dunnettreader + article + middle_class   18

G. Clark & N. Cummins - Malthus to modernity: wealth, status, and fertility in England, 1500–1879 (2015)
Journal of Population Economics
January 2015, Volume 28, Issue 1, pp 3–29
Abstract -- A key challenge to theories of long-run economic growth has been linking the onset of modern growth with the move to modern fertility limitation. A notable puzzle for these theories is that modern growth in England began around 1780, 100 years before there was seemingly any movement to limit fertility. Here we show that the aggregate data on fertility in England before 1880 conceals significant declines in the fertility of the middle and upper classes earlier. These declines coincide with the Industrial Revolution and are of the character predicted by some recent theories of long-run growth.
Keywords: Fertility transition, Demographic transition, Preindustrial fertility
economic_growth  middle_class  article  19thC  paywall  16thC  British_history  fertility  marriage-age  social_history  18thC  status  economic_history  elites  17thC  demography  marriage  birth_control 
january 2017 by dunnettreader
Gerald Newman - Voltaire in Victorian Historiography | JSTOR: The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 49, No. 4, On Demand Supplement (Dec., 1977), pp. D1345-D1359
Type script supplement - Page Count: 15 - emergence mid-century of freethought along with cultural and social critique of the smug, moralistic rising money-grubbing middle class - after Burke and the French Revolution the sort of scepticism of a Hume or Gibbon was hushed or condemned, and open freethinkers from Godwin to Mill were ostracized and attacked as immoral monsters. Newman thinks that the intellectual shift away from the post revolutionary moral straitjacket on social, religious and philosophical thought is well-known but hasn't focused on the roles of historiography in this shift of intellectual milieu, hence Voltaire and the Victorians. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  cultural_history  literary_history  historiography-19thC  19thC  English_lit  cultural_critique  British_history  religious_history  religious_culture  religion-established  religious_belief  Biblical_criticism  Biblical_authority  free-thinkers  Voltaire  Carlyle  Emerson  Dickens  Trollope  Bagehot  Stephen_Leslie  middle_class  atheism_panic  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
James Thompson - After the Fall: Class and Political Language in Britain, 1780-1900 | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 39, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 785-806
The fall of class in nineteenth-century British history has become a familiar tale. Its rise in the historiography of eighteenth-century Britain has been less noted. This essay explores the reasons for this divergence and emphasizes its methodological origins. It highlights the need for a comprehensive history of class society and identity to replace the confused and contradictory picture of particular classes and communities that is currently on offer. To understand better the constitution of class society, it urges historians to talk less of consciousness and more of identity and to recognize that class is an imagined community much like any other. It proceeds to use this understanding of class identity to assess the turn to political language amongst social historians interested in class. The paper offers a sustained examination of the recent work of Joyce and Wahrman in particular and argues that insufficient attention has been paid to the variety of usable political languages and to the particular discursive contexts in which they are employed. It is argued that to acknowledge that class is so constructed is not to deny its existence or its importance and that historians need to look beyond political discourse to explain how class became so central to the self and the social in the nineteenth century. -- extensive references on British social history as well as postmodern historiography debates -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  social_history  political_history  cultural_history  British_history  British_politics  18thC  19thC  classes  class_conflict  working_class  middle_class  lower_orders  elites  elite_culture  popular_culture  bourgeoisie  identity  identity_politics  political_participation  political_press  rhetoric-political  aristocracy  gentry  gentleman  social_order  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
ANTHONY PAGE - RATIONAL DISSENT, ENLIGHTENMENT, AND ABOLITION OF THE BRITISH SLAVE TRADE | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 54, No. 3 (SEPTEMBER 2011), pp. 741-772
Following British abolition of the slave trade in 1807, the origins and nature of popular abolitionism have been much debated among historians. Traditionally, religion was seen as the driving force, with an emphasis on the role of Quakers and evangelicals, whilst in the twentieth century social historians began to stress the importance of economic and social change. This article revises both interpretations by helping to recover and analyse the abolitionism of enlightened Rational Dissenters. Legal inequality and their 'rational piety' encouraged heterodox Dissenters to become active in a wide range of reformist causes. Owing to evangelical dominance in the nineteenth century, however, the role of Rational Dissenters was marginalized in histories of abolitionism. Recovering Rational Dissenting abolitionism underlines the importance of religion in the campaign against the slave trade. Since Rational Dissent was to a large extent a religion of the commercial classes, this article also sheds light on the hotly debated relationship between capitalism and abolition. -- extensive bibliography on jstor information page -- paywall Cambridge journals -- a return to Clark's view of radical dissent as revolutionary force in Ancien Regime Britain
article  jstor  paywall  historians-and-religion  revisionism  intellectual_history  religious_history  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  West_Indies  American_colonies  slavery  dissenters  Radical_Enlightenment  Price_Richard  Priestley  abolition  radicals  reform-political  reform-social  merchants  capitalism  middle_class  ClarkJonathan  Evangelical  conservatism  counter-revolution  bibliography  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
David Cressy - Revolutionary England 1640-1642 | JSTOR: Past & Present, No. 181 (Nov., 2003), pp. 35-71
Both an historiographical review of the revisionism debates on the English Civil War and n elaboration of Cressy views that inform his work on the 17thC -- Sees decline and rise of Charles I position linked to explosion of revolutions in every category of English society - not only political and religious - and Parliamentarians failure to manage or bring under control. Civil War when governing class, long anxious re social change, took different sides in what to be done. The conflict continued to play out the next 2 decades. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  change-social  social_history  cultural_history  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  religious_history  religious_culture  church_history  politics-and-religion  monarchy  Absolutism  mixed_government  middle_class  lower_orders  public_sphere  public_opinion  local_government  godly_persons  Laudian  Church_of_England  Puritans  Presbyterians  City_politics  merchants  mercantilism  Protestant_International  anti-Catholic  elite_culture  landed_interest  gentry  court_culture  courtiers  legal_system  legal_culture  common_law  James_I  Charles_I  downloaded  English_constitution 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
John Walter - Confessional Politics in Pre-Civil War Essex: Prayer Books, Profanations, and Petitions | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Sep., 2001), pp. 677-701
This article contributes to the debate over the value of petitions for the recovery of 'public opinion' in early modern England. It argues for a greater attentiveness to the politics and processes in their production. An analysis of a hitherto unknown draft Essex 'prayer book' petition explores the construction of contrasting royalist and parliamentarian confessional politics. A reading of the content of the petitions offers evidence of the popular response to the Laudian ceremonialism; a reconstruction of the politics of its production provides evidence of the attempt to construct a political alliance in support of the crown around defence of the prayer book; a reconstruction of the occasion for the petition - the capture of the Essex grand jury by the godly and well affected - suggests a very different, and ultimately more successful, confessional parliamentarian politics. In identifying the critical role played by the middling sort - translating their role in the politics of the parish to the politics of the state - the article argues that a marriage of the research strategy of the social historian with the agenda of a 'new political history' will help to establish the enlarged social depth to the public sphere in early modern England. -- huge bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  political_history  historiography  17thC  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  religious_history  Laudian  godly_persons  Puritans  political_culture  religious_culture  petitions  Royalists  Parliamentarians  Church_of_England  local_politics  local_government  middle_class  public_sphere  public_opinion  Bolingbroke-family  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Issue TOC and Introduction, Nicholas Rogers - Making the English Middle Class, ca. 1700-1850 | JSTOR: Journal of British Studies, Vol. 32, No. 4, Oct., 1993
Introduction (pp. 299-304) Nicholas Rogers [downloaded] *--* (1) "A Just and Profitable Commerce": Moral Economy and the Middle Classes in 18thC London (pp. 305-332) Susan E. Brown [questions "aristocratic century" - independent merchants and bourgeoisie in leading charities, urban politics, polite culture etc. Didn't fit a consistent deference pattern; members of middle class could be on all sides of Poor Laws, so Thompson's bipolar moral economy overstates lack of variation in middle and intermediary functions, especially when drawing on civic traditions that didn't depend on aristocracy leadership] *--* (2) Racism, Imperialism, and the Traveler's Gaze in 18thC England (pp. 333-357) Margaret Hunt [unenlightened middle class elements eg freemasonry could be as xenophobic as cosmopolitan; attention to racial, ethnic difference could also be used to stigmatise the poor and set middle class apart] *--* (3) The Masonic Moment; Or, Ritual, Replica, and Credit: John Wilkes, the Macaroni Parson, and the Making of the Middle-Class Mind (pp. 358-395) John Money. *--* (4) "Middle-Class" Domesticity Goes Public: Gender, Class, and Politics from Queen Caroline to Queen Victoria (pp. 396-432) Dror Wahrman [middle class as defenders of family, domesticity, separate spheres only after won political status in 1832 - nobody adopted Hannah More's vision until decades later - use of the term by others or as self identifier is all over the map, even in the same report or work, stabilizing only c 1830s] -- downloaded Rogers pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  cultural_history  political_history  political_economy  political_culture  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  urbanization  urban_politics  urban_elites  middle_class  aristocracy  politeness  consumerism  travel  xenophobia  racism  poverty  Poor_Laws  merchants  mercantilism  commercial_interest  interest_groups  corporatism  free_trade  Freemasonry  gender  family  domesticity  moral_economy  creditors  debtors  dissenters  local_government  political_nation  oligarchy  Parliament  anti-Jacobin  Loyalists  American_Revolution  French_Revolution  imperialism  London  status  rank  nouveaux_riches  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Jonathan G. W. Conlin - High Art and Low Politics: A New Perspective on John Wilkes | JSTOR: Huntington Library Quarterly, Vol. 64, No. 3/4 (2001), pp. 356-381
Fascinating for mid to late 18thC issues for both Continental Enlightenment and British thinkers and artists re scope of public sphere and state responsibility for promotion of the arts, its benefits for polite culture including middle classes with polite aspirations -- Wilkes connections with philosophes including Holbach and Diderot -- and how Wilkes wove his political reforms and promotion of arts and industry together. Useful discussion of range of historian takes on Wilkes, who he mobilized, relation with older republican opposition and later dissenters and radical opposition. Hume opposition to Wilkes' anti monarchy and anti aristocracy republicanism leads to different assessment of progress in civilizing arts and role of doux commerce. Each historian seems to put Wilkes in their own narrative resulting in dramatically different assessments of both Wilkes himself and his impact. -- useful references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_history  cultural_history  art_history  18thC  French_Enlightenment  British_history  British_politics  George_III  Wilkes  Hume  Diderot  d'Holbach  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  republicanism  opposition  public_sphere  public_opinion  governing_class  political_nation  political_culture  accountability  Parliament  franchise  Septennial_Act  nationalism  national_ID  xenophobia  anti-monarchy  anti-aristocracy  middle_class  merchants  state-roles  Grand_Tour  patriotism  Prussia  Frederick_the_Great  Catherine_the_Great  Walpole  Walpole_Horace  museums  academies  bibliography  enlightened_absolutism  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Jessica Warner and Frank Ivis - "Damn You, You Informing Bitch." Vox Populi and the Unmaking of the Gin Act of 1736 | JSTOR: Journal of Social History, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Winter, 1999), pp. 299-330
This study examines the interaction between legislation and popular culture, with a particular emphasis on the extent to which popular resistance undermined enforcement of the Gin Act of 1736. It is argued that popular resistance, while significant, had no effect on policy until members of the middle classes intervened in an attempt to restore the social relations that had existed before the Act took effect. It was only at this point that the Act became a dead letter. In this role members of the middle classes functioned as mediators between two cultures, one plebeian, the other patrician. As such, our findings suggest that the dialectic of plebeian culture and patrician culture, as variously articulated by E.P. Thompson, may be excessively stark, especially when applied to a setting as dense and heterogenous as early Hanoverian London. Our findings also suggest that working men and women in the capital worked and socialized side by side, sometimes as drinking companions, and sometimes as professional informers. -- over 100 references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  cultural_history  political_history  18thC  British_politics  classes  class_conflict  lower_orders  middle_class  elites  public_policy  Parliament  law_enforcement  London  public_disorder  popular_culture  popular_politics  gin_craze  1730s  riots  moral_economy  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
David Rollison - Exploding England: The Dialectics of Mobility and Settlement in Early Modern England | JSTOR: Social History, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Jan., 1999), pp. 1-16
Movement, change, uncertainty and unpredictability, the most obvious characteristics of English life between the Reformation and the execution of Charles Stuart, have been lost in the recent historiography of early modern England. From a post-colonial perspective, it is obvious that something very dramatic must have happened to turn three million English speakers into six hundred million and convert entire cultures to English ways of organising and thinking. Viewed from the colonies, England exploded during this period, and continued to explode for at least 350 years. Something very revolutionary must have been going on in England to make this happen. This paper explores the dialectics of movement and settlement in early modern England for signs of contradiction. -- impact on doing social history of postmodernism on thinking about geography, territory, "governmentality" reflected in archives that doesn't match lived experience, post-colonial insights -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_history  historiography  postmodern  postcolonial  social_theory  geography  territory  migration  social_mobility  political_economy  middle_class  peasants  labor  agriculture  gentry  colonialism  British_Empire  demography  emigration  population  urbanization  British_history  16thC  17thC  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Paul Langford - The Uses of Eighteenth-Century Politeness | JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12 (2002), pp. 311-331
Politeness is a 'key word' for historians of eighteenth-century Britain. It implied a distinguishing vision of wider social concerns and less constricted cultural tastes than was attributed to earlier ages. What part it played in identifiable shifts of behaviour is harder to judge. Among people who served the growing commercial and professional needs of the day, its influence seems well attested. More problematic was its impact on plebeian life. Yet even here, there is evidence to suggest some degree of 'polishing' in line with contemporary expectations, to the extent that politeness itself ceased to describe social aspirations and became synonymous with basic standards of civil behaviour.
article  jstor  cultural_history  social_history  18thC  British_history  London  urbanization  professions  commerce-doux  politeness  elites  middle_class  lower_orders  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Dana Harrington - Gender, Commerce, and the Transformation of Virtue in Eighteenth-Century Britain | JSTOR: Rhetoric Society Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Summer, 2001), pp. 33-52
This article examines the shift in views of virtue in eighteenth-century Britain as the emerging middle-class attempted to legitimize commerce and forge a broader concept of citizenship. I illustrate how middle-class values were sanctioned, in part, by relocating the source of civic virtue from the public to the domestic or private sphere. During this transition, women came to be seen as the "civilizing" agents of society, and I demonstrate how this new ethical role prescribed for them was reflected and instantiated in eighteenth-century culture through specific pedagogical practices. By analyzing eighteenth-century conceptions of civic virtue in terms of how they were implicated in specific historical configurations of gender and class, I illustrate the need for further studies that approach ethics as a contingent, unstable category. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  cultural_history  political_history  18thC  British_history  British_politics  commerce-doux  middle_class  gender  civic_virtue  domesticity  education-women  citizens  political_participation  moral_reform  morality-conventional  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Abraham D. Kriegel: Liberty and Whiggery in Early Nineteenth-Century England (1980)
JSTOR: The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 52, No. 2 (Jun., 1980), pp. 253-278 -- by end of 18thC Whigs had won the battle over defining that ambiguous event, the Glorious Revolution, and had claimed the uncontested mantle of champions of liberty. And in this sense Bolingbroke's claim of the Revolution belonging to both Whigs and Tories, regardless of what theory was used to jusify was indeed out Whigging the Whhigs. But "liberty" had some suspect origins (noble and corporate privileges) by early 19thC and very ambiguous applications, especially in connection with that other ambiguous term property. Some good stuff on particular 17thC and 18thC moments in evolution of political language.
article  jstor  17thC  18thC  19thC  British_politics  political_history  political_philosophy  intellectual_history  language-politics  Whigs  Grey_Lord  Fox_Charles_James  Reform_Act_1832  elections  suffrage  aristocracy  elites  landowners  landed_interest  liberty  property  commerce  middle_class  civil_liberties  constituencies  corruption  hierarchy  deference  downloaded  EF-add  English_constitution 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Matthew Kaldane: Anti-Trinitarianism and the Republican Tradition in Enlightenment Britain | Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts
Citation: Kadane, Matthew. “Anti-Trinitarianism and the Republican Tradition in Enlightenment Britain.” Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts 2, no. 1 (December 15, 2010): http://rofl.stanford.edu/node/68.-- In "Limits of Atlantic Republican Tradition" issue -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Writing in the opening months of the French Revolution and in response to the accusation of anti-monarchical republicanism, Joseph Priestley explained in self-defense that if he was a “unitarian in religion” he remained “a trinitarian in politics” The republican-leaning Priestley was making a subtle distinction, but if the image of a political Trinitarian who held faith in Commons, Lords, and monarch could concisely illustrate what was surprising, if not paradoxical, about the political outlook of a religious Unitarian, it was because the link between republicanism and anti-Trinitarianism was so common.  By the end of the century, in the paranoid 1790s—when, whatever his subtle outlook, “Gunpowder Joe” Priestley could be construed as a Guy Fawkes style terrorist—Edmund Burke helped defeat the Unitarian Relief Bill of 1792 in the Commons by comparing Unitarians to “insect reptiles” that “fill us with disgust” and “if they go above their natural size . . . become objects of the greatest terror.” Given the republican implications in the Glorious Revolution and the century of Enlightenment it helped set in motion, anti-Trinitarianism therefore presents something of a paradox: republicans were drawn to it in great enough numbers to make it an unofficial religious outlook of the republican tradition, but it was explicitly criminalized in the state that was more republican, at least up to 1776, than any other major Atlantic state apart from the Dutch Republic.
article  intellectual_history  political_history  religious_history  political_culture  religious_culture  republicanism  anti-Trinitarian  17thC  18thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  theology  Church_of_England  dissenters  tolerance  Priestley  Burke  divine_right  monarchy  heterodoxy  Wilkes  Glorious_Revolution  French_Revolution  Counter-Enlightenment  anti-Jacobin  middle_class  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Roger Boesche: Fearing Monarchs and Merchants: Montesquieu's Two Theories of Despotism (1990)
JSTOR: The Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 4 (Dec., 1990), pp. 741-761 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Although he did not invent the word despotism, Montesquieu more than any other author established it in our lexicon of political and politicized words. When we examine Montesquieu's concept of despotism, however, we see an attack on two forces undermining the status of the French nobility — an encroaching monarchy that sought to rule absolutely, and a tantalizing commercialism that threatened France with a licentious servitude. There are, as a consequence, two theories of despotism in the writings of Montesquieu. One theory, directed at his fear of monarchical power, is carefully developed, while the other theory emerges only obliquely in his ambivalent and anxious attitudes toward the new commercial world of the middle classes.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  French_Enlightenment  18thC  Montesquieu  political_philosophy  aristocracy  middle_class  Absolutism  commerce  despotism  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2013 by dunnettreader
Harold Mah: The Epistemology of the Sentence: Language, Civility, and Identity in France and Germany, Diderot to Nietzsche (1994)
JSTOR: Representations, No. 47 (Summer, 1994), pp. 64-84 From special issue on national culture before nationalism

Downloaded pdf to Note

Considerable discussion of French attempts to link epistemology (17thC rationalists and 18thC sensualist) with language structure - especially Condillac and Diderot. Voltaire and Frederick the Great prejudices pro French and anti German and Latin.

Aporia of civility - honnête homme was initially supposed to be transparent re virtue - by mid 18thC and Rousseau the aporia has become a total inversion- sociability as source of vice by encouraging misleading, self promotion etc

Further discusses French attempts to stabilize civility virtue by relegating politesse to the skeevy domain

Follows Herder, Fichte, Hegel who turn German syntax into virtue as closer to sensual experience, which they assert gives Germans access to supersensual and true inner sense of morality that French lack - according to Fichte they're trapped in nihilistic artificiality

Nietzsche shreds the German valorisation of supposed inner depths which aren't connected with transparent form
jstor  article  17thC  18thC  19thC  cultural_history  France  Germany  nationalism  language  epistemology  Diderot  Condillac  Nietzsche  Hegel  Voltaire  Frederick_the_Great  social_theory  politeness  elites  middle_class  salons  Rousseau  social_psychology  virtue_ethics  German_Idealism  society  alienation  moral_philosophy  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2013 by dunnettreader

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