dunnettreader + article + monarchy   24

Blaydes
We document a divergence in the duration of rule for monarchs in Western Europe and the Islamic world beginning in the medieval period. While leadership tenures in the two regions were similar in the 8th century, Christian kings became increasingly long lived compared to Muslim sultans. We argue that forms of executive constraint that emerged under feudal institutions in Western Europe were associated with increased political stability and find empirical support for this argument. While feudal institutions served as the basis for military recruitment by European monarchs, Muslim sultans relied on mamlukism—or the use of military slaves imported from non-Muslim lands. Dependence on mamluk armies limited the bargaining strength of local notables vis-à-vis the sultan, hindering the development of a productively adversarial relationship between ruler and local elites. We argue that Muslim societies' reliance on mamluks, rather than local elites, as the basis for military leadership, may explain why the Glorious Revolution occurred in England, not Egypt. - downloaded via iphone to dbox
governance-participation  Sultans  Islamic_empires  Europe  military_history  medieval_history  political_participation  article  political_history  political_culture  feudalism  militarization-society  Mamluks  bibliography  Europe-Medieval  monarchy  Great_Divergence  governing_class  government-forms  elites-political_influence  downloaded  state-building  jstor 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
Doohwan Ahn - From Greece to Babylon: The political thought of Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686–1743) | History of European Ideas, Dec 2011 — ScienceDirect
History of European Ideas, December 2011, Vol.37(4):421–437, doi:10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2010.12.005 -- Doohwan Ahn , University of Cambridge, Hughes Hall
This paper explores the political thought of Andrew Michael Ramsay with particular reference to his highly acclaimed book called A New Cyropaedia, or the Travels of Cyrus (1727). Dedicated to Prince Charles Edward Stuart, the Young Pretender, to whom he was tutor, this work has been hitherto viewed as a Jacobite imitation of the Telemachus, Son of Ulysses (1699) of his eminent teacher archbishop Fénelon of Cambrai. By tracing the dual legacy of the first Persian Emperor Cyrus in Western thought, I demonstrate that Ramsay was as much indebted to Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet's Discourse on Universal History (1681) as he was to Fénelon's political romance. Ramsay took advantage of Xenophon's silence about the eponymous hero's adolescent education in his Cyropaedia, or the Education of Cyrus (c. 380 B.C.), but he was equally inspired by the Book of Daniel, where the same Persian prince was eulogised as the liberator of the Jewish people from their captivity in Babylon. The main thrust of Ramsay's adaptation was not only to revamp the Humanist-cum-Christian theory and practice of virtuous kingship for a restored Jacobite regime, but on a more fundamental level, to tie in secular history with biblical history. In this respect, Ramsay's New Cyropaedia, or the Travels of Cyrus, was not just another Fénelonian political novel but more essentially a work of universal history. In addition to his Jacobite model of aristocratic constitutional monarchy, it was this Bossuetian motive for universal history, which was first propounded by the German reformer Philipp Melanchthon in his Chronicon Carionis (1532), that most decisively separated Ramsay from Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke, author of another famous advice book for princes of the period, The Idea of a Patriot King (written in late 1738 for the education of Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales, but officially published in 1749).
article  downloaded  Academia.edu  intellectual_history  17thC  18thC  universal_history  France  British_history  political_philosophy  Ramsay  Bolingbroke  Fenelon  Bossuet  Jacobites  monarchy  Patriot_King  mirror_for_princes  Bible-as-history  ancient_history  ancient_Greece  Xenophon  Old_Testament  Cyrus_the_Great  Melanchthon  constitutional_monarchy  constitutional_regime  limited_monarchy  Frederick_Prince_of_Wales  Bonnie_Prince_Charlie  kingship 
november 2016 by dunnettreader
Annelien De Dijn - The Politics of Enlightenment: From Peter Gay to Jonathan Israel | Academia.edu - The Historical Journal (2012)
ANNELIEN de DIJN (2012). THE POLITICS OF ENLIGHTENMENT: FROM PETER GAY TO JONATHAN ISRAEL. The Historical Journal,55, pp 785-805 doi:10.1017/S0018246X12000301 -- Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/HIS -- According to the textbook version of history, the Enlightenment played a crucial role in the creation of the modern, liberal democracies of the West. Ever since this view – which we might describe as the modernization thesis – was first formulated by Gay, it has been repeatedly criticized as misguided: a myth. Yet, as this paper shows, it continues to survive in postwar historiography, in particular in the Anglophone world. Indeed, Gay's most important and influential successors – historians such as Darnton and Porter – all ended up defending the idea that the Enlightenment was a major force in the creation of modern democratic values and institutions. More recently, Israel's trilogy has revived the modernization thesis, albeit in a dramatic new form. Yet, even Israel's work, as its critical reception highlights, does not convincingly demonstrate that the Enlightenment, as an intellectual movement, contributed in any meaningful way to the creation of modern political culture. This conclusion raises a new question: if the Enlightenment did not create our modern democracies, then what did it do? In answer to that question, this paper suggests that we should take more seriously the writings of enlightened monarchists like Nicolas-Antoine Boulanger. Studying the Enlightenment might not allow us to understand why democratic political culture came into being. But, as Boulanger's work underscores, it might throw light on an equally important problem: why democracy came so late in the day. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  Academia.edu  intellectual_history  political_history  political_philosophy  Enlightenment  French_Enlightenment  historiography  modernization_theory  democracy  Ancien_régime  philosophes  monarchy  limited_monarchy  monarchical_republic  monarchists  monarchy-proprietary  Absolutism  government-forms  Boulanger_Nicholas-Antoine  historiography-19thC  French_Revolution-impact  French_Revolution  enlightened_absolutism  political_culture  democratization  downloaded 
march 2016 by dunnettreader
Alexandra HYARD - DUGALD STEWART, LES « ÉCONOMISTES » ET LA RÉVOLUTION FRANÇAISE | JSTOR: Annales historiques de la Révolution française, No. 345 (Juillet/Septembre 2006), pp. 115-141
En 1789, Dugald Stewart (1753-1828) salue, comme de nombreux intellectuels écossais, la Révolution française. Il y voit la première tentative de mise en pratique des principes du rationalisme politique français, que la théorie politique des « Économistes » a, selon lui, fournis. Toutefois, au fil du temps, Stewart évoque en des termes de moins en moins élogieux cette expérience révolutionnaire. Mais, contrairement à la majeure partie de l'opinion publique écossaise, il ne rejette pas le projet des Français. Si au début des années 1800, ce philosophe écossais croit encore dans le bien-fondé des idées de 1789, c'est en raison, d'une part, de ses convictions whigs, qui le rendent sensible au rationalisme politique des Français, et, d'autre part, des solutions que la monarchie rationalisée des « Économistes » peut, en partie, apporter aux problèmes rencontrés par la monarchie anglaise. In 1789, Dugald Stewart (1753-1828), like many Scottish intellectuals, welcomed the French Revolution. He saw it as the first attempt to apply the principles of French political rationalism that the political theory of the « Economistes » had provided. Stewart, however, grew less and less laudatory about this revolutionary experience. In contrast to the greater part of Scottish public opinion, however, he did not reject the French experiment. If at the beginning of the 1800's, this Scottish philosopher still believed in the legitimacy of the ideas of 1789, it was partly because his whig convictions made him receptive to the political rationalism of the French, and partly because he felt that the solutions of a more rational monarchy as envisaged in the writing of the « Economistes » might prove useful in partially resolving problems encountered by the British monarchy. -- huge number of cites -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_economy  18thC  19thC  Scottish_Enlightenment  French_Revolution  Stewart_Dugald  economic_theory  rationalist  institution-building  institutional_change  British_politics  monarchy  government-forms  reform-political  reform-economic  1790s  1800s  1810s  1820s  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Marc BELISSA - REPENSER L'ORDRE EUROPÉEN (1795-1802). DE LA SOCIÉTÉ DES ROIS AUX DROITS DES NATIONS | JSTOR: Annales historiques de la Révolution française, No. 343 (Janvier/Mars 2006), pp. 163-166
Brief summary of thesis defended 2005, l'Université Paris I Sorbonne - surprise, surprise, Lucien Bély on his committee with the notion of the 18thC as the last stage of the société des princes and the French Revolution forcing the end of the dynastic wars -- though focus is on the period of the Directoire and Napoleon up through Amiens, he places it in the context of the European dynastic system as structured by the Peace of Utrecht -- highlights an interdisciplinary approach -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  thesis  18thC  1790s  1800s  Europe  Europe-19thC  balance_of_power  French_Revolution  IR  IR_theory  Westphalia  sovereignty  dynasties  nation-state  diplomatic_history  political_culture  counter-revolution  Jacobins  republicanism  Europe-federalism  Peace_of_Utrecht  société_des_princes  national_interest  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  France  French_politics  French_Revolutionary_Wars  Directoire  monarchy  social_order  legal_system  international_law  international_system  natural_law  citizenship  subjects  property  elites  political_economy  economic_culture  political_participation  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Richard J. Ross, Philip J. Stern - Reconstructing Early Modern Notions of Legal Pluralism in "Legal Pluralism and Empires, 1500-1850", ed. Lauren Benton and Richard J. Ross (2013) :: SSRN
Richard J. Ross, U. of Illinois College of Law; U. of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Dept of History - Philip J. Stern, Duke History Dept -- Legal pluralism occurs when two or more legal orders exert control within a given territory or over a particular social group and yet are not part of a single hierarchical “system” under a coordinating authority. Most historical scholarship on legal pluralism concentrates on its shifting structures in local contexts and on its political and economic implications. By contrast, our essay probes historical actors’ uses of political and religious thought to justify or undermine plural legal regimes in the late 16thC through early 18thC. Historians of early modern political thought preoccupied with the rise of the modern state have lavished attention on ‘centralizing’ discourses, particularly theorists such as Bodin, Hobbes, and Pufendorf represented as champions of sovereignty. Against this tendency, we emphasize how ideological support for plural legal orders could be found in a wide range of intellectual projects. These ranged from debates over the right of resistance and the divine right of rulers, through historical work on the ancient Jewish commonwealth and theological disputes over which precepts “bound conscience,” and finally to writings on political economy and the place of family. -- The central ambition of our article is to provide an alternative historical genealogy for legal scholars of pluralism. Workaday legal pluralism did not struggle against a predominantly hostile intellectual climate. Many discourses supported pluralism. And the most emphatic theorists of a powerful singular sovereign were often responding to intellectual projects that valorized pluralism.
article  books  SSRN  intellectual_history-distorted  legal_history  legal_system  Europe-Early_Modern  16thC  17thC  18thC  nation-state  centralization  central_government  sovereignty  territory  pluralism-legal  pluralism  custom  customary_law  family  state-building  political_economy  political_culture  religious_history  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  law-and-religion  canon_law  church_history  church_courts  Bodin  Hobbes  Pufendorf  natural_law  colonialism  empires  commonwealth  Hebrew_commonwealth  resistance_theory  divine_right  monarchy  moral_philosophy  political_philosophy  theology  casuistry  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
LLOYD BOWEN -- ROYALISM, PRINT, AND THE CLERGY IN BRITAIN, 1639–1640 AND 1642. (2013). | The Historical Journal, 56, pp 297-319. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
LLOYD BOWEN - University of Cardiff -- Charles I and his clerical supporters are often said to have been wary of print and public discussion, only entering the public sphere reluctantly and to comparatively little effect during the political crisis of 1642. This article challenges such views by focusing on the neglected role of official forms of print such as proclamations, declarations, and state prayers and their promulgation in the nation's churches. It traces the ways in which the king utilized the network of parish clergy to broadcast his message and mobilize support during the Scottish crisis of 1639–40 and again in the ‘paper war’ of 1642. The article argues that traditional forms of printed address retained their potency and influence despite the proliferation of polemical pamphlets and newsbooks. The significance of these mobilizations is demonstrated by the profound disquiet they caused among the king's Covenanter and parliamentarian opponents as well as the ‘good effects’ they had in generating support for the royalist cause. -* I am most grateful to Mark Stoyle, Mark Kishlansky, John Walter, Jacqueline Eales, and the anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts of this article. -- available for download
article  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  Charles_I  propaganda  monarchy  Church_of_England  clergy  parish  politics-and-religion  political_culture  public_opinion  religious_culture  authority  political_order  publishing  pamphlets  political_press  prayers-state  religion-established  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Margaret C. Jacob - How Radical Was the Enlightenment? What Do We Mean by Radical? | Diametros
Distinguished Professor of History, UCLA Email: mjacob@history.ucla.edu
-- The Radical Enlightenment has been much discussed and its original meaning somewhat distorted. In 1981 my concept of the storm that unleashed a new, transnational intellectual movement possessed a strong contextual and political element that I believed, and still believe, to be critically important. Idealist accounts of enlightened ideas that divorce them from politics leave out the lived quality of the new radicalism born in reaction to monarchical and clerical absolutism. Taking the religious impulse seriously and working to defang it of bellicosity would require years of labor. First all the world’s religions had to be surveyed, see Picart’s seven folio volumes; and Rousseau’s Savoyard vicar had to both preach and live religion simply as true virtue; and finally Jefferson editing the Bible so as to get the irrational parts simply removed, thus making people more fit to grant a complete religious toleration. Throughout the century all these approaches to revealed religion may be legitimately described as radical. Each produced a different recommendation for its replacement. As I have now come to see, the pantheism I identified in 1981 would lead in many directions, among them lay the search to understand all human religiosity and to articulate a universal natural religion. -- Keywords - Atheism materialism absolutism French Protestant refugees Dutch cities religious toleration Bernard Picart Jonathan Israel English freethinkers Papal condemnation Rousseau pantheism Jefferson -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  intellectual_history  religious_history  cultural_history  political_history  17thC  18thC  Dutch  British_history  Enlightenment  Radical_Enlightenment  French_Enlightenment  political_culture  politics-and-religion  religion-established  religious_belief  comparative_religion  comparative_anthropology  monotheism  natural_religion  natural_philosophy  materialism  tolerance  natural_rights  naturalism  pantheism  atheism  atheism_panic  anticlerical  Absolutism  monarchy  monarchy-proprietary  publishing  public_sphere  Picart  Rousseau  Jefferson  revelation  Biblical_authority  Bible-as-history  Biblical_criticism  Huguenots  free-thinkers  Papacy  papal_infallibility  censorship  Republic_of_Letters  rational_religion  American_colonies  Early_Republic  ecclesiology  querelle_des_rites  virtue  moral_philosophy  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Charles W. A. Prior - Ecclesiology and Political Thought in England, 1580-c. 1630 | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 48, No. 4 (Dec., 2005), pp. 855-884
This article examines the ways in which debates on ecclesiology in the Church of England served as a venue for the examination of political precept. It argues in particular that polemical sources - whether sermons, pamphlets, or longer works - reveal that discussion of conformity, the nature of the church, and its doctrine and discipline led to a broader examination of law, sovereignty, parliament, and the political costs of religious discord. Underlying the dispute was a fundamental tension over civil and sacred authority, and the relationship between politics - the realm of human custom and history - and doctrine - the realm of the divine and immemorial. The article offers a number of revisions to current discussions of the history of political thought, while pointing to the importance of religious discourse for our understanding of the political tensions that existed in the years prior to the English civil war. -- extensive bibliography across political and religious history and political thought, theology and ecclesiology -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  16thC  17thC  British_history  British_politics  church_history  Church_of_England  religious_culture  religious_belief  religious_lit  ecclesiology  Laudian  Calvinist  Puritans  godly_persons  theocracy  Erastianism  political_philosophy  political_press  political_culture  politics-and-religion  divine_right  monarchy  commonwealth  authority  legitimacy  sovereignty  Parliament  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
David Cressy - Revolutionary England 1640-1642 | JSTOR: Past & Present, No. 181 (Nov., 2003), pp. 35-71
Both an historiographical review of the revisionism debates on the English Civil War and n elaboration of Cressy views that inform his work on the 17thC -- Sees decline and rise of Charles I position linked to explosion of revolutions in every category of English society - not only political and religious - and Parliamentarians failure to manage or bring under control. Civil War when governing class, long anxious re social change, took different sides in what to be done. The conflict continued to play out the next 2 decades. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  change-social  social_history  cultural_history  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  religious_history  religious_culture  church_history  politics-and-religion  monarchy  Absolutism  mixed_government  middle_class  lower_orders  public_sphere  public_opinion  local_government  godly_persons  Laudian  Church_of_England  Puritans  Presbyterians  City_politics  merchants  mercantilism  Protestant_International  anti-Catholic  elite_culture  landed_interest  gentry  court_culture  courtiers  legal_system  legal_culture  common_law  James_I  Charles_I  downloaded  English_constitution 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Stephen Alford, historiographical review - Politics and Political History in the Tudor Century | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Jun., 1999), pp. 535-548
Recent writing on the Tudor century emphasizes the importance to the history of politics of the study of political processes. Tudor historians are, for the most part, less willing than hitherto to describe bureaucracies or institutions of government, and more concerned to present politics as something dynamic rather than static. Although their work remains rooted in the archives, Tudor specialists are increasingly receptive to the significance of (for example) political language, iconography, and literature. This article examines a number of recent contributions, in the context of post-war Tudor historiography. It accepts that the insights of other disciplines can enhance the study of sixteenth-century politics, and welcomes the intellectual and cultural turn in recent writing, but maintains that Tudor culture is not always being reconstructed with the sensitivity it needs. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  political_history  cultural_history  intellectual_history  iconography  political_philosophy  political_culture  social_process  change-social  16thC  British_history  British_politics  Tudor  monarchy  monarchy-proprietary  Reformation  politics-and-religion  Parliament  downloaded  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
James Hankins - Exclusivist Republicanism and the Non-Monarchical Republic | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 38, No. 4 (August 2010), pp. 452-482
The idea that a republic is the only legitimate form of government and that non-elective monarchy and hereditary political privileges are by definition illegitimate is an artifact of late eighteenth century republicanism, though it has roots in the "godly republics" of the seventeenth century. It presupposes understanding a republic (respublica) to be a non-monarchical form of government. The latter definition is a discursive practice that goes back only to the fifteenth century and is not found in Roman or medieval sources. This article explains how the definition emerged in Renaissance Italy. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_history  political_culture  antiquity  Roman_Empire  Roman_Republic  concepts-change  Renaissance  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  English_Civil_War  French_Revolution  American_Revolution  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  city_states  monarchy  limited_monarchy  Absolutism  Old_Testament  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Graham Hammill - MIRACLES AND PLAGUES: Plague Discourse as Political Thought | JSTOR: Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Fall/Winter 2010), pp. 85-104
This paper proposes that early modern English writers used plague discourse to explore contradictions in the constitution, configuration, and preservation of the body politic. The plague was the other side of the miracle, the figure by which early modern political philosophers theorized and debated interrelations between the mystical authority of the sovereign and the emergence of new forms of life. While plague legislation offered a paradigm of community based on immunization, local responses to the plague by writers such as Thomas Dekker, Hanoch Clapham, and George Wither called for neighborly and democratic forms of sociality. But the early modern English writer who experimented most dramatically with plague discourse was Michael Drayton. His plague poem, Moses, His Birth and Miracles, uses central themes and concerns from both plague legislation and protest literature to explore relations between reform-minded poetry and the plague and to account for the violence that attends political reform. -- interesting bibliography and frame though most of paper on early Stuart poetry -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_culture  religious_culture  16thC  17thC  British_history  monarchy  Absolutism  miracles  medicine  body  macro-microcosm  public_health  body_politic  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Anne McLaren - Rethinking Republicanism: "Vindiciae, contra tyrannos" in Context | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 49, No. 1 (Mar., 2006), pp. 23-52
The article takes issue with current orthodoxy concerning early modern republicanism, centred on Quentin Skinner's model of classical republicanism. I argue that historians of political thought need to return to first principles in their practice in order to understand early modern republicanism, and I provide an example by using those principles to reassess one canonical text, Philippe de Plessis Mornay's Vindiciae, contra tyrannos. Reading the Vindiciae in context reveals it as a work whose radicalism lies, not in its engagement with the Roman law tradition, but in its express conviction that each and every individual is responsible for maintaining a covenanted relationship with God. My reassessment tracks the political, and specifically regicidal, consequences of commitment to that belief in England from the late sixteenth through the mid-seventeenth centuries. It destabilizes the anachronistic distinction between 'political' and 'religious' modes of thought that historians of political thought too often use to characterize early modern political discourse, and it points to the common ground shared and articulated by theorists including, inter alia, John Ponet, George Buchanan, and John Milton. The conclusion considers what this investigation reveals about republicanism as a political phenomenon in Europe and America from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  religious_history  politics-and-religion  political-theology  16thC  17thC  18thC  Europe-Early_Modern  France  British_history  British_politics  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Wars_of_Religion  English_Civil_War  monarchy  republicanism  neo-Roman  civic_humanism  Buchanan  Milton  Reformation  Skinner  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Daniel J. Kapust - The Problem of Flattery and Hobbes's Institutional Defense of Monarchy | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 73, No. 3 (JULY 2011), pp. 680-691
This paper explores Hobbes's defense of monarchy in light of the problem of flattery. In doing so, it addresses two central issues in Hobbes scholarship: his relationship to republicanism, and his attitude toward rhetoric. Faced with criticisms of monarchy rooted in the monarch's susceptibility to flattery, Hobbes defends monarchy by focusing on the benefits of its unitary character. Rather than look to the virtue of monarchs as a bulwark against flattery, Hobbes argues that the singularity of the monarch diminishes the space and scope for flattery. Moreover, the unitary structure of monarchy provides an institutional context more favorable to taking counsel than forms of sovereignty incorporating many individuals. Hobbes's defense of monarchy counters contemporary republicans, incorporating his suspicion of rhetoric without relying on claims of monarchical virtue. -- Cambridge paywall
article  jstor  paywall  17thC  Hobbes  political_philosophy  sovereignty  monarchy  counsel  rhetoric-political  public_opinion  republicanism  civic_virtue  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Matthew Kaldane: Anti-Trinitarianism and the Republican Tradition in Enlightenment Britain | Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts
Citation: Kadane, Matthew. “Anti-Trinitarianism and the Republican Tradition in Enlightenment Britain.” Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts 2, no. 1 (December 15, 2010): http://rofl.stanford.edu/node/68.-- In "Limits of Atlantic Republican Tradition" issue -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Writing in the opening months of the French Revolution and in response to the accusation of anti-monarchical republicanism, Joseph Priestley explained in self-defense that if he was a “unitarian in religion” he remained “a trinitarian in politics” The republican-leaning Priestley was making a subtle distinction, but if the image of a political Trinitarian who held faith in Commons, Lords, and monarch could concisely illustrate what was surprising, if not paradoxical, about the political outlook of a religious Unitarian, it was because the link between republicanism and anti-Trinitarianism was so common.  By the end of the century, in the paranoid 1790s—when, whatever his subtle outlook, “Gunpowder Joe” Priestley could be construed as a Guy Fawkes style terrorist—Edmund Burke helped defeat the Unitarian Relief Bill of 1792 in the Commons by comparing Unitarians to “insect reptiles” that “fill us with disgust” and “if they go above their natural size . . . become objects of the greatest terror.” Given the republican implications in the Glorious Revolution and the century of Enlightenment it helped set in motion, anti-Trinitarianism therefore presents something of a paradox: republicans were drawn to it in great enough numbers to make it an unofficial religious outlook of the republican tradition, but it was explicitly criminalized in the state that was more republican, at least up to 1776, than any other major Atlantic state apart from the Dutch Republic.
article  intellectual_history  political_history  religious_history  political_culture  religious_culture  republicanism  anti-Trinitarian  17thC  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  theology  Church_of_England  dissenters  tolerance  Priestley  Burke  divine_right  monarchy  heterodoxy  Wilkes  Glorious_Revolution  French_Revolution  Counter-Enlightenment  anti-Jacobin  middle_class  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Robin Douglass - Montesquieu and Modern Republicanism - 2012 - Political Studies - Wiley Online Library
Douglass, R. (2012), Montesquieu and Modern Republicanism. Political Studies, 60: 703–719. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00932.x -- In this article I explore Montesquieu's discussion of republics and the constitution of England in order to question the extent to which he should be accorded a central place in a tradition of modern republicanism. This involves challenging Paul Rahe's recent thesis that Montesquieu thought both that monarchy was not at all suited to modernity and that England was a republic all along. By stressing the importance of honour and ambition I argue that the liberty that Montesquieu thought exemplified in the English constitution was, in large part, secured by its monarchical principle. Moreover, by eschewing the relevance of political virtue for modern commercial societies, Montesquieu set his own proposals out in opposition to the prevalent French republican discourse of his time; thus it is highly problematic to view him as having proposed a republic for the moderns. The article also serves to disentangle Montesquieu's understanding of political liberty from his analysis of republics in order to refute the idea that he provides support for a distinctively republican conception of liberty as non-domination. This undermines the republican critique of liberalism set forth by Philip Pettit, which is further challenged by considering the affinities between Montesquieu's and Constant's conceptions of liberty. Many commentators have argued that Montesquieu repudiated classical republicanism, yet on the reading advanced in this article it is equally problematic to view him as a modern republican.
article  Wiley  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  21stC  Montesquieu  republicanism  civic_virtue  commerce  monarchy  honor  find  EF-add  English_constitution 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
François Furet and Mona Ozouf: Deux légitimations historiques de la société française au XVIIIe siècle: Mably et Boulainvilliers (1979)
JSTOR: Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 34e Année, No. 3 (May - Jun., 1979), pp. 438-450 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- The purpose of the article is to compare the descriptions and analyses of the history of France written at the beginning and end of the 18th century by Boulainvilliers and Mably. The aristocratic interpretation of the first author seems totally opposed to the democratic theory of the second. But in reality both historians use the same conceptual elements, drawn from the enlightened milieux of the period: Germanic invasions, formation of the nation, the traditional liberties periodically reaffirmed in the "Champs de mai", the contract binding nation and monarchy together. Thus the growth of a civil society, its movement toward the seizure of power which emerges openly in the reign of Louis XIV, is explained in one case as the revival of aristocratic prerogatives, in the other as the just rights of the Third Estate.
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_history  politics-and-history  legitimacy  18thC  France  Absolutism  monarchy  nobility  Third_Estate  Boulainvilliers  Mably  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2013 by dunnettreader
Malina Stefanovska: A Monumental Triptych: Saint-Simon's Parallele des trois premiers rois Bourbons (1996)
JSTOR: French Historical Studies, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Autumn, 1996), pp. 927-942 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- part if issue on Early Modern biography - both written in the period and changes in current biographical practice
article  jstor  historiography  biography-writing  bibliography  memoirs  mirror_for_princes  17thC  18thC  France  Saint_Simon  monarchy  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2013 by dunnettreader
R. Koebner: JSTOR: Despot and Despotism: Vicissitudes of a Political Term (1951)
JSTOR: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 14, No. 3/4 (1951), pp. 275-302 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Voltaire was very displeased with how Montesquieu popularized the neologism which first made its appearance in 17thC France and was adopted by the secret Bougainvilliers, Fenelon, Saint Simon opponents of Louis XIV. The paper then traces despot related usage starting with Plato and Aristotle through Church Fathers and Renaissance.
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august 2013 by dunnettreader

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