dunnettreader + article + liberalism   79

Jeffrey Edward Green - Rawls and the Forgotten Figure of the Most Advantaged: In Defense of Reasonable Envy toward the Superrich (2013) | American Political Science Review on JSTOR
This article aims to correct the widespread imbalance in contemporary liberal thought, which makes explicit appeal to the "least advantaged" without parallel attention to the "most advantaged" as a distinct group in need of regulatory attention. Rawls's influential theory of justice is perhaps the paradigmatic instance of this imbalance, but I show how a Rawlsian framework nonetheless provides three justifications for why implementers of liberal justice—above all, legislators—should regulate the economic prospects of a polity's richest citizens: as a heuristic device for ensuring that a system of inequalities not reach a level at which inequalities cease being mutually advantageous, as protection against excessive inequalities threatening civic liberty, and as redress for a liberal society's inability to fully realize fair equality of opportunity with regard to education and politics. Against the objection that such arguments amount to a defense of envy, insofar as they support policies that in certain instances impose economic costs on the most advantaged with negative or neutral economic impact on the rest of society, I attend to Rawls's often overlooked distinction between irrational and reasonable forms of envy, showing that any envy involved in the proposed regulation of the most advantaged falls within this latter category. - downloaded via iphone to dbox
politics-and-money  political_participation  inequality-wealth  regulatory_capture  political_philosophy  political_culture  tax_havens  Early_Republic  inequality  estate_tax  intellectual_history  inheritance  republicanism  Plato-Republic  elites-political_influence  Jefferson  Harrington  crony_capitalism  Europe-Early_Modern  fairness  article  Aristotle  social_capital  social_theory  Rawls  social_democracy  Machiavelli  Plato  inequality-opportunity  jstor  bibliography  ancient_Rome  regulation  justice  liberalism  egalitarian  regulatory_avoidance  interest_groups  legitimacy  deliberative_democracy  political_history  class_conflict  downloaded  education-elites  social_order  elites-self-destructive  Roman_Republic  ancient_Greece  republics-Ancient_v_Modern 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
David Ciepley - Beyond Public and Private: Toward a Political Theory of the Corporation (2013) | American Political Science Review on JSTOR
This article challenges the liberal, contractual theory of the corporation and argues for replacing it with a political theory of the corporation. Corporations are government-like in their powers, and government grants them both their external "personhood" and their internal governing authority. They are thus not simply private. Yet they are privately organized and financed and therefore not simply public. Corporations transgress all the basic dichotomies that structure liberal treatments of law, economics, and politics: public/private, government/market, privilege/equality, and status/contract. They are "franchise governments" that cannot be satisfactorily assimilated to liberalism. The liberal effort to assimilate them, treating them as contractually constituted associations of private property owners, endows them with rights they ought not have, exacerbates their irresponsibility, and compromises their principal public benefit of generating long-term growth. Instead, corporations need to be placed in a distinct category—neither public nor private, but "corporate"—to be regulated by distinct rules and norms. - downloaded via iphone to dbox
organizations  institutional_economics  corporations  corporate_citizenship  markets-dependence_on_government  article  corporate_control  institutions  management  public-private_gaps  bibliography  social_contract  liberalism  jstor  property_rights  downloaded  corporate_law  political_theory  managerialism  corporate_governance  corporate_personhood  firms-organization  property 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
W. James Booth - Culture and Continuity: A Response to Alan Patten's "Rethinking Culture: The Social Lineage Account" (2013) | American Political Science Review on JSTOR
Alan Patten's social lineage account of cultural continuity is the most recent effort to provide multicultural theory with a non-essentialist concept of culture, its continuity and loss that meets broadly liberal normative desiderata. In this essay, I argue that it too fails to offer an alternative essentialism, to meet standard liberal normative stipulations, and to construct a theory of continuity sufficient to underpin the present claims of involuntarily incorporated communities. That result is theoretically interesting for it shows the deep intractability of the problems at the core of liberal multiculturalism. - Downloaded via iphone
downloaded  jstor  identity-multiple  community  liberalism  article  multiculturalism  bibliography  political_culture  nationalism  immigration  political_theory  books  essentialism  culture_wars  reviews  cultural_change  political_sociology  minorities  political_science  national_ID 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
Alan Patton - Cultural Preservation and Liberal Values: A Reply to William James Booth (2013) | American Political Science Review on JSTOR
William James Booth elaborates three main challenges to my social lineage account (Patten 2011). Conceptually, he finds the proposal to be question-beginning. Normatively, he thinks that it has objectionable implications. And, substantively, he claims that the proposal is unhelpful, that it fails to explain a case of theoretical importance for multiculturalism. In this reply, I argue that each of these challenges misses the target. The social lineage account continues to offer a promising, nonessentialist basis for normative multiculturalism. - Downloaded via iphone
cultural_change  social_theory  US_politics  indigenous_peoples  US_society  culture_wars  political_sociology  cultural_diversity  minorities  identity-multiple  political_culture  culture  essentialism  political_theory  downloaded  liberalism  multiculturalism  national_ID  article  bibliography  nationalism  political_science  jstor  cultural_transmission  community  US_politics-race  cultural_stability  mass_culture 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
John Gunnell - American Political Science, Liberalism, and the Invention of Political Theory | JSTOR The American Political Science Review (1988)
American Political Science, Liberalism, and the Invention of Political Theory
John G. Gunnell
The American Political Science Review
Vol. 82, No. 1 (Mar., 1988), pp. 71-87 -- The contemporary estrangement of political theory from political science is in large measure the product of a quarrel that originated in the challenge to the values of U.S. political science initiated by emigre scholars during the 1940s. The behavioral revolution was in an important respect a conservative rebellion in defense of the values of liberalism and related notions of science, relativism, and historical progress that had traditionally informed the discipline. This controversy in the context of political science fundamentally structured the discourse of academic political theory and the contemporary constitution of the field both as a division of political science and as a wider interdisciplinary enterprise.
political_discourse  political_science  university-contemporary  jstor  liberalism  sociology_of_knowledge  social_sciences-post-WWII  20thC  behaviorism  downloaded  article  political_philosophy  disciplines  intellectual_history 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Robert Pippin - The Unavailability of the Ordinary: Strauss on the Philosophical Fate of Modernity | JSTOR- Political Theory (2003)
Political Theory, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Jun., 2003), pp. 335-358 -- In Natural Right and History Leo Strauss argues for the continuing "relevance " of the classical understanding of natural right. Since this relevance is not a matter of a direct return, or a renewed appreciation that a neglected doctrine is simply true, the meaning of this claim is somewhat elusive. But it is clear enough that the core of Strauss's argument for that relevance is a claim about the relation between human experience and philosophy. Strauss argues that the classical understanding articulates and is continuous with the "lived experience" of engaged participants in political life, the ordinary, and he argues (in a way quite similar to claims in Heidegger) that such an ordinary or everyday point of view has been "lost." The author presents here an interpretation and critique of such a claim. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  Strauss  modernity  natural_rights  ancient_philosophy  political_culture  Heidegger  liberalism  liberalism-post-WWII  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Liisi Keedus - Arendt and Strauss as Readers of Hobbes: Liberalism and the Question of "The Proud" | JSTOR - Journal of the History of Ideas (April 2012)
Liberalism and the Question of "The Proud": Hannah Arendt and Leo Strauss as Readers of Hobbes -- Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 73, No. 2 (April 2012), pp. 319-341 -- huge useful bibliography
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  Hobbes  20thC  Arendt  Strauss  liberalism  political_culture  modernity  democracy  bibliography  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Quentin Skinner - On the Liberty of the Ancients and the Moderns: A Reply | JSTOR - Journal of the History of Ideas (Jan 2012)
On the Liberty of the Ancients and the Moderns: A Reply to My Critics -- in Symposium: On Quentin Skinner, from Method to Politics (conference held for 40 years after "Meaning") -- Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 73, No. 1 (January 2012), pp. 127-146 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  liberalism  rhetoric-political  rhetoric-moral_basis  Cambridge_School  Skinner  speech-act  contingency  concepts  concepts-change  contextualism  genealogy-method  liberty  liberty-positive  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Bryan Garsten - Liberalism and the Rhetorical Vision of Politics | JSTOR - Journal of the History of Ideas (Jan 2012)
in Symposium: On Quentin Skinner, from Method to Politics (conference held for 40 years after "Meaning") Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 73, No. 1 (January 2012), pp. 83-93 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  liberalism  rhetoric-political  rhetoric-moral_basis  Cambridge_School  Skinner  speech-act  contingency  concepts  concepts-change  contextualism  bibliography  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Koenraad W. Swart - "Individualism" in the Mid-19thC (1826-1860) | JSTOR - Journal of the History of Ideas (1962)
"Individualism" in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (1826-1860), Koenraad W. Swart, Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1962), pp. 77-90 -- very useful tracing of how many ways it was used, first to attack and then to celebrate -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  individualism  cultural_history  political_philosophy  political_economy  religious_culture  19thC  British_history  France  liberalism  French_Revolution  counter-revolution  Counter-Enlightenment  Romanticism  laisser-faire  bibliography  downloaded 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
Special Issue - Michael Oakeshott | Cosmos + Taxis, Vol 1, Issue 3, 2014
Editorial Note - Gene Callahan and Leslie Marsh *-* (1) The Critique of Rationalism and the Defense of Individuality: Oakeshott and Hayek - Chor-Yung Cheung *-* (2) Jane Jacobs’ Critique of Rationalism in Urban Planning - Gene Callahan and Sanford Ikeda *-* (3) Oakeshott on Modernity and the Crisis of Political Legitimacy in Contemporary Western Liberal Democracy - Noël O’sullivan. &-* (4) Oakeshott and the Complex Ecology of the Moral Life - Kevin Williams. *-* (5) Homo Ludens and Civil Association: The Sublime Nature of Michael Oakeshott’s Civil Condition - Thomas J. Cheeseman *-* (6) The Instrumental Idiom in American Politics: The ‘City on the Hill’ as a Spontaneous Order - Corey Abel *-* (7) Dogmatomachy: Ideological Warfare - David D. Corey. *-* Oakeshott on the Rule of Law: A Defense - Stephen Turner -- downloaded pdf to Note
journal  Academia.edu  article  political_philosophy  political_economy  judgment-political  political_culture  legitimacy  democracy  liberalism  Oakeshott  Jacobs_Jane  emergence  social_order  rationalist  modernity  Hayek  rule_of_law  Weber  fact-value  civil_society  associations  individualism  ideology  polarization  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Symposium on Jack Russell Weinstein’s "Adam Smith’s Pluralism: Rationality, Education And The Moral Sentiments" | Cosmos + Taxis, Vol2, Issue 3, 2015
Rather than a classic intellectual_history of Adam Smith, Weinstein’s aim is to use Smith to reinvigorate modern liberalism -- Introduction to Symposium - Nathaniel Wolloch *--* Context-dependent Normativity and Universal Rules of Justice - María Alejandra Carrasco. **--** “… but one of the multitude”. Justice, Pluralism and Rationality in Smith and Weinstein… - Lisa Herzog. **--** The Dynamics of Sympathy and the Challenge of Creating New Commonalities - Dionysis Drosos. **--** The “Spectator” and the Impartial Spectator in Adam Smith’s Pluralism - Spiros Tegos **--** Was Adam Smith an Optimist? - Maria Pia Paganelli. **--** The Political Hypotheses of Adam Smith’s Pluralism: A response to my commentators - Jack Russell Weinstein -- downloaded pdf to Note
journal  article  political_philosophy  political_economy  moral_psychology  moral_philosophy  liberalism  Smith  justice  pluralism  emergence  social_order  sympathy  empathy  morality-conventional  moral_sentiments  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Alice Ristroph - Sovereignty and Subversion (Symposium - Jurisprudence and (Its) History) | Virginia Law Review - 101 Va. L. Rev. 1029 (2015)
Hobbes’s account of law, like his account of punishment, does not fit well into our existing scholarly categories. (..). He was neither a legal positivist nor a natural law theorist, at least not as we usually use these labels. He adopted neither a retributive nor a consequentialist justification of punishment. Yet his account of human interaction, particularly with respect to law and punishment, captures actual experience better than the more familiar alternatives. Moreover, the space for subversion in Hobbes’s theory may make his account more normatively appealing than it has seemed to modern liberals. (...) 3 questions about Hobbesian theory: What is law? What is its relationship to punishment? And what are the implications of Hobbes’s theory for contemporary efforts to describe law or the relationship of law to punishment? The first (..) Hobbes’s legal theory is still so widely mischaracterized, sometimes even by Hobbes scholars, that it is worth returning to his claims. The second question has received much less attention, perhaps because a right to resist punishment seems so discordant with the authoritarian Hobbes we know, or think we know. And the third question has received still less attention, for contemporary jurisprudence scholarship rarely cites anyone who wrote before Jeremy Bentham and John Austin. I hope to show that, in many instances, Hobbes has been misread; even more importantly, I hope to persuade scholars of jurisprudence that what Hobbes actually said is worthy of their engagement. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jurisprudence  philosophy_of_law  intellectual_history  intellectual_history-distorted  Hobbes  17thC  political_philosophy  social_theory  natural_law  natural_rights  positivism-legal  sovereignty  authority  obligation  punishment  resistance  liberalism  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Mark C. Murphy - A Commentary on Ristroph’s “Sovereignty and Subversion” | Virginia Law Review - 101 Va. L. Rev. 1055 (2015)
She is correct in rejecting the assimilation of Hobbes’s legal theory to Austin’s, and in noting the strands of Hobbes’s view that disqualify him from counting as any sort of legal positivist. And I agree, on the whole, with her characterization of Hobbes’s account of justified punishment, and that this account has its attractions yet produces some puzzles which Hobbes does not fully resolve. My disagreements are with her second-order characterization of Hobbes’s legal theory. I want to discuss two related areas of disagreement. The first disagreement concerns whether we should assess Hobbes’s account of law in terms of the standards of general descriptive jurisprudence: Ristroph denies that it should be; I disagree. The second concerns whether we should take Hobbes’s treatment of the political as explanatorily prior to the legal to show that Hobbes was in some way apart from the natural law tradition in jurisprudence: Ristroph affirms this; I disagree. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jurisprudence  philosophy_of_law  intellectual_history  intellectual_history-distorted  Hobbes  17thC  political_philosophy  social_theory  natural_law  natural_rights  positivism-legal  sovereignty  authority  obligation  punishment  resistance  liberalism  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Brad DeLong - My "Sisyphus as Social Democrat: A review of 'John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Politics, His Economics', by Richard Parker," ( Grasping Reality...)
One of his series, "Hoisted from the Archives": J. Bradford DeLong (2005), "Sisyphus as Social Democrat: A review of John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Politics, His Economics, by Richard Parker," Foreign Affairs May/June 2005. - diwnloaded pdf to iPhone
article  book  review  biography  intellectual_history  20thC  political_economy  economic_sociology  economic_theory  US_economy  US_politics  post-WWII  entre_deux_guerres  Great_Depression  WWII  US_government  US_foreign_policy  Keynesian  institutional_economics  liberalism  social_democracy  Galbraith_JK  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Mark S. Weiner - Imagining the Rule of Law in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Liberal Society and the Dialectic of the Clan | Academia.edu
In this essay, I provide a historical and theoretical framework for understanding the imaginative relation between the liberal rule of law and the kin-based form of socio-legal organization I call ‘the rule of the clan’ – a classic example of law created ‘from below’. I believe that a culturalist disciplinary perspective reveals that the modern liberal state and its more centralized rule of law always stand in an ironic, dialectical relation to the rule of the clan as a legal form. Liberal society nurtures itself through an anti-liberal utopian imaginary. This article provides an intellectual history backdrop for theorizing that dialectical relationship by examining two contrasting ways in which 19thC British intellectuals imagined the rule of law. Following the work of Charles Taylor and, more specifically in the legal field, Paul Kahn, my goal is to depict a social imaginary of modern liberalism that has been neglected within contemporary liberal theory – and, in doing so, provide a way to appreciate the cultural foundations of liberal legality. The article considers the stories that nineteenth-century British intellectuals told about the relation between the rule of law and the rule of the clan as a way to think about the rule of law today. It thus tacks between three different shores: the world of legal pluralism (the rule of the clan), the world of 19thC British analysis of the rule of the clan and the contemporary relation between culture and modern liberal society. Keywords: clan, rule of law, Albert Venn Dicey, Walter Scott, legal memory
article  Academia.edu  intellectual_history  legal_history  legal_system  19thC  British_history  British_politics  memory-group  rule_of_law  clans  kinship  liberalism  modernity  Scott_Sir_Walter  English_constitution  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
KATRINA FORRESTER -- CITIZENSHIP, WAR, AND THE ORIGINS OF INTERNATIONAL ETHICS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, 1960–1975 (2014). | The Historical Journal, 57, pp 773-801. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
KATRINA FORRESTER - St John's College, Cambridge -- This article examines a series of debates about civil disobedience, conscription, and the justice of war that took place among American liberal philosophers, lawyers, and activists during the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War. It argues that these debates fundamentally reshaped American political philosophy, by shifting the focus from the welfare state to the realm of international politics. In order to chart this transition from the domestic to the international, this article focuses on the writings of two influential political theorists, John Rawls and Michael Walzer. The turn to international politics in American political philosophy has its origins, in part, in their arguments about domestic citizenship. In tracing these origins, this article situates academic philosophical arguments alongside debates among the American public at large. It offers a first account of the history of analytical political philosophy during the 1960s and 1970s, and argues that the role played by the Vietnam War in this history, though underappreciated, is significant. -* I would like to thank Duncan Bell, Kenzie Bok, Christopher Brooke, Adam Lebowitz, Peter Mandler, Jamie Martin, Samuel Moyn, Andrew Preston, David Runciman, Tim Shenk, Brandon Terry, Mira Siegelberg, Joshua Specht, and two anonymous reviewers for their comments
article  paywall  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  analytical_philosophy  20thC  US_politics  US_foreign_policy  post-WWII  Vietnam_War  citizenship  civil_liberties  IR-liberalism  IR-domestic_politics  IR_theory  liberalism  Rawls  Walzer  power  power-asymmetric  justice  welfare_state  just_war  moral_philosophy  US_government  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
JON GARTHOFF - LEGITIMACY IS NOT AUTHORITY | JSTOR: Law and Philosophy, Vol. 29, No. 6 (November 2010), pp. 669-694
The two leading traditions of theorizing about democratic legitimacy are liberalism and deliberative democracy. Liberals typically claim that legitimacy consists in the consent of the governed, while deliberative democrats typically claim that legitimacy consists in the soundness of political procedures. Despite this difference, both traditions see the need for legitimacy as arising from the coercive enforcement of law and regard legitimacy as necessary for law to have normative authority. While I endorse the broad aims of these two traditions, I believe they both misunderstand the nature of legitimacy. In this essay I argue that the legitimacy of a law is neither necessary nor sufficient for its normative authority, and I argue further that the need for legitimacy in law arises regardless of whether the law is coercively enforced. I thus articulate a new understanding of the legitimacy and authority of law. -- didn't download -- bibliography heavily classic modern and contemporary philosophers
article  jstor  social_theory  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  philosophy_of_law  institutions  authority  legitimacy  legal_culture  legal_validity  liberalism  social_contract  consent  reasons  enforcement  deliberation-public  Habermas  democracy  norms  normativity  obligation  Enlightenment  Locke  Mill  Rawls  bibliography  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Scott D. Gerber, review essay - The Republican Revival in American Constitutional Theory | JSTOR: Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Dec., 1994), pp. 985-997
Reviewed work(s): We the People: Foundations by Bruce A. Ackerman; Traces of Self-Government by Frank I. Michelman; Laws Republic; The Partial Constitution by Cass R. Sunstein - 1980s interest in classical republicanism, citizen participation and common good and how to reconcile with a liberalism of private interests and rights -- all 3 authors criticized for (1) excessive reliance on the "least dialogic" institution, the judiciary, as protector an/or promoter of the republican dimension of "liberal republicanism" and (2) a selective misreading of the Founders -- didn't download
article  review  jstor  US_constitution  political_philosophy  intellectual_history  intellectual_history-distorted  US_politics  judiciary  judicial_review  natural_rights  property_rights  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  liberalism-republicanism_debates  liberalism  legal_history  legal_theory  Congress  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - The Decline of Natural Right [chapter] (2009) :: SSRN in THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF NINETEENTH CENTURY PHILOSOPHY, Allen Wood and Songsuk Susan Hahn, eds., Cambridge University Press
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 09-38 -- What happened to the doctrine of natural right in the 19thC? We know that it flourished in the 17thC and 18thC. We know that something like it - the doctrine of human rights and new forms of social contract theory - flourished again in the second half of the 20thC and continues to flourish in the 21stC. In between there was a period of decline and hibernation - ... in which to invoke natural right was always to invite intellectual ridicule and accusations of political irresponsibility. Thus article asks: How far can the decline of natural right in the 19thC be attributed to the reaction against the revolution in France? How far it was the effect of independent streams of thought, like positivism and historicism? Why was radical thought so ambivalent about natural right throughout the 19thC, and why was socialist thought in particular inclined to turn its back on it? As a framework for thought, natural right suffered a radical decline in the social and political sciences. But things were not so clear in jurisprudence, and natural right lived on to a much riper old age in the writings of some prominent economists. What is it about this theory that allowed it to survive in these environments, when so much of the rest of intellectual endeavor in the 19thC was toxic or inhospitable to it. Finally, I shall ask how far American thought represents an exception to all of this. Why and to what extent did the doctrine survive as a way of thinking in the United States, long after it had lost its credibility elsewhere. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  intellectual_history  18thC  19thC  philosophy_of_law  philosophy_of_social_science  natural_law  natural_rights  human_rights  counter-revolution  historicism  positivism  legal_theory  nationalism  national_interest  conservatism  socialism  social_contract  relativism  revolutions  1848_revolutions  French_Revolution  anticlerical  Bentham  Burke  Hume  Jefferson  Kant  Locke  Marx  Mill  Savigny  Spencer_Herbert  George_Henry  US_society  American_exceptionalism  liberalism  social_theory  social_sciences  Social_Darwinism  social_order  mass_culture  political_participation  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
John Higley - Democratic Elitism and Western Political Thought [2009] | JSTOR: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung, Vol. 37, No. 1 (139) (2012), pp. 351-366
Many political thinkers have viewed democratic elitism as closing a democratic road they believe is or should be open-ended. Their view of democratic possibilities reflects the auspicious circumstances of Western societies during the past several centuries and especially since World War II. However, it involves a conflation of liberal and democratic values. I examine why and how this has occurred, and I argue that liberal and democratic values must be more clearly separated in today's dangerous world. In step with Schumpeter, democracy must be regarded as a method or instrumental value that in some but by no means all circumstances promotes the ultimate liberal value of actively individualistic free people. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  intellectual_history  20thC  21stC  elites  democracy  liberalism  post-WWII  post-Cold_War  institution-building  institutional_change  political_change  political_participation  political_culture  ruling_class  oligarchy  competition-political  political_science  utopian  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
David Zaret - Religion and the Rise of Liberal-Democratic Ideology in 17th-Century England | JSTOR: American Sociological Review, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Apr., 1989), pp. 163-179
In classical and contemporary sociology, key elements of liberal-democratic ideology are seen as secular extensions of Protestant ideas. This case study provides a different analysis that emphasizes the problem of religious conflict and radicalism in early liberal-democratic ideology. Proponents of the new ideology rejected key tenets of their Puritan heritage, adopting deistic beliefs that legitimated pluralism and tolerance and opposed the older Puritan ideal of godly politics. Building on recent work in the sociology of culture, the paper outlines an analytic strategy for explaining change in ideological systems. Ideological change emerges out of the interaction of contextual pressures and intellectual precedents, as a collective response by ideological innovators to problems of authority. The analysis in this study shows how historical events can form an episodic context which structures this problem of authority. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  historical_sociology  historical_change  change-intellectual  political_philosophy  ideology  political_culture  politics-and-religion  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Puritans  godly_persons  Deism  theocracy  Calvinist  pluralism  tolerance  Socinians  liberalism  democracy  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Robert J. Antonio - After Postmodernism: Reactionary Tribalism | JSTOR: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 106, No. 1 (July 2000), pp. 40-87
Revived Weimar‐era “radical conservatism” and fresh “New Right” and “paleoconservative” theories offer a radical cultural critique of global capitalism and liberal democracy. Expressing a broader retribalization and perceived failure of modernization, their defense of communal particularity attacks the multicultural nation‐state, liberal rights, and universal citizenship. This essay links reactionary tribalism to a recurrent 20th‐century theoretical tendency, the “total critique of modernity”—a fusion of oversimplified Nietzschean and Weberian ideas. Historically, total critique has promoted convergence between right and left, such as the current overlapping facets of “radical conservatism” and “strong‐program postmodernism.” Total critique counters the “historicist” method of “internal critique” and the “communication model” characteristic of reflexive social theory. The discussion uncovers the mediating role of social theory in the problematic relationship of science and partially disenchanted public spheres in plural, democratic cultures. -- 200+ references! -- in postmodernism includes range of "end of" thinkers from left and right, and the overlaps between far right and some of the postmodern cultural left -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  19thC  20thC  21stC  cultural_history  modernity  irrational  Germany  Weimar  Nazis  Heidegger  Nietzsche  Schmitt  Strauss  neo-Hegelian  right-wing  cultural_pessimism  Leftist  Marxist  historicism  cultural_critique  Habermas  Dewey  pragmatism  liberalism  democracy  patriarchy  nationalism  ethnic_ID  universalism  citizenship  nation-state  multiculturalism  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Shane J. Ralston - Can Pragmatists be Institutionalists? John Dewey Joins the Non-ideal/Ideal Theory Debate | JSTOR: Human Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1 (May 2010), pp. 65-84
During the 1960s and 1970s, institutionalists and behavioralists in the discipline of political science argued over the legitimacy of the institutional approach to political inquiry. In the discipline of philosophy, a similar debate concerning institutions has never taken place. Yet, a growing number of philosophers are now working out the institutional implications of political ideas in what has become known as "non-ideal theory." My thesis is two-fold: (1) pragmatism and institutionalism are compatible and (2) non-ideal theorists, following the example of pragmatists, can avoid a similar debate as took place between institutionalists and behavioralists by divulging their assumptions about institutions. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  social_theory  critical_theory  pragmatism  liberalism  Dewey  institutions  ideal_theory  Rawls  pluralism  conflict  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Andrew Mason - Rawlsian Theory and the Circumstances of Politics | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 38, No. 5 (October 2010), pp. 658-683
Builds on recent critique of "ideal" theory -- Can Rawlsian theory provide us with an adequate response to the practical question of how we should proceed in the face of widespread and intractable disagreement over matters of justice? Recent criticism of ideal theorizing might make us wonder whether this question highlights another way in which ideal theory can be too far removed from our non-ideal circumstances to provide any practical guidance. Further reflection on it does not show that ideal theory is redundant, but it does indicate that there is a need for a non-ideal theory that does not consist simply in an account of how to apply the principles which are yielded by ideal theory to non-ideal circumstances in the light of what is feasible and an assessment of the costs of implementation. Indeed any non-ideal theory that can adequately address this question will have to be partially autonomous, drawing on a notion of legitimacy that is rather different to the one which lies at the heart of Rawlsian ideal theory. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  social_theory  critical_theory  moral_philosophy  ideal_theory  legitimacy  liberalism  Rawls  justice  impartiality  conflict  pluralism  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
David A. Reidy - Reciprocity and Reasonable Disagreement: From Liberal to Democratic Legitimacy | JSTOR: Philosophical Studies: An International Journal for Philosophy in the Analytic Tradition, Vol. 132, No. 2 (Jan., 2007), pp. 243-291
At the center of Rawls's work post-1980 is the question of how legitimate coercive state action is possible in a liberal democracy under conditions of reasonable disagreement. And at the heart of Rawls's answer to this question is his liberal principle of legitimacy. In this paper I argue that once we attend carefully to the depth and range of reasonable disagreement, Rawls's liberal principle of legitimacy turns out to be either wildly utopian or simply toothless, depending on who one reads the ideal of reciprocity it is meant to embody. To remedy this defect in Rawls's theory, I undertake to develop the outlines of a democratic conception of legitimacy, drawing first on Rawls's generic conception of legitimacy in The Law of Peoples and second on a revised understanding of reciprocity between free and equal citizens. On this revised understanding, what free and equal citizens owe one another is not reciprocity in judgment, but reciprocity of interests. -- interesting bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  liberalism  democracy  conflict  consensus  Rawls  legitimacy  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Richard J. Arneson, review essay - The Priority of the Right Over the Good Rides Again - Brian Barry, A Treatise on Social Justice, Vol. 2, Justice as Impartiality | JSTOR: Ethics, Vol. 108, No. 1 (Oct., 1997), pp. 169-196
Very lengthy discussion of post Rawls attempts to ground liberalism in some sort of impartial proceduralism - Barry seems to rely on Scanlon who claims his contractualism has substantive content and isn't utilitarianism -- Arneson looks to be highly sceptical -- useful for sorting out those political_philosophy debates -- didn't download
books  reviews  article  jstor  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  liberalism  contractualism  utilitarianism  practical_reason  justice  impartiality  pluralism  intellectual_history  Rawls  20thC  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Richard Dagger - The Sandelian Republic and the Encumbered Self | JSTOR: The Review of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 2 (Spring, 1999), pp. 181-208
In "Democracy's Discontent", Michael Sandel argues for a revival of the republican tradition in order to counteract the pernicious effects of contemporary liberalism. As in his earlier work, Sandel charges that liberals who embrace the ideals of political neutrality and the unencumbered self are engaged in a self-subverting enterprise, for no society that lives by these ideals can sustain itself. Sandel is right to endorse the republican emphasis on forming citizens and cultivating civic virtues. By opposing liberalism as vigorously as he does, however, he engages in a self-subverting enterprise of his own. That is, Sandel is in danger of undercutting his position by threatening the liberal principles upon which he implicitly relies. This danger is greatest when he presses his case against the unencumbered self, when he appeals to the obligations of membership, and when he treats republicanism and liberalism as adversaries rather than allies. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  liberalism  communitarian  individualism  liberalism-republicanism_debates  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Dana Villa - Hegel, Tocqueville, and "Individualism" | JSTOR: The Review of Politics, Vol. 67, No. 4 (Autumn, 2005), pp. 659-686
Critics of liberal individualism have pointed out the many failures of "atomism" as a method in social and political philosophy. Their methodological criticisms have a tendency, however, to devolve into repudiations of moral individualism as such. In part, this is due to a misreading of Hegel and Tocqueville, two critics of individualism who nevertheless upheld the importance of individual rights and what Hegel called "freedom of subjectivity." My essay brings these two very different theorists together in order to show how each deliberately dispensed with the ontology inherited from eighteenth-century social contract theory, the better to focus on associational life and public freedom. The end result is not a relapse into the rhetoric of civic republicanism, but a refurbishment of that tradition from the standpoint of modern liberty: the liberty of the individual. This common project links Hegel, the idealist philosopher, and Tocqueville, the liberal-republican, in unexpected but complementary ways. -- over 100 references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_history  political_philosophy  liberalism  individualism  communitarian  community  liberty  18thC  19thC  Hegel  Tocqueville  civil_liberties  republicanism  neo-republicanism  civic_humanism  civil_society  social_contract  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Steven Johnston - This Patriotism Which Is Not One | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 34, No. 3 (Spring, 2002), pp. 285-312
The essay explores the resurgence of patriotic thought, focusing on the recent work of Richard Rorty and a classic essay by John Schaar. Patriotism, it is argued, names a permanent possibility lodged in the human predicament. It routinely seeks transcendent assistance to support its political operations. This move, in turn, may help account for patriotism's narcissistic, self-destructive character and the danger it ultimately poses to democracy. For both Rorty and Schaar, curiously, the Vietnam War looms large in their narratives. By engaging them on the question of Vietnam, the dangers and cruelties endemic to patriotism emerge full-blown. Subsequently, any patriotism worthy of the name, it is suggested, would have to end by suspending itself. -- useful bibliography of communitarian inflected theorists pre 9/11 -- from the quotes, looks like the "self hating liberals" phenomenon leaves them exposed to precisely the sort of weaknesses they proposed to shore up with patriotic gestures -- may be helpful when need to look at recent patriotism discussions, though the focus on one essay by Schaar probably too limiting -- didn't download
article  jstor  liberalism  communitarian  national_ID  patriotism  Rorty  Taylor_Charles  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Chad Lavin - Fear, Radical Democracy, and Ontological Methadone | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Apr., 2006), pp. 254-275
Given recent social and political transformations as well as our cultural landscape's dominance by narratives of threat and victimization, it is understandable that fear has occupied an ever-expanding role in our lives. Although these instabilities and insecurities have inspired a resurgence of various explanatory and mollifying fundamentalisms, radical democrats suggest that the conditions of this "postmetaphysical" age might instead facilitate unprecedented commitments to democracy. As such, radical democrats welcome the very conditions of contingency that contemporary citizen-subjects tend to find so frightening. In attacking the drive towards fundamentalism that they identify in various ideologies from Islam through liberalism, radical democrats betray an inattention to the functional consolation they offer. If fundamentalisms are opiates, radical democrats offer a prescription for addiction treatment that few have any interest in taking. -- very interesting bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  21stC  political_philosophy  liberalism  fundamentalism  identity  identity_politics  globalization  finance_capital  fear  democracy  political_participation  political_culture  Rorty  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Marianne Constable - Foucault & Walzer: Sovereignty, Strategy & the State | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Winter, 1991), pp. 269-293
Uses Walzer attack on Foucault as anarchist, nihilist etc to flesh out what about liberal political theory Foucault rejects or places in a different social position than liberals do. -- Michael Walzer faults the political theory of Michel Foucault for failing to provide an account of the liberal state and the rule of law or to provide the kind of knowledge that regulates disciplinary arrangements in society. This article assesses Walzer's criticism in light of Foucault's analysis of liberal political theory. It concludes that Walzer's theory, couched in the discourse of sovereignty, employs disciplinary strategies of power, akin to those Foucault describes, to combat the tyrannical state. -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_philosophy  power  social_theory  mass_culture  liberalism  rule_of_law  nation-state  sovereignty  tyranny  resistance_theory  judiciary  legitimacy  democracy  Foucault  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Horacio Spector - Four Conceptions of Freedom | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 38, No. 6 (December 2010), pp. 780-808
Contemporary political philosophers discuss the idea of freedom in terms of two distinctions: Berlin's famous distinction between negative and positive liberty, and Skinner and Pettit's divide between liberal and republican liberty. In this essay I proceed to recast the debate by showing that there are two strands in liberalism, Hobbesian and Lockean, and that the latter inherited its conception of civil liberty from republican thought. I also argue that the contemporary debate on freedom lacks a perspicuous account of the various conceptions of freedom, mainly because it leaves aside the classic contrast between natural liberty and civil liberty. Once we consider both the negative/positive distinction and the natural/civil one, we can classify all conceptions of freedom within four basic irreducible categories. In light of the resulting framework I show that there are two distinct conceptions of republican liberty, natural and civil, and that the former is coupled with an ideal of individual self-control. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  liberty  liberalism  liberalism-republicanism_debates  republicanism  neo-republicanism  liberty-negative  liberty-positive  domination  slavery  natural_rights  civil_liberties  Hobbes  Locke  Berlin_Isaiah  Skinner  Pettit  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Ella Myers - From Pluralism to Liberalism: Rereading Isaiah Berlin | JSTOR: The Review of Politics, Vol. 72, No. 4 (FALL 2010), pp. 599-625
The relationship between pluralism and liberalism has been at the center of recent considerations of Isaiah Berlin's thought. In particular, liberal theorists have asked whether the value pluralism Berlin endorses actually undermines his liberalism. A common interpretive approach resolves this problem by presenting Berlin's pluralism as "limited" rather than "radical," and therefore capable of serving as a moral foundation authorizing liberalism. I challenge this re-construction of Berlin's work, arguing that such readings are premised on a conception of judgment Berlin does not share. While many of his readers believe that a judgment on behalf of liberalism requires the identification of a transcontextual ground, Berlin invites us to see human judgment as a meaningful practice that occurs in the absence of absolutes yet does not simply mirror local norms. Berlin's defense of liberalism models this kind of judgment—a judgment that is neither mandated, nor ruled out, by pluralism. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  morality-conventional  morality-objective  liberalism  pluralism  relativism  Berlin_Isaiah  anti-foundationalism  practical_knowledge  phronesis  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Archon Fung - Associations and Democracy: Between Theories, Hopes, and Realities | JSTOR: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 29 (2003), pp. 515-539
Over the past decade, there has been a resurgence of interest and research into the connections between associations and democracy. This article divides the question of associative contributions to democracy into four component parts: What (a) contributions do (b) different kinds of associations make to advance (c) contesting ideals of democratic governance in various (d) political contexts? Associations enhance democracy in at least six ways: through the intrinsic value of associative life, fostering civic virtues and teaching political skills, offering resistance to power and checking government, improving the quality and equality of representation, facilitating public deliberation, and creating opportunities for citizens and groups to participate directly in governance. These contributions are not all mutually consonant with one another, and different forms of associations are better suited to advance some contributions than others. Furthermore, those who propose bolstering associations as a strategy for revitalizing democracy frequently have quite different ideals of democracy in mind. The forms and contributions of associations appropriate to three contesting notions of democratic governance-liberal minimalism, conventional representation-cum-administration, and participatory democracy-are also discussed. Finally, the democratic priority of associative contributions depends crucially on contextual features of particular societies. Under tyrannical regimes, for example, associations that resist government authority are more crucial than those that foster compliance and respect for political institutions. -- heavily cited in jstor -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_culture  demography  popular_politics  political_participation  representative_institutions  civic_virtue  equality  deliberation-public  governance  liberalism  libertarianism  resistance_theory  legitimacy  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Dirk Matten and Andrew Crane - Corporate Citizenship: Toward an Extended Theoretical Conceptualization | JSTOR: The Academy of Management Review, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Jan., 2005), pp. 166-179
We critically examine the content of contemporary understandings of corporate citizenship and locate them within the extant body of research dealing with business-society relations. Our main purpose is to realize a theoretically informed definition of corporate citizenship that is descriptively robust and conceptually distinct from existing concepts in the literature. Specifically, our extended perspective exposes the element of "citizenship" and conceptualizes corporate citizenship as the administration of a bundle of individual citizenship rights--social, civil, and political--conventionally granted and protected by governments. -- cited by more than 35 in jstor -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_philosophy  political_economy  liberalism  markets  nation-state  civil_society  business  business-and-politics  corporate_citizenship  CSR  civil_liberties  privatization  legal_system  international_political_economy  globalization  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Vicki Hsueh - Giving Orders: Theory and Practice in the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina | JSTOR: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 63, No. 3 (Jul., 2002), pp. 425-446
In reading Locke and political discourse of liberal constitutionalism based on Locke's Two Treatises, mistake to conflate Carolina Constitutions with the Two Treatises as evidence of exclusion and assimilation policies from outset. Locke was not sole author, the audience and purposes were different, the scheme is Harrington republicanism, and measures for negotiation, adaptation and other more inclusionary but non assimilationist measures were contemplated. So don't read back contemporary unitary vision of liberal constitutionalism into origins. Uses political imaginary congruent and incongruent with lived experience as theme -- useful bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  British_politics  colonialism  British_Empire  Carolina  Locke  Shaftesbury_1st_Earl  Board_of_Trade  Harrington  nobility  rank  property  development  plantations  Native_Americans  liberalism  constitutionalism  assimilation  classes  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
James Farr - Locke, Natural Law, and New World Slavery | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 36, No. 4 (Aug., 2008), pp. 495-522
This essay systematically reformulates an earlier argument about Locke and new world slavery, adding attention to Indians, natural law, and Locke's reception. Locke followed Grotian natural law in constructing a just-war theory of slavery. Unlike Grotius, though, he severely restricted the theory, making it inapplicable to America. It only fit resistance to "absolute power" in Stuart England. Locke was nonetheless an agent of British colonialism who issued instructions governing slavery. Yet they do not inform his theory--or vice versa. This creates hermeneutical problems and raises charges of racism. If Locke deserves the epithet "racist," it is not for his having a racial doctrine justifying slavery. None of this makes for a flattering portrait. Locke's reputation as the champion of liberty would not survive the contradictions in which new world slavery ensnared him. Evidence for this may be found in Locke's reception, including by Southern apologists for slavery.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  17thC  British_history  colonialism  American_colonies  West_Indies  indigenous_peoples  Native_Americans  Africa  slavery  Locke  Grotius  natural_law  just_war  conquest  liberty  individualism  liberalism  Southern_states  abolition  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Patchen Markell - Making Affect Safe for Democracy?: On "Constitutional Patriotism" | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Feb., 2000), pp. 38-63
Is there a distinction between ethic and constitutional nationalism? Do liberal democracies need a non ethnic variety of patriotism? - huge bibliography and extensively cited -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  liberalism  nationalism  national_ID  constitutionalism  patriotism  cosmopolitanism  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeffrey Church - Selfish and Moral Politics: David Hume on Stability and Cohesion in the Modern State | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 69, No. 1 (Feb., 2007), pp. 169-181
In Hume's dialogue with the Hobbesian-Mandevillian "selfish system" of morals, Hume seems to reject its conclusions in morals, but accept them in politics. No skeptic of moral claims like Mandeville, Hume sought to ground objective moral standards in his moral sentiment philosophy, yet, like Mandeville, Hume argued that in political life human beings act based largely on self-interest and a limited generosity. I argue that Hume, however, is ultimately ambivalent about the selfish system's conclusions in politics. He puts forth both a nonmoral and a moral solution to the problem of cohesion in modern liberal states. First, he agrees with the selfish system's nonmoral tactic of channeling the self-interest of citizens through well-constructed institutions toward salutary ends. Second, arguing that the first solution is insufficient for the health of a political regime, Hume seeks to expand the limited moral sense of citizens through moral and aesthetic education and through an empowerment of local politics. Hume's second solution is a means within liberalism to combat its own tendencies toward the dissolution of communal ties and the creation of conditions ripe for the emergence of "sensible knaves." Bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  18thC  Hume-politics  Hume-ethics  self-interest  social_order  commerce-doux  moral_sentiments  civic_virtue  education-civic  community  liberalism  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
John P. McCormick - Three Ways of Thinking "Critically" about the Law | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 93, No. 2 (Jun., 1999), pp. 413-428
Radical criticisms of liberalism's method of legal adjudication focus on its excessive formalism, its tendency to foster indeterminacy, and its naive maintenance of the separation of political from legal concerns. I examine these arguments as they appear in the work of Carl Schmitt, on the Right, and the Critical Legal Studies (CLS) movement, on the Left. Jurgen Habermas has recently attempted to refute the positions of these most scalding twentieth-century critics of liberal adjudication. I argue that by so extensively engaging these theorists, and in fact liberalism itself, on their own grounds, Habermas has abandoned some of the distinctive strengths of what he previously practiced as a critical social theory in his new reflexive or discourse theory of law.
article  jstor  political_philosophy  legal_system  legal_theory  judiciary  liberalism  Critical_Legal_Studies  Schmitt  Habermas  critical_theory  discourse-political_theory  social_theory  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Issue TOC -- De la vérité: Pragmatisme, historicisme et relativisme | JSTOR: Rue Descartes, No. 5/6, Novembre 1992
Avant-propos (pp. 9-10) *-* PART 1 *-* A-t-on besoin du vrai ? Le défi pragmatique *-* *-- (1) Qu'est-ce que le pragmaticisme ? (pp. 13-21) Charles Sanders Peirce and Jacques Poulain. *-- (2) Le partage de l'héritage anticartésien de C.S. Peirce : D. Davidson, H. Putnam et R. Rorty (pp. 23-52) Jacques Poulain. *-- (3) Dewey entre Hegel et Darwin (pp. 53-71) Richard Rorty and Patrick Sauret. *-- (4) Wittgenstein, la vérité et le passé de la philosophie (pp. 73-93) Hilary Putnam and Patrick Sauret. *-* PART 2 *-* Historicisme ou essentialisme ? L'alternative épistémologique. *-- (5) L'état de la théorie du langage chez Richard Rorty (pp. 97-109) Henri Meschonnic. *-- (6) Des tournants historiques (pp. 111-120) Jonathan Rée. *-- (7) La réalisation linguistique de la vérité (pp. 121-141) Aldo G. Gargani and Patrick Sauret. *-* PART 3 Les fins de l'histoire pragmatique : la justice libérale et le Bien communautaire *-* *-- (8) Les limites du libéralisme. De l'éthique politique aux États-Unis aujourd'hui (pp. 145-157) Axel Honneth and Patrick Sauret. *-- (9) Les Lumières et l'esprit juif ou la raison des vaincus (pp. 159-175) Reyès Maté and Catherine Ballestero. *-- (9) Vérité, contingence et modernité (pp. 177-194) Albrecht Wellmer and Marie-Noëlle Ryan. *-* PART 4 *-* Le « bonheur » de l'homme pragmatique *-* *-- (10) L'esthétique pragmatique de Rorty (pp. 197-208) Rainer Rochlitz. *-- (11) L'esthetique postmoderne du rap (pp. 209-228) Richard Shusterman
journal  article  jstor  20thC  historiography  epistemology  philosophy_of_language  philosophy_of_history  aesthetics  moral_philosophy  political_philosophy  cultural_critique  modernity  contingency  continental_philosophy  pragmatism  historicism  relativism  postmodern  liberalism  critical_theory  Peirce  Dewey  Rorty  Putnam  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
William Rasch - Enlightenment as Religion | JSTOR: New German Critique, No. 108 (Fall, 2009), pp. 109-131
Recent polemical and philosophical claims about modern, secular, liberal, enlightened Europe are examined from the perspective of Europe's relation, past and present, to the non-European world. The notion that Enlightenment reason and liberal institutions represent a higher level of culture because they serve as a universal, neutral medium in contrast to particular religious or ideological worldviews and most especially religious “fundamentalism” is questioned through a discussion of texts by Günter Grass, Jürgen Habermas, Martti Koskenniemi, Carl Schmitt, and Tzvetan Todorov. The legitimacy of Europe's identity as enlightened, secular, and liberal is not denied, only its self-understanding that with Enlightenment (implicitly regarded as the final stage of history) come universality and neutrality. Such a self-understanding contributes to the political problems that rational, “neutral” discourse is meant to solve. -- paywall Duke Journals
article  jstor  paywall  Enlightenment-ongoing  liberalism  secularism  Europe  Western_civ  culture  ideology  clash_of_civilizations  religion-fundamentalism  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Richard Boyd - Thomas Hobbes and the Perils of Pluralism | JSTOR: The Journal of Politics, Vol. 63, No. 2 (May, 2001), pp. 392-413
Scholarly opinion has been split uneasily between those who view Thomas Hobbes as a defender of Royalist absolutism and those who see him as the intellectual forefather of liberal individualism. While both these positions are compatible with Hobbes's deep-seated fear of intermediary associations between individual and state, this article will contend that it is his fear of the violent and irrational properties of groups that motivates his well-known individualism and gives a potentially illiberal bent to his political thought. Attending to Hobbes's neglected thoughts on the dangers posed by parties, sects, and other groups between individual and state sheds light on both the historical context and intellectual legacy of his thought. Hobbes's metaphorical complaints about those "lesser Common-wealths" akin to "wormes in the entrayles of a naturall man" also should prompt us to rethink many versions of contemporary pluralism and the vogue of civil society: Much of what today is recommended as "civil society" was considered anything but "civil" in the early modern political imagination.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  Hobbes  Absolutism  individualism  liberalism  fear  parties  faction  sectarianism  pluralism  civil_society  civil_liberties  tolerance  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Andrew Stark - Corporate Electoral Activity, Constitutional Discourse, and Conceptions of the Individual | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 3 (Sep., 1992), pp. 626-637
Recently, constitutional scholars have begun exploring how far constitutional discourse is governed by competing liberal and republican conceptions of the just or the good society. At the same time, political theorists have placed in doubt how far this debate rests on the metaphysical dichotomy between a radically autonomous and a radically encumbered individual. Scholars, however, have yet to investigate to what extent metaphysical conceptions of the autonomous or the encumbered individual underlie and determine strands of constitutional discourse. I analyze the deep structure of constitutional discourse in one important area--the legitimacy of prohibitions on corporate electoral activity. I show that the constitutional argumentation recurrently mounted against corporate electoral activity rests on a particular version of the radically encumbered individual and that the major constitutional defenses of corporate electoral activity assume a particular version of the radically autonomous individual.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  legal_theory  US_constitution  individualism  liberalism  republicanism  communitarian  civic_virtue  elections  corporations  corporate_governance  campaign_finance  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
William R. Lund - Communitarian Politics and the Problem of Equality | JSTOR: Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 577-600
Both liberals and communitarians grant normative weight to equality. To adjudicate their on-going debate, we need to clarify the meanings they attribute to that ambiguous concept. This paper analyzes a communitarian conception of equality, and criticizes its practical implications. At the bottom of this account, we find a virtue-centered ethical theory that assumes citizens are equally interested in true human "flourishing." Communitarians define that flourishing as living virtuously within a community committed to participatory democracy and a substantive conception of the common good. This conception of equality shapes their account of legitimate politics, including the denial of a strong right of privacy. Thus, the communitarians' occasionally troubling policy stands are not simply specific and eliminable errors. They are, instead, deeply rooted in the structure of their theory, and, absent serious modifications, a reconsideration of liberal alternatives is in order. -- good references -- didn't download
article  jstor  social_theory  political_philosophy  communitarian  liberalism  equality  common_good  individualism  privacy  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Amy R. McCready - The Ethical Individual: An Historical Alternative to Contemporary Conceptions of the Self | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 90-102
In this article I offer an historically situated model of the self as an alternative to liberal, communitarian, and Foucauldian conceptions. Through the example of John Milton, I show that the conscience gave rise to a self that was jointly individual and ethical. By participating in public debates at the behest of his conscience, Milton recognized himself as an individual possessor of moral authority. Conscience thus liberated Milton from traditional identifications and beliefs as it bound him to act for his society. The self founded on conscience therefore differs from both communitarian and liberal variants. Moreover, whereas conscience in the Foucauldian account renders the self docile, it empowers the self in my account. I conclude that the self predicated on conscience challenges the divisions between private and public realms, self-regarding and prosocial actions, and self-creating and culturally determined persons. -- lots of interesting references re self Taylor etc, communitarian debates, 17thC notions of conscience -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  liberalism  communitarian  individualism  pluralism  conscience  moral_philosophy  self-interest  altruism  political_participation  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Richard Boyd - Reappraising the Scottish Moralists and Civil Society | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 33, No. 1 (Autumn, 2000), pp. 101-125
Michael Sandel and others have faulted liberal constitutionalism for its "proceduralism," its "bracketing" of divisive moral issues, and its pursuit of the "unencumbered self." As a contemporary diagnosis, there is much to be said on behalf of these criticisms. Yet in recounting the story of liberalism's development as the deliberate and inevitable pursuit of moral individuality, these accounts fail to consider the anticipated benefits-as well as the costs-of modern constitutionalism that were evident to eighteenth-century thinkers like David Hume and Adam Smith. We will see that classical liberals like Hume and Smith did not defend liberal constitutionalism in the name of the "unencumbered self." Instead they saw liberal neutrality, the separation between public and private, and the relegation of religion to a private matter of civil society as the best way to accommodate sectarianism, ethical pluralism and the religious conflicts of the post-Reformation world. Only by challenging contemporary presumptions of liberal teleology and by understanding classical liberalism's development as the product of eighteenth-century encounters with the perils of pluralism can we fully reckon the advantages and disadvantages of liberal constitutionalism. These lessons of classical liberalism suggest both the presumptive virtues of liberalism and the dangers of communitarian efforts to encourage shared purposes and a thicker public life in the modern polity. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_philosophy  liberalism  communitarian  pluralism  constitutionalism  18thC  Scottish_Enlightenment  civil_society  public_sphere  individualism  religious_wars  politics-and-religion  political_culture  Hume  Smith  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Michael C. Williams: In the beginning: The International Relations enlightenment and the ends of International Relations theory| Special Issue End of IR Theory? - European Journal of International Relations September 2013
doi: 10.1177/1354066113495477 European Journal of International Relations September 2013 vol. 19 no. 3 647-665 -- uploaded to Dropbox -- The question of endings is simultaneously a question of beginnings: wondering if International Relations is at an end inevitably raises the puzzle of when and how ‘it’ began. This article argues that International Relations’ origins bear striking resemblance to a wider movement in post-war American political studies that Ira Katznelson calls the ‘political studies enlightenment.’ This story of the field’s beginnings and ends has become so misunderstood as to have almost disappeared from histories of the field and accounts of its theoretical orientations and alternatives. This historical forgetting represents one of the most debilitating errors of International Relations theory today, and overcoming it has significant implications for how we think about the past and future development of the field. In particular, it throws open not only our understanding of the place of realism in International Relations, but also our vision of liberalism. For the realism of the International Relations enlightenment did not seek to destroy liberalism as an intellectual and political project, but to save it. The core issue in the ‘invention of International Relations theory’ — its historical origins as well as its end or goal in a substantive or normative sense — was not the assertion of realism in opposition to liberalism: it was, in fact, the defence of a particular kind of liberalism. -- Michael C. Williams, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Ottawa -- keywords: realism liberalism enlightenment Morgenthau Niebuhr
article  IR_theory  intellectual_history  20thC  2013  entre_deux_guerres  social_sciences-post-WWII  liberalism  anti-Communist  US_foreign_policy  IR-liberalism  IR-realism  downloaded  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Paul Carrese: Montesquieu's Complex Natural Right and Moderate Liberalism: The Roots of American Moderation (2004)
JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 36, No. 2 (Jan., 2004), pp. 227-250 -- looks more interesting for bibliography than for analysis -- The diversity in twentieth-century scholarship on Montesquieu's The Spirit of Laws helps to confirm his own appreciation for complexity, synthesis, and balance in both political theory and practice. This is the overlooked meaning of "moderation," the key to his labyrinthine masterwork. His liberalism sought to capture the multiple dimensions of politics and the equilibrium, or moderation, in nature and human nature. Moderation informs his constitutionalism of balanced powers but also a natural right encompassing individual interest and humane sympathy for fellows. Reading the entire work, as Montesquieu requests, reveals that moderation and complexity provide its very plan and coherence-from its title, to its six-part structure, to its balancing of philosophy with humane letters. His natural right emphasizes tranquillity and political moderation, tempering modern liberalism with classical and medieval elements. Montesquieu's synthesis of such alternatives, and of the individual and social dimensions of our nature, also lends perspective on recent liberal theory and its critics. Both Rawlsian and communitarian concerns are better served by a tradition of theory that comprehends both, and which better captures the complexity of American political thought.
article  jstor  political_philosophy  18thC  20thC  21stC  Montesquieu  Rawls  communitarian  liberalism  bibliography  EF-add 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Guillaume Ansart: Variations on Montesquieu: Raynal and Diderot’s 'Histoire des deux Indes' and the American Revolution
Project MUSE - Journal of the History of Ideas Volume 70, Number 3, July 2009 pp. 399-420 -- This essay discusses an important early French response to the American Revolution, chapters 38-52 in Book 18 of Raynal and Diderot's Histoire des deux Indes (1780), and explores how this reponse was shaped by the influence of Montesquieu. In Raynal and Diderot's conception of political freedom, as in Montesquieu's, universalism is tempered by empiricism. Public opinion must never be ignored, local factors matter: the two philosophes praise the American revolutionaries for their wisdom in this respect. Clearly Montesquieuan in inspiration, the American chapters of the Histoire des deux Indes constitute one of the most significant pre-revolutionary examples of moderate liberalism in France.
article  Project_MUSE  paywall  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  Montesquieu  Diderot  American_Revolution  liberalism  empiricism  public_opinion 
september 2013 by dunnettreader
Paul Marshall: John Locke: Between God and Mammon (1979)
JSTOR: Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Mar., 1979), pp. 73-96 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- Locke est-il un proto-capitaliste ou est-il un néo-puritain poursuivant sa vocation avec application? Voilà deux interprétations fécondes de l'élément central de sa théorie politique. Ces deux conceptions ont naturellement leurs avantages et leurs limites. D'une part, il n'y a rien dans son oeuvre qui nous indique que Locke croyait à l'accumulation indéterminée ou à une rationalité qui justifie les différences de classes. Ainsi la thèse de l'appropriation individuelle perd de sa valeur. D'autre part, la notion de vocation est complexe, elle a évolué considérablement et elle comporte un certain nombre de points diver Locke s'appuie sur différents aspects de cette notion et il lui apporte ses propres changements. Il conçoit la vocation comme un travail et il attache beaucoup d'importance à ses avantages économiques. Par voie de conséquence, une interprétation de la pensée de Locke qui reposerait en grande partie sur les aspects religieux de sa pensée serait probablement trompeuse. L'individualisme propriétaire chez Locke est tiré de l'individualisation extrême de la responsabilité laquelle se retrouve dans la doctrine de la vocation, mais Locke cherche à joindre cette responsabilité à la notion de l'utilité du travail et aux exigences de l'efficacité économique. Il recherchait à la fois des << espoirs réconfortants >> de bonheur dans un monde futur et une traversée de ce monde calme et prospère. Locke voulait servir deux maîtres et on ne peut comprendre sa théorie politique si l'on ne tient compte que de l'un d'eux.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  theology  17thC  Britain  political_economy  religious_culture  property  Labor_markets  poverty  individualism  liberalism  Locke  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2013 by dunnettreader
Daniel Finn: The moral ecology of markets: on the failure of the amoral defense of markets | T & F Online
Review of Social Economy
Volume 61, Issue 2, 2003, pages 135- 162
Available online: 04 Jun 2010
DOI: 10.1080/0034676032000098192

Many economists have defended capitalism; most have tried to do so within the self-imposed methodological constraint that economists should employ only empirical arguments, not normative ones. This essay examines three classic amoral defenses of capitalism—by Milton Friedman, James Buchanan, and Friedrich Hayek—and argues that each fails on its own terms, since each implicitly incorporates moral presumptions essential to the author's argument. Constructively, the essay proposes that no one can adequately endorse (or critique) markets without making a moral evaluation of their context—their “moral ecology.” Four issues are identified as necessarily addressed in every adequate evaluation of markets. The essay does not endorse any one position on these elements, but argues instead that seemingly incommensurable standpoints on markets—ranging from Marxist to libertarian—actually represent positions on the these four basic issues.

Downloaded pdf to Note
article  political_economy  markets  liberalism  libertarianism  conservatism  Hayek  moral_philosophy  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2013 by dunnettreader

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