Augustus’ methods can reap numerous benefits, including a deeper understanding of later dictators and their programs. -- downloaded pdf to Note
thesis  ancient_history  empires  Roman_Republic  Roman_Empire  Augustan_Rome  political_history  political_culture  civic_virtue  civil_religion  literary_history  Latin_lit  Virgil  Tacitus  historians-and-politics  state-building  Ovid  Suetonius  historiography  historiography-antiquity  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Review by: Ian Ward - Quentin Skinner, Hobbes and Republican Liberty | JSTOR: Perspectives on Politics, Vol. 8, No. 3 (September 2010), pp. 948-949
Overview of debates re different types of liberty, what relations between liberalism and republicanism, etc in both intellectual_history and political_philosophy in the decades after Skinner's Foundations in 1978. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  jstor  bookshelf  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  18thC  Hobbes  social_contract  liberty  liberalism-republicanism_debates  liberalism  liberty-positive  liberty-negative  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  limited_monarchy  civic_virtue  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
"CORRECTIVE JUSTICE AND THE REVIVAL OF JUDICIAL VIRTUE" by Mark C. Modak-Truran
Mark C. Modak-Truran, Mississippi College School of Law -- Aristotle's discussion of corrective justice has been generally thought to mark the beginning of the philosophical examination of tort law. Many scholars also consider corrective justice, of one form or another, the main normative alternative to the economic analysis of law. Most discussions of Aristotle’s conception of corrective justice in the law review literature, however, have failed to account for the established reading of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics as proposing a teleological form of ethics. Accordingly, Corrective Justice and the Revival of Judicial Virtue argues for a teleological interpretation of Aristotle's conception of corrective justice. The teleological conception of corrective justice does not attempt to analyze corrective justice merely as a formal (Weinrib), substantive (Wright), or political (Heyman) conception of equality or freedom that can be applied by technical reason to various circumstances. Rather, it maintains that corrective justice is a moral virtue of the judge that cannot be fully understood without specifying its relationship to practical wisdom and the telos of the good life. Under this reading, Aristotle’s conception of corrective justice specifies a method of judicial decision making whereby only the practically wise (i.e., morally virtuous) judge can know the content of corrective justice in all cases. Judging requires moral virtue not technical, philosophical or legal, expertise. Consequently, this article advocates a revival of Aristotle’s notion that judicial virtue requires moral virtue. -- Mark C. Modak-Truran. "CORRECTIVE JUSTICE AND THE REVIVAL OF JUDICIAL VIRTUE" Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 12.2 (2000): 249-298. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  philosophy_of_law  moral_philosophy  Aristotle  virtue_ethics  phronesis  eudaimonia  justice  torts  law-and-economics  civic_virtue  judiciary  juddgment-moral  judgment-aesthetics  judgment-political  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Two-Way Translation: The Ethics of Engaging with Religious Contributions in Public Deliberation (2010) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 10-84 -- Using as an exemplar, the 2007 "Evangelical Declaration against Torture," this paper examines the role of religious argument in public life. -- It argues for an absolute ban on the use of torture deploying unashamedly Christian rhetoric, some of it quite powerful and challenging. -- The present paper considers whether there is any affront to the duties of political civility in arguing in these terms. There is a line of argument, associated with John Rawls's book, "Political Liberalism," suggesting that citizens should refrain from discussing issues of public policy in religious or deep-philosophical terms that are not accessible to other citizens. The present paper challenges the conception of inaccessibility on which this Rawlsian position is based. It argues, with Jurgen Habermas, that all sides in a modern pluralist society have a right to state their views as firmly and as deeply as they can, and all sides have the duty to engage with others, and to strain as well as they can to grasp others' meanings. It is not enough to simply announce that one can not understand religious reasons, especially if no good faith effort has been made, using the ample resources available in our culture, to try. Of course, many peoeple will not be convinced by the reasons that are offered in religious discourse; but to argue for their rejection - which is always what may happen in respectable political deliberation - is not to say that the presentation of those reasons was offensive or inappropriate. (This paper was originally presented as the 2010 Meador Lecture at the University of Virginia Law School). -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 25 -- Keywords: Absolute Principles, Pluralism, Public Reason, Rawls, Religious Reasons, Torture
paper  SSRN  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  public_sphere  political_discourse  politics-and-religion  religious_culture  political_culture  pluralism  liberalism-public_reason  Rawls  Habermas  communication  community  deliberation-public  torture  civic_virtue  civility-political  respect  hermeneutics  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Toleration and Calumny: Bayle, Locke, Montesquie and Voltaire on Religious Hate Speech (2010) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 10-80 -- There is a considerable literature on the issue of hate speech. And there is a considerable literature on religious toleration (both contemporary and historic). But the two have not been brought into relation with one another. In this paper, I consider how the argument for religious toleration extends beyond a requirement of non-persection and non-establishment. I consider its application to the question of religious vituperation. The focus of the paper is on 17th and 18th century theories. Locke, Bayle and other Enlightenment thinkers imagined a tolerant society as a society free of hate speech: the kind of religious peace that they envisaged was a matter of civility not just non-persecution. The paper also considers the costs of placing limits (legal or social limits) on religious hate-speech: does this interfere with the forceful expression of religious antipathy which (for some people) the acceptance of their creed requires? -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 25 -- Keywords: Bayle, Defamation, Enlightenment, Hate Speech, Locke, Toleration -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  intellectual_history  17thC  18thC  Enlightenment  tolerance  religious_belief  religious_wars  religious_lit  anticlerical  anti-Catholic  persecution  free_speech  civil_society  civic_virtue  politeness  hate_speech  freedom_of_conscience  Bayle  Locke  Locke-religion  Montesquieu  Voltaire  universalism  heresy  politics-and-religion  political_culture  minorities  public_sphere  public_disorder  civility-political  respect  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Political Political Theory: An Oxford Inaugural Lecture (2012) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 12-26 -- "Inaugural Lecture" for the Chichele Professorship of Social and Political Theory. -- Political theorists study (1) political virtue, (2) political processes and institutions, and (3) political ideals (like justice, liberty, and equality). Since the time of Hume, Madison, and Kant, it has been thought that (2) is more important than (1), because maybe we can set up institutions that work for the general good whatever the state of virtue of the people... But in the revival of political philosophy heralded by Rawls in 1971, there has been great emphasis on (3) and not nearly enough on (2)... particularly in the UK. Chichele chair -holders G.A. Cohen and Isaiah Berlin focused almost exclusively on (3) -- with Berlin announcing that political philosophy was really just the study of "the ends of life." -- I argue for a reorientation of political theory teaching and scholarship back towards institutions -- particularly the normative evaluation of the political process and the exploration of institutional principles like democracy, representation, bicameralism, the rule of law, the separation of powers, federalism and so on. ..these issues should not be left to empirical or comparative politcial science, because they raise important and complex questions of evaluation that may be sold short by the pragmatic and consequentialist emphasis of empirical and comparative work. But political theory should respect the empirical study of institutions more than it does, and it should dovetail the normative and evaluative work that political theory involves with the understanding of institutions, processes, and practices that political science generates. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  intellectual_history  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  political_philosophy  political_science  human_nature  social_theory  institutions  government-forms  governmentality  constitutions  constitutionalism  constitutional_law  institution-building  institutional_change  political_change  political_participation  political_culture  Arendt  Berlin_Isaiah  Hume  Hume-politics  Hume-historian  comparative_history  political_order  legitimacy  democracy  separation-of-powers  checks-and-balances  legislature  executive  judicial_review  justice  civic_virtue  dignity  egalitarian  rule_of_law  citizenship  education-civic  federalism  social_process  socialization  civil_liberties  Founders  Madison  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Brian Leiter - Foundations of Religious Liberty: Toleration or Respect? (2010) :: SSRN - Freedom of Conscience symposium, San Diego Law Review, Forthcoming
U of Chicago, Public Law Working Paper No. 275 -- Should we think of what I will refer to generically as “the law of religious liberty” as grounded in the moral attitude of respect for religion or in the moral attitude of tolerance of religion? I start with a well-known treatment of the idea of “respect” by the moral philosopher Stephen Darwall. Re toleration, I shall draw on my own earlier discussion, though now emphasizing the features of toleration that set it apart from one kind of respect. In deciding whether “respect” or “toleration” can plausibly serve as the moral foundation for the law of religious liberty we will need to say something about the nature of religion. I shall propose a fairly precise analysis of what makes a belief and a concomitant set of practices “religious” (again drawing on earlier work). That will then bring us to the central question: should our laws reflect “respect” for religion” or only “toleration”? Martha Nussbaum has recently argued for “respect” as the moral foundation of religious liberty, though, as I will suggest, her account is ambiguous between the two senses of respect that emerge from Darwall’s work. In particular, I shall claim that in one “thin” sense of respect, it is compatible with nothing more than toleration of religion; and that in a “thicker” sense (which Nussbaum appears to want to invoke), it could not form the moral basis of a legal regime since religion is not the kind of belief system that could warrant that attitude. To make the latter case, I examine critically a recent attack on the idea of "respect" for religious belief by Simon Blackburn. -- Leiter changed his mind on some of this for his book on Toleration of Religion but discussion of Nussbaum et al looks useful -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  freedom_of_conscience  religious_belief  tolerance  respect  civic_virtue  civil_liberties  sociology_of_religion  Nussbaum  Darwall  Blackburn  epistemology-moral 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Johann Gottlieb Heineccius, A Methodical System of Universal Law: Or, the Laws of Nature and Nations [1737] with Supplements and a Discourse by George Turnbull trans., eds. Thomas Albert and Peter Schröder - Online Library of Liberty
Johann Gottlieb Heineccius, A Methodical System of Universal Law: Or, the Laws of Nature and Nations, with Supplements and a Discourse by George Turnbull. Translated from the Latin by George Turnbull, edited with an Introduction by Thomas Albert and Peter Schröder (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2008). 07/11/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2305> -- The natural law theory of Johann Gottlieb Heineccius was one of the most influential to emerge from the early German Enlightenment. Heineccius continued and, in important respects, modified the ideas of his predecessors, Samuel Pufendorf and Christian Thomasius. He developed distinctive views on central questions such as the freedom of the human will and the natural foundation of moral obligation, which also sharply distinguished him from his contemporary Christian Wolff. The Liberty Fund edition is based on the translation by the Scottish moral philosopher George Turnbull (1698–1748). It includes Turnbull’s extensive comments on Heineccius’s text, as well as his substantial Discourse upon the Nature and Origin of Moral and Civil Laws. These elements make the work into one of the most extraordinary encounters between Protestant natural law theory and neo-republican civic humanism. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  18thC  intellectual_history  Enlightenment  Scottish_Enlightenment  Germany  Heineccius  Pufendorf  Thomasius  Wolff  Turnbull_George  natural_law  international_law  legal_theory  legal_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  human_nature  obligation  free_will  state-of-nature  government-forms  authority  legitimacy  natural_rights  natural_religion  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Kenneth R. Westphal - Enlightenment Fundamentals: Rights, Responsibilities & Republicanism | Diametros
Kenneth R. Westphal is Professorial Fellow in the School of Philosophy, University of East Anglia (Norwich), and currently Visiting Professor of Philosophy at the Martin-Luther-Universität Halle Wittenberg. -- This essay re-examines some key fundamentals of the Enlightenment regarding individual rights, responsibilities and republicanism which deserve and require re-emphasis today, insofar as they underscore the character and fundamental importance of mature judgment, and how developing and fostering mature judgment is a fundamental aim of education. These fundamentals have been clouded or eroded by various recent developments, including mis-guided educational policy and not a little scholarly bickering. Clarity about these fundamentals is more important today than ever. Sapere aude! -- Keywords - Hobbes Hume Rousseau Kant Hegel, rational justification, mature judgment, moral constructivism, realism objectivity rights responsibilities republicanism media culture, Euthyphro question, natural law, Dilemma of the Criterion -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  moral_philosophy  political_philosophy  intellectual_history  17thC  18thC  19thC  British_history  French_Enlightenment  Germany  German_Idealism  voluntarism  obligation  morality-conventional  morality-objective  natural_rights  civil_liberties  civil_society  civic_virtue  Hobbes  Hume  Hume-ethics  Hume-politics  Rousseau  Kant  Kant-ethics  Hegel  judgment-political  public_sphere  media  political_culture  values  education-civic  education-higher  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add  21stC  Dewey  Quine  Sellars  analytical_philosophy  academia  professionalization 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Thomas D. Wilson - The Oglethorpe Plan: Enlightenment Design in Savannah and Beyond: (2012) | Amazon.com: Books
The statesman and reformer James Oglethorpe was a significant figure in the philosophical and political landscape of 18thC British America. His social contributions—all informed by Enlightenment ideals—included prison reform, the founding of the Georgia colony on behalf of the "worthy poor," and stirring the founders of the abolitionist movement. He also developed the famous ward design for the city of Savannah, a design that became one of the most important planning innovations in American history. Multilayered and connecting the urban core to peripheral garden and farm lots, the Oglethorpe Plan was intended by its author to both exhibit and foster his utopian ideas of agrarian equality. The professional planner Thomas D. Wilson reconsiders the Oglethorpe Plan, revealing that Oglethorpe was a more dynamic force in urban planning than has generally been supposed -- the Oglethorpe Plan embodies all of the major themes of the Enlightenment, including science, humanism, and secularism. The vibrancy of the ideas behind its conception invites an exploration of the plan's enduring qualities. In addition to surveying historical context and intellectual origins, this book aims to rescue Oglethorpe’s work from its relegation to the status of a living museum in a revered historic district, and to demonstrate instead potential links with New Urbanism and other more naturally evolving and socially engaged modes of urban development. -- only hdbk
books  18thC  British_history  Atlantic  American_colonies  Georgia  Enlightenment  cultural_history  social_history  intellectual_history  egalitarian  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  slavery  abolition  poverty  Poor_Laws  debtors  agriculture  urban_development  urbanization  prisons  improvement  secularism  republicanism  farmers  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Mark Noll - American Christian Politics, review essay - Michael P. Winship, Godly Republicanism: Puritans, Pilgrims, and a City on a Hill | Books and Culture 2012
Fabulous summary by Noll of the different religious groups in 17thC England and the New England migrations -- Winship also challenges the many accounts of early-modern republicanism that have pictured it as an essentially secular ideology strongly inimical, with its all-out focus on worldly power, to the Puritans' strict Calvinism. Instead, he argues that the "godly republicanism" of early New England came directly from spiritual sources. The Puritans' greatest desire was to bring about biblical reform of churches corrupted by abuses of unchecked power. -- Explicitly Christian virtue thus grounded the health of the "commonwealth," an expressly republican term. Those scholars, including myself, who have described the republicanism of the Revolutionary era as secular may reply that the early Puritan arrangement was soon modified by the Puritans themselves and then completely abrogated when Massachusetts was taken over as a royal colony in 1684. But Winship nonetheless makes a strong case for a definite Christian root to the founding republican principles of the United States. This re-interpretation of early New England history hinges on careful discrimination among the different varieties of English and American Puritans. Never, one might think, has a scholar made so much of so little. Yet paying close heed to how he describes these Puritan varieties is, in the end, convincing. The following chart, which sets things out as an "invention" in the Ramist logic so beloved by the Puritans, summarizes those distinctions, though it would have clarified Winship's argument if he himself had provided such a scorecard.
books  reviews  kindle-available  historiography  17thC  British_history  US_history  British_politics  religious_history  church_history  Church_of_England  religious_culture  religious_belief  Puritans  Arminian  Presbyterians  Congregationalist  English_Civil_War  New_England  Massachusetts  political_philosophy  political_culture  republicanism  politics-and-religion  Biblical_authority  civic_virtue  American_colonies  Charles_II  James_II  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  UK_government-colonies  commonwealth  Christendom  religion-established  abuse_of_power  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Alan Cromartie - Harringtonian Virtue: Harrington, Machiavelli, and the Method of the Moment | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Dec., 1998), pp. 987-1009
This article presents a reinterpretation of James Harrington's writings. It takes issue with J. G. A. Pocock's reading, which treats him as importing into England a Machiavellian `language of political thought'. This reading is the basis of Pocock's stress on the republicanism of eighteenth-century opposition values. Harrington's writings were in fact a most implausible channel for such ideas. His outlook owed much to Stoicism. Unlike the Florentine, he admired the contemplative life; was sympathetic to commerce; and was relaxed about the threat of `corruption' (a concept that he did not understand). These views can be associated with his apparent aims: the preservation of a national church with a salaried but politically impotent clergy; and the restoration of the royalist gentry to a leading role in English politics. Pocock's hypothesis is shown to be conditioned by his method; its weaknesses reflect some difficulties inherent in the notion of `languages of thought'. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  historiography  political_philosophy  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Interregnum  Harrington  landed_interest  Machiavelli  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  commerce  common_good  civic_virtue  civic_humanism  Stoicism  gentry  Royalists  mixed_government  English_constitution  politics-and-theory  religion-established  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  Church_of_England  corruption  Cambridge_School  Pocock  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Paul Weithman - Political Republicanism and Perfectionist Republicanism | JSTOR: The Review of Politics, Vol. 66, No. 2 (Spring, 2004), pp. 285-312
In recent years, a number of political thinkers in philosophy, political theory and law have defended political theories which are deeply indebted to classical republicanism. Like classical republicans, these thinkers have claimed that a flourishing polity depends upon citizens' exercise of the civic virtues. Unlike classical republicans, some of these thinkers have defended what might be called "political republicanisms"-republicanisms which are also indebted to the methodological restraint of Rawls's political liberalism. The article argues that political republicanism suffers from a viability problem. Its list of civic virtues is too short. More worrisome, the public justifications that would be available to a political republican regime are not sufficient to motivate the development of the civic virtues. Therefore, if we are to be republicans, we should be "perfectionist republicans" instead. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_culture  republicanism  civic_virtue  civic_humanism  17thC  18thC  20thC  intellectual_history  downloaded  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
interfluidity » “Incentives to produce” are incentives to rig the game - March 2014
Steve Randy Waldman - Suppose, reasonably I think, that ceteris paribus humans prefer to “be good”. That is, we prefer to do work that is productive and engage in behavior that is ethical. Suppose, also reasonably, that a well ordered society depends upon people sometimes making choices opposed to their material interests on ethical or other grounds. Then it is obvious how inequality might be costly. Instead of talking about “incentives to” (produce, extract rents, whatever), we might describe outcome dispersion as a tax on refraining from mercenary behavior. If the difference between economic winners and losers is modest, people of ordinary virtue might refrain from participating in activities they consider corrupt, might even be willing to “blow the whistle”, because the cost of doing so is outweighed by their preference for behaving well. But as outcome dispersion grows, absenting oneself from or even opposing activities that would be personally remunerative but socially undesirable becomes too costly. The required sacrifice eventually overcomes a ceteris paribus preference for virtue. Preventing the misbehavior of large coalitions is a collective action problem. An isolated malcontent or whistleblower is likely to be evicted from the coalition without meaningfully improving behavior, if others choose to “circle the wagon”. Outcome dispersion both increases the costs to individuals of engaging in pro-social behavior, and diminishes the likelihood that bearing those costs will be fruitful, since others will have strong incentives not to follow.
political_economy  international_political_economy  finance_capital  inequality  civic_virtue  rent-seeking  monopolies  intellectual_property  health_care  migration  competition  plutocracy  incentives  EF-add 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
Vivienne Brown - "Rights" in Aristotle's "Politics" and "Nicomachean Ethics"? | JSTOR: The Review of Metaphysics, Vol. 55, No. 2 (Dec., 2001), pp. 269-295
Follows up lengthy debates (especially Review of Metaphysics symposium in mid 1990s) - she argues that rights weren't part of Greek political or ethical theories re justice etc. -- useful for lit survey as well as how she sees Politics and Nicomachean Ethics working together or leaving some things not addressed --didn't download
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  ancient_philosophy  ancient_Greece  Aristotle  natural_rights  human_rights  justice  civic_virtue  bibliography  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Archon Fung - Associations and Democracy: Between Theories, Hopes, and Realities | JSTOR: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 29 (2003), pp. 515-539
Over the past decade, there has been a resurgence of interest and research into the connections between associations and democracy. This article divides the question of associative contributions to democracy into four component parts: What (a) contributions do (b) different kinds of associations make to advance (c) contesting ideals of democratic governance in various (d) political contexts? Associations enhance democracy in at least six ways: through the intrinsic value of associative life, fostering civic virtues and teaching political skills, offering resistance to power and checking government, improving the quality and equality of representation, facilitating public deliberation, and creating opportunities for citizens and groups to participate directly in governance. These contributions are not all mutually consonant with one another, and different forms of associations are better suited to advance some contributions than others. Furthermore, those who propose bolstering associations as a strategy for revitalizing democracy frequently have quite different ideals of democracy in mind. The forms and contributions of associations appropriate to three contesting notions of democratic governance-liberal minimalism, conventional representation-cum-administration, and participatory democracy-are also discussed. Finally, the democratic priority of associative contributions depends crucially on contextual features of particular societies. Under tyrannical regimes, for example, associations that resist government authority are more crucial than those that foster compliance and respect for political institutions. -- heavily cited in jstor -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_culture  demography  popular_politics  political_participation  representative_institutions  civic_virtue  equality  deliberation-public  governance  liberalism  libertarianism  resistance_theory  legitimacy  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Neil Brody Miller - "Proper Subjects for Public Inquiry": The First Unitarian Controversy and the Transformation of Federalist Print Culture | JSTOR: Early American Literature, Vol. 43, No. 1 (2008), pp. 101-135
Lots of primary and secondary references - continues debate against seeing Jeffersonians as innovative in using press to expand public sphere and speak for common man but Federakists as reactive and manipulative for similar activity that in fact did more for wider public participation and voice -- episode also sets pattern for triumph of non-sectarian, Trinitarian, evangelical, bible and tract version of Christianity as public sphere religion -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_history  religious_history  public_sphere  18thC  19thC  Early_Republic  New_England  cultural_capital  cultural_authority  civic_virtue  public_opinion  political_participation  politics-and-religion  political_culture  religious_culture  republicanism  publishing  deference  consensus  anti-Trinitarian  Unitarian  Calvinist  Evangelical  religion-established  clergy  education-higher  Federalist  Jeffersonians  political_press  community  elites  elite_culture  cultural_critique  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
James Livesey - The Dublin Society in 18thC Irish Political Thought | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 47, No. 3 (Sep., 2004), pp. 615-640
Through an analysis of the debate between Charles Davenant (1701 essay) in England, and Arthur Dobbs, Thomas Prior, and Samuel Madden in (1720s and 1730s) Ireland, it establishes that the founders saw the society as a response to Ireland's dependent status in the emerging British empire. The Dublin Society distinguished itself from other improving societies in the British Isles because it explicitly represented a new principle of sociality. The article describes the cultural origins of that principle arguing that a diverse set of groups converged on the ideal of association as a new form of order. The article concludes with a consideration of Madden's understanding, derived from his commitment to improving associations, that Irish national life was best understood as the pursuit of happiness rather than justice or virtue. -- huge bibliography -- Davenant essay important for Bolingbroke's views -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_economy  political_culture  18thC  Ireland  improvement  Dublin_Society  sociability  clubs  urbanization  urban_elites  civic_virtue  justice  utilitarianism  happiness  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeffrey Church - Selfish and Moral Politics: David Hume on Stability and Cohesion in the Modern State | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 69, No. 1 (Feb., 2007), pp. 169-181
In Hume's dialogue with the Hobbesian-Mandevillian "selfish system" of morals, Hume seems to reject its conclusions in morals, but accept them in politics. No skeptic of moral claims like Mandeville, Hume sought to ground objective moral standards in his moral sentiment philosophy, yet, like Mandeville, Hume argued that in political life human beings act based largely on self-interest and a limited generosity. I argue that Hume, however, is ultimately ambivalent about the selfish system's conclusions in politics. He puts forth both a nonmoral and a moral solution to the problem of cohesion in modern liberal states. First, he agrees with the selfish system's nonmoral tactic of channeling the self-interest of citizens through well-constructed institutions toward salutary ends. Second, arguing that the first solution is insufficient for the health of a political regime, Hume seeks to expand the limited moral sense of citizens through moral and aesthetic education and through an empowerment of local politics. Hume's second solution is a means within liberalism to combat its own tendencies toward the dissolution of communal ties and the creation of conditions ripe for the emergence of "sensible knaves." Bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  18thC  Hume-politics  Hume-ethics  self-interest  social_order  commerce-doux  moral_sentiments  civic_virtue  education-civic  community  liberalism  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Robert A. Manzer - Hume on Pride and Love of Fame | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Spring, 1996), pp. 333-355
Though resting liberal constitutionalism on appeals to human passion, David Hume was not as dismissive of human virtue as some contemporary critics contend. Rather, he sought to preserve a place for virtue in the private sphere of honor and character, where they would help prevent the excesses of libertinism. This article explores Hume's understanding of how pride and the desire for fame help elevate the character of liberal commercial society and then explores his responses to the problems that arise because pride and love of fame are not fully compatible with the egalitarian and humanitarian ethos of liberal constitutionalism. -- didn't download
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  18thC  Hume-ethics  Hume-politics  civic_virtue  commerce-doux  virtue_ethics  ambition  constitutionalism  egalitarian  moral_sentiments  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Ryan Patrick Hanley - Hume's Last Lessons: The Civic Education of "My Own Life" | JSTOR: The Review of Politics, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Autumn, 2002), pp. 659-685
Hume's concern to promote public virtue is a central element of his philosophical project which deserves more attention than it has received. This article examines one of his most focused efforts at public moralism: his largely forgotten autobiography, "My Own Life". By attending to its account of how Hume employed his vanity and ambition in his pursuit of fame and fortune-and discovered such virtues as temperance, industry, moderation, and independence in the process-it is argued that "My Own Life" was intended to serve as a "mirror-for-citizens" for citizens of modern commercial republics, offering a model of civic virtue and worldly success for them to emulate. To show this Hume's didactic autobiography is compared to that of his friend Benjamin Franklin, which may have served as a model for Hume's. -- didn't download
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  18thC  Hume-ethics  Hume-politics  civic_virtue  community  commerce-doux  ambition  Franklin_Ben  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John M. Warner and John T. Scott - Sin City: Augustine and Machiavelli's Reordering of Rome | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 73, No. 3 (JULY 2011), pp. 857-871
We examine Machiavelli's critical appropriation of Augustine's analysis of Rome's decline and fall in order to understand his own interpretation of Rome and the lessons it offers for a successful republic. If Machiavelli's departure from Augustine is obvious, as seen for example in his exculpation of Romulus for the fratricide Augustine condemns, equally illuminating is what Machiavelli borrows from him. For Augustine, Romulus' fratricide discloses the limits of pagan virtue and politics and reveals that the civic republican view of an early virtuous republic is nostalgic if not impossible. Machiavelli agrees with Augustine about the character of Rome, yet embraces the ambitious and acquisitive politics Augustine rebuffs. Machiavelli not only excuses Romulus' fratricide in "ordering" Rome, but makes it the archetypal act that must be repeated through "reordering" to sustain the state against the perennial problem of corruption. We thereby address two of the primary issues in Machiavelli scholarship—the character of his republicanism and the nature and extent of his innovation with regard to his ancient sources—and suggest that the "civic republican" or "neo-Roman" interpretation of Machiavelli is incorrect in its conclusions concerning his republicanism as well as his relationship to his ancient sources. -- paywall Cambridge journals -- see bibliography on jstor information page
article  jstor  paywall  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  Renaissance  Machiavelli  Roman_Republic  Roman_Empire  Livy  Augustine  pagans  civic_virtue  neo-Roman  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  Strauss  Skinner  Pocock  Cambridge_School  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Steven B. Smith - What Is "Right" In Hegel's Philosophy of Right? | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 83, No. 1 (Mar., 1989), pp. 3-18
I provide a thematic reconstruction of Hegel's positive concept of right. Against those who charge that Hegel denies any role to substantive political evaluation, I argue that the Philosophy of Right articulates a notion of the right to recognition (Anerkennung) as the central feature of the modern state. The concept of recognition, I contend, requires not just toleration of others but a more robust notion of respect for the @'free personality@' that is the philosophical ground of right. The right to recognition is, furthermore, intended to provide the foundation for a new form of ethical life (Sittlichkeit), Hegel's modern analogue to classical conceptions of civic virtue. In conclusion I examine briefly two objections that stand in the way of a contemporary rehabilitation of Hegelian political Philosophy.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  19thC  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  Hegel  natural_rights  tolerance  recognition  civic_virtue  civil_liberties  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Mark E. Warren - Can Participatory Democracy Produce Better Selves? Psychological Dimensions of Habermas's Discursive Model of Democracy | JSTOR: Political Psychology, Vol. 14, No. 2 (Jun., 1993), pp. 209-234
Bibliography on recent democratic theory -- Participatory democrats hold that when individuals participate in democratic processes they are likely to become more tolerant of differences, more attuned to reciprocity, better able to engage in moral discourse and judgment, and more prone to examine their own preferences. These democratic dispositions in turn strengthen democratic processes. Notwithstanding the centrality of this self-transformation thesis to democratic theory, Jürgen Habermas remains the only democratic theorist to have developed an account of transformative processes. This he does by linking democratic discourse to individual development of critical capacities for political judgment, or autonomy. Habermas's account, however, requires reconstruction, since he for the most part addresses his ideas to problems other than those of democratic theory. Such a reconstruction suggests that the self-transformation thesis needs to be qualified: political contexts may elicit, rather than overcome, psychodynamic barriers to autonomy. This and related considerations suggest that democratic transformations of the self are more likely in some kinds of democratic contexts than others. -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_philosophy  social_theory  political_participation  citizens  civic_virtue  democracy  self-development  social_psychology  self  Habermas  discourse_ethics  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John P. McCormick - Machiavelli against Republicanism: On the Cambridge School's "Guicciardinian Moments" | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 31, No. 5 (Oct., 2003), pp. 615-643
Scholars loosely affiliated with the "Cambridge School" (e.g., Pocock, Skinner, Viroli, and Pettit) accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from republicanism for contemporary politics reinforce rather than reform the "senatorial," electorally based, and socioeconomically agnostic republican model (devised by Machiavelli's aristocratic interlocutor, Guicciardini, and refined by Montesquieu and Madison) that permits common citizens to acclaim but not determine government policies. Cambridge School textual interpretations and practical proposals have little connection with Machiavelli's "tribunate," class-specific model of popular government elaborated in The Discourses, one that relies on extra-electoral accountability techniques and embraces deliberative popular assemblies.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  historiography  16thC  21stC  Machiavelli  republicanism  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  oligarchy  elites  populism  public_opinion  popular_politics  political_participation  neo-Roman  class_conflict  accountability  tribune  Guiccidarini  Cambridge_School  rule_of_law  common_good  non-domination  liberty  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Eyal Chowers - The Physiology of the Citizen: The Present-Centered Body and Its Political Exile | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 30, No. 5 (Oct., 2002), pp. 649-676
Shift from civic humanism's optimistic view of man's capacity to build for the future and control sociopolitical environment to pessimistic view of capacity of citizens under raison d'Etat -- 16thC and 17thC increasingly focused on multipart, shifting self and passions vs reason rather than the development of a stable character that Renaissance humanism concerned with. Ties shift to new views of anatomy (eg Harvey) and connections between physiology and psychology and impact on different notions of time relative to self, society and politics. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  cultural_history  natural_philosophy  15thC  16thC  17thC  British_history  France  Italy  Italian_Wars  Renaissance  humanism  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  republicanism  raison-d'-état  Absolutism  emotions  physiology  psychology  medicine  self  time  Machiavelli  Montaigne  Descartes  Gassendi  Hobbes  Locke  Harrington  Harvey  identity  character  mechanism  thinking_matter  mind  mind-body  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Shelley Burtt - The Good Citizen's Psyche: On the Psychology of Civic Virtue | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 23-38
What are the psychological sources of civic virtue in the republican tradition? This article identifies three: the education of the passions, the manipulation of interests, and the compulsion to duty. The author explores each and concludes that an appreciation of their distinctions suggests possibilities for reviving republican virtue in the modern world. -- summary of her virtue for a commercial republic -- She places Bolingbroke with Cicero as advocates of virtue as duty and sacrifice of personal interests -- I think she too narrowly casts Bolingbroke's "theory" as to the particular audience (king and political elites who form and execute policy, not the people who have to guard liberty more generally in his other works; also doesn't adequately account for the enlightened self-interest of the benefits of the common good for all though sacrifice of particular interests may be necessary - eg why enlightened capitalists realize capitalism has to be saved from itself) -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  civic_virtue  liberalism-republicanism_debates  republicanism  Machiavelli  Harrington  Cato's_Letters  Bolingbroke  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Andrew Stark - Corporate Electoral Activity, Constitutional Discourse, and Conceptions of the Individual | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 3 (Sep., 1992), pp. 626-637
Recently, constitutional scholars have begun exploring how far constitutional discourse is governed by competing liberal and republican conceptions of the just or the good society. At the same time, political theorists have placed in doubt how far this debate rests on the metaphysical dichotomy between a radically autonomous and a radically encumbered individual. Scholars, however, have yet to investigate to what extent metaphysical conceptions of the autonomous or the encumbered individual underlie and determine strands of constitutional discourse. I analyze the deep structure of constitutional discourse in one important area--the legitimacy of prohibitions on corporate electoral activity. I show that the constitutional argumentation recurrently mounted against corporate electoral activity rests on a particular version of the radically encumbered individual and that the major constitutional defenses of corporate electoral activity assume a particular version of the radically autonomous individual.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  legal_theory  US_constitution  individualism  liberalism  republicanism  communitarian  civic_virtue  elections  corporations  corporate_governance  campaign_finance  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Christopher Duncan and Shelley Burtt debate - Civic Virtue and Self-Interest | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 89, No. 1 (Mar., 1995), pp. 147-151
In this Review in 1993 Shelley Burtt critiqued contemporary republican theorists who urge a reinvigorated citizenry steeped in the ideal of civic virtue. Christopher Duncan finds the essence of Burtt's argument to be that such a revival is not feasible given the level of self-sacrifice required from citizens. He suggests, however, that contemporary republican theorists, like their ancient predecessor Aristotle, are not calling for altruism or the forsaking of self-interest. Rather, virtuous political participation rightly understood is, in fact, among the highest forms of self-interested behavior. Burtt replies that her earlier remarks discussed a part of the republican revival that had little to do with an Aristotelian politics of virtue, which indeed offers an attractive account of political life as a crucial element in individual self-fulfillment. But she notes also that liberalism rightly reminds us of the dangers of public mobilization and concentrated power; moreover, the political and practical obstacles to private reeducation of the citizenry remain.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  civic_virtue  liberalism-republicanism_debates  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Joshua Foa Dienstag - Serving God and Mammon: The Lockean Sympathy in Early American Political Thought | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 497-511
This paper seeks to revive the old theory of a "Lockean consensus" in early American political thought against the prevailing "republican" view. The language of "virtue" and "slavery," which was pervasive at the time of the founding, and which many have been eager to take as evidence for the influence of civic humanism, in fact has a perfectly plain Lockean provenance. This is established first through a reexamination of Locke that links his account of virtue to a Christian asceticism (i.e., the Protestant Ethic) rather than republican philosophy. That the founders understood virtue in this way is then established through an exploration of Adams and Jefferson. In both cases, it was a Lockean slavery which they feared and a Lockean virtue which they sought. A Lockean sympathy did exist among the founders; in order to understand it, however, it must be distinguished from modern liberalism, with which it has only tenuous connections.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  Jefferson  Adams_John  slavery  civic_virtue  Locke  liberalism-republicanism_debates  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Daniel J. Kapust - The Problem of Flattery and Hobbes's Institutional Defense of Monarchy | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 73, No. 3 (JULY 2011), pp. 680-691
This paper explores Hobbes's defense of monarchy in light of the problem of flattery. In doing so, it addresses two central issues in Hobbes scholarship: his relationship to republicanism, and his attitude toward rhetoric. Faced with criticisms of monarchy rooted in the monarch's susceptibility to flattery, Hobbes defends monarchy by focusing on the benefits of its unitary character. Rather than look to the virtue of monarchs as a bulwark against flattery, Hobbes argues that the singularity of the monarch diminishes the space and scope for flattery. Moreover, the unitary structure of monarchy provides an institutional context more favorable to taking counsel than forms of sovereignty incorporating many individuals. Hobbes's defense of monarchy counters contemporary republicans, incorporating his suspicion of rhetoric without relying on claims of monarchical virtue. -- Cambridge paywall
article  jstor  paywall  17thC  Hobbes  political_philosophy  sovereignty  monarchy  counsel  rhetoric-political  public_opinion  republicanism  civic_virtue  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Dana Harrington - Gender, Commerce, and the Transformation of Virtue in Eighteenth-Century Britain | JSTOR: Rhetoric Society Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Summer, 2001), pp. 33-52
This article examines the shift in views of virtue in eighteenth-century Britain as the emerging middle-class attempted to legitimize commerce and forge a broader concept of citizenship. I illustrate how middle-class values were sanctioned, in part, by relocating the source of civic virtue from the public to the domestic or private sphere. During this transition, women came to be seen as the "civilizing" agents of society, and I demonstrate how this new ethical role prescribed for them was reflected and instantiated in eighteenth-century culture through specific pedagogical practices. By analyzing eighteenth-century conceptions of civic virtue in terms of how they were implicated in specific historical configurations of gender and class, I illustrate the need for further studies that approach ethics as a contingent, unstable category. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  cultural_history  political_history  18thC  British_history  British_politics  commerce-doux  middle_class  gender  civic_virtue  domesticity  education-women  citizens  political_participation  moral_reform  morality-conventional  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Your Evening Jemmy - Esquire - Charlie Pierce
Is there no virtue among us? If there be not, we are in a wretched situation. No theoretical checks--no form of government can render us secure. To suppose that any form of government will secure liberty or happiness without any virtue in the people, is a chimerical idea. If there be sufficient virtue and intelligence in the community, it will be exercised in the selection of these men. So that we do not depend on their virtue, or put confidence in our rulers, but in the people who are to choose them.

-- James Madison, To The Virginia Ratifying Convention, June 20 1788.
quote  18thC  Founders  civic_virtue  US_constitution  Bolingbroke  EF-add 
december 2013 by dunnettreader
Evgeny Morozov on Why Our Privacy Problem is a Democracy Problem in Disguise | MIT Technology Review
When all citizens demand their rights but are unaware of their responsibilities, the political questions that have defined democratic life over centuries—How should we live together? What is in the public interest, and how do I balance my own interest with it?—are subsumed into legal, economic, or administrative domains. “The political” and “the public” no longer register as domains at all; laws, markets, and technologies displace debate and contestation as preferred, less messy solutions.

But a democracy without engaged citizens doesn’t sound much like a democracy—and might not survive as one. This was obvious to Thomas Jefferson, who, while wanting every citizen to be “a participator in the government of affairs,” also believed that civic participation involves a constant tension between public and private life. A society that believes, as Simitis put it, that the citizen’s access to information “ends where the bourgeois’ claim for privacy begins” won’t last as a well-functioning democracy.

Thus the balance between privacy and transparency is especially in need of adjustment in times of rapid technological change. That balance itself is a political issue par excellence, to be settled through public debate and always left open for negotiation. It can’t be settled once and for all by some combination of theories, markets, and technologies. As Simitis said: “Far from being considered a constitutive element of a democratic society, privacy appears as a tolerated contradiction, the implications of which must be continuously reconsidered.”
21stC  tech  Internet  civil_liberties  civic_virtue  democracy  EF-add 
october 2013 by dunnettreader
Amalia D. Kessler: Enforcing Virtue: Social Norms and Self-Interest in an Eighteenth-Century Merchant Court (2004)
JSTOR: Law and History Review, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring, 2004), pp. 71-118 -- though I don't think she frames it this way the merchant court was a sort of self-regulatory organization that imposed norms of charitable virtue where ordinary contract law would have produced anomalous results -- enforcement of community norms reduced transaction costs and supplemented trust networks which expanded the zone of profitable commerce beyond what Ancien_régime legal system would have produced -- though community norms were Christian the Court and its officials could see themselves as promoting common good as virtuous citizens in contrast with a narrow self-interest of eg caveat emptor or strict contract construction
article  jstor  legal_history  economic_history  18thC  France  commerce  merchants  norms  transaction_costs  contracts  SROs  charity  civic_virtue  bibliography  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Andrew Fitzmaurice: The Civic Solution to the Crisis of English Colonization, 1609-1625 (1999)
JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Mar., 1999), pp. 25-51 -- Machiavellian Moment on steroids -- Historians have portrayed the Virginia Company and its colony, the first permanent English settlement in America, as an essentially commercial enterprise. The atmosphere of the colony is represented accordingly as one of proto-capitalist individualism. This paper shows that the Virginia Company promoters described the aims of its colony in civic terms: that is, in terms of a politics of virtue, citizenship, and the pursuit of the common good. Promoters of the colony drew on a civic tradition particularly hostile to commerce; a tradition in which wealth was portrayed as Asiatic luxury and corruption. The civic arguments of the Company were a response to the commercial and human disasters which characterized the first years of the colony and its Elizabethan predecessors. The civic ideology promoted by the Company was an attempt to remedy what were perceived to be the causes of this disastrous situation - corruption, greed, faction, and idleness. The promoters' civic arguments also provided an ideological motivation both for potential investors and colonists who might otherwise have been deterred by the financial and human expense.
article  jstor  17thC  James_I  political_philosophy  colonialism  American_colonies  republicanism  civic_virtue  luxury  commerce  common_good  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Review by: J. G. A. Pocock - Virtue Transformed: Political Argument in England, 1688-1740 by Shelley Burtt (1993)
JSTOR: The American Historical Review, Vol. 98, No. 3 (Jun., 1993), pp. 869-871 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- a generous review since she set out to "prove" Pocock wrong. His description of the republican position within the moral and political economy debates across the 18thC is far more nuanced than his summary anti-commerce has been taken. Still, both she and he seem to think Bolingbroke was a fraud who was scaring his audience with fantasies of corruption and the horrors of public debt. Ignoring the reality Bolingbroke knew in 18thC and swallowing neoliberalism in the 20thC. He had more legitimate grounds than Niall Ferguson today.
bookshelf  books  reviews  Pocock  18thC  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  republicanism  civic_virtue  liberalism  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Paul A. Rahe: Republicanism Modernized - review of A Kalyvas & I Katznelson, Liberal Beginnings: Making a Republic for the Moderns
Project MUSE - Reviews in American History Volume 37, Number 2, June 2009 pp. 205-210 | 10.1353/rah.0.0100 -- This slim volume consists of 7 chapters: an intro situating its argument with regard to the 2ndry lit on republicanism and liberalism; substantive chapters on A Smith, A Ferguson, T Paine and J Madison, G de Staël, and B Constant; and a five-page concluding chapter suggesting what these figures have in common. It is in the subdtantive chapters, taken individually, that the value of the book lies...... Had they read more widely in the 2ndry lit, had they taken the trouble to study with care the writings of Nedham, Harrington, Henry Neville, John Wildman, Algernon Sidney, Moyle, Trenchard, Gordon, and James Burgh (among others), [they] would have seen that the analytical accounts of the history of republicanism provided by [ Pocock and Skinner] are fundamentally at odds; they would have been forced to consider whether there was not a profound difference between the early modern republicanism inspired by Machiavelli and that of the Greeks and Romans; and they would have been driven to ponder whether the liberal beginnings to which the title of this book refers do not, in fact, go back to the 1650s. Moreover, had they done so, they would have been in a better position to define with precision what they mean by republicanism and liberalism. .... [and] whether constitutional monarchies should be regarded as republics and, if so, why; and whether there were any liberals in the second half of the eighteenth century and the first two decades of the nineteenth century who were not also republicans and what would define them as such. Alternatively, [they] could have dismissed the republicanism-liberalism debate as beside the point.... [Rather it's] the distinction drawn by Montesquieu (whom they mention only in passing) between the democratic republics of classical antiquity and the strange, new commercial republic disguised as a monarchy that he discovered during the months he spent in England. It was, after all, The Spirit of Laws that inspired the ruminations of Smith, Ferguson, Paine, Madison, de Staël, and Constant; and it was in response to his political typology that they framed their arguments. Montesquieu was the superintending spirit of the age.
books  bookshelf  reviews  intellectual_history  historiography  political_philosophy  liberalism  republicanism  17thC  18thC  19thC  French_Enlightenment  Scottish_Enlightenment  French_Revolution  American_Revolution  US_constitution  Founders  Napoleonic_Wars  Constant  de_Staël  Madison  Paine  Smith  Ferguson  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  Montesquieu  civic_virtue  commerce  monarchy  limited_monarchy  Britain  France  British_politics  French_politics  paywall  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Margaret Jacob: Was the Eighteenth-Century Republican Essentially Anticapitalist? | Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts
Citation: Jacob, Margaret . “Was the Eighteenth-Century Republican Essentially Anticapitalist?.” Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts 2, no. 1 (December 15, 2010): http://rofl.stanford.edu/node/66. -- In "Limits of Atlantic Republican Tradition" issue -- downloaded pdf to Note -- With considerable insight in chapter thirteen of The Machiavellian Moment, Pocock interrogated the many Augustan responses to the reality of markets and credit. Where we have parted ways concerns the assertion that “civic humanist values . . . virtually defined rentier and entrepreneur as corrupt.” The rage against stockjobbers or actionists was so intense on both sides of the Channel, I would suggest, precisely because the republican imagination had come to accept the mercantile entrepreneur as a model citizen characterized by caution and probity, by cooperation in social relations, an exemplar of stability.
article  intellectual_history  political_economy  political_culture  economic_culture  political_philosophy  republicanism  Pocock  Machiavelli  17thC  18thC  Britain  British_politics  Dutch  capital_markets  bubbles  South_Sea_Crisis  international_finance  civic_virtue  corruption  commerce  monied_interest  merchants  monopolies  Cato's_Letters  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
J. G. A. Pocock: The Atlantic Republican Tradition: The Republic of the Seven Provinces | Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts
Citation: Pocock, J. G. A.. “The Atlantic Republican Tradition: The Republic of the Seven Provinces.” Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts2, no. 1 (December 15, 2010): http://rofl.stanford.edu/node/72. In "Limits of the Atlantic Republican Tradition" issue -- downloaded pdf to Note-- Hence the debate between ancient and modern liberty, to be found in Britain a century before it was taken up by Benjamin Constant. It was a debate by no means uniquely British, but in the form it took in Britain a class of free landholders, whose history could be traced back through Gothic to classic and Greco-Roman times, played a crucial role. The image of the republic, it needs repeating, was not presented as a norm to be imitated; it was a bench­mark for the interpretation of history, for measuring the gains and losses of movement away from it. This narrative, shaped by a succession of historians from Bruni to Robertson, developed concurrently with a “philosophic” history of human (but European) society, based on the stadial sequence from hunter-gatherers to merchants and capitalists and culminating in the political economy of Adam Smith. In this complex historiography, the role of medieval leagues of merchant republics, Lombard, Hanseatic, and Dutch, was important but problematic; and it is here that the anglophone and Atlantic reader, rightly or wrongly, finds the key to the problem of Dutch republican thought.
article  16thC  17thC  18thC  intellectual_history  political_history  political_culture  historiography  lessons-of-history  republicanism  Machiavelli  Britain  British_politics  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Dutch  city_states  Holy_Roman_Empire  commerce  trade  landed_interest  burghers  oligarchy  corruption  civic_virtue  William_III  Queen_Anne  George_III  tyranny  Stadholder  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Robin Douglass - Montesquieu and Modern Republicanism - 2012 - Political Studies - Wiley Online Library
Douglass, R. (2012), Montesquieu and Modern Republicanism. Political Studies, 60: 703–719. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00932.x -- In this article I explore Montesquieu's discussion of republics and the constitution of England in order to question the extent to which he should be accorded a central place in a tradition of modern republicanism. This involves challenging Paul Rahe's recent thesis that Montesquieu thought both that monarchy was not at all suited to modernity and that England was a republic all along. By stressing the importance of honour and ambition I argue that the liberty that Montesquieu thought exemplified in the English constitution was, in large part, secured by its monarchical principle. Moreover, by eschewing the relevance of political virtue for modern commercial societies, Montesquieu set his own proposals out in opposition to the prevalent French republican discourse of his time; thus it is highly problematic to view him as having proposed a republic for the moderns. The article also serves to disentangle Montesquieu's understanding of political liberty from his analysis of republics in order to refute the idea that he provides support for a distinctively republican conception of liberty as non-domination. This undermines the republican critique of liberalism set forth by Philip Pettit, which is further challenged by considering the affinities between Montesquieu's and Constant's conceptions of liberty. Many commentators have argued that Montesquieu repudiated classical republicanism, yet on the reading advanced in this article it is equally problematic to view him as a modern republican.
article  Wiley  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  21stC  Montesquieu  republicanism  civic_virtue  commerce  monarchy  honor  find  EF-add  English_constitution 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Markku Peltonen: Politeness and Whiggism, 1688-1732 (2005)
JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 48, No. 2 (Jun., 2005), pp. 391-414 Downloaded pdf to Note Good challenge to Pocock on Whigs modernizing civic virtue to accommodate commerce via non-aristocratic politeness - especially dismantles Klein's simplistic Shaftsbury=Spectator=Whiggism=anti-Tories Useful bibliography, both English and French, 17thC-18thC Focus on Mandeville and Cato's Letters as anti Shaftsbury
jstor  article  17thC  18thC  Britain  France  cultural_history  political_history  British_politics  Whigs  Addison  Steele  Shaftesbury  Locke  Mandeville  Cato's_Letters  elites  aristocracy  commerce  urban  moral_philosophy  Tories  Ramsay  Fenelon  historiography  political_philosophy  civic_virtue  Pocock  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2013 by dunnettreader
Harold Pollack: The complacency of the meritocrats (Mankiw) | WonkBlog 6-21-13
I’m puzzled by Mankiw’s argument, which combines a breezy tone with extreme disdain for “the left,” an ecumenical term he uses to describe everyone from President Obama to French President Francois Hollande to Joseph Stiglitz and the Occupy movement. At one point, Mankiw writes: “the same logic of social insurance that justifies income redistribution similarly justifies government-mandated kidney donation.”

Mankiw instead trumpets what he calls the “just deserts” perspective.... Why should people’s market wages so strongly determine what they deserve to have in life?Productivity matters, but other things matter, too. On a good day, my brother-in-law earns $10 putting soap pads into boxes at a sheltered workshop. His just deserts reside in his claim to equal, dignified citizenship, not his meager ability to produce goods and services.

Mankiw misconstrues the president’s real argument. Sure, the affluent disproportionately benefit from government and should pay more, but the point goes beyond infrastructure. It’s about what we owe each other given our differing roles and resources in a prosperous, interconnected society.
political_economy  US_politics  neoliberalism  Providence  civic_virtue  democracy  solidarity  plutocracy  inequality 
june 2013 by dunnettreader

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