dunnettreader + article + bourgeoisie   9

Acemoglu, Cantoni, Johnson
The Consequences of Radical Reform: The French Revolution
Daron Acemoglu, Davide Cantoni, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson
The American Economic Review
Vol. 101, No. 7 (DECEMBER 2011), pp. 3286-3307
Downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
commerce  urbanization  guilds  elites  republicanism  reform-legal  Rhineland  reform-political  Germany  economic_growth  political_economy  reform-economic  jstor  political_history  civil_code  French_Revolution  rule_of_law  institutional_economics  bourgeoisie  aristocracy  trade  article  downloaded  feudalism  economic_history 
september 2016 by dunnettreader
ALEXIS D. LITVINE, review essay - THE INDUSTRIOUS REVOLUTION, THE INDUSTRIOUSNESS DISCOURSE, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN ECONOMIES (2014) | The Historical Journal, 57, pp 531-570. - Cambridge Journals Online - Abstract
ALEXIS D. LITVINE - Trinity College, Cambridge -- The idea of industriousness has been an ever-recurring issue since Max Weber launched it as a putative explanation of the advent of economic modernity. The notion of ‘industrious revolution’ has provoked a renewed flourishing of publications focusing on this issue. Although most historians agree on the emergence of industriousness in seventeenth-century Europe, there is no consensus regarding the chronology, hence the real causes, of this mental and discursive shift. This article emphasizes the problematic role played by literary evidences in these social and cultural models of diffusion of new consumer values and desires. It then establishes the timing of the emergence of the ‘industriousness discourse’ using an original approach to diffusion based both on the quantitative analysis of very large corpora and a close reading of seventeenth-century economic pamphlets and educational literature. It concludes first that there was not one but several competing discourses on industriousness. It then identifies two crucial hinges which closely match the chronology proposed by Allen and Muldrew, but refutes that championed by de Vries and McCloskey. The industrious revolution as described by these authors would have happened both too late to fit its intellectual roots and too early to signal the beginning of a ‘consumer revolution’. -- * I am extremely grateful to Peter Mandler, Craig Muldrew, participants in the Early Modern Economic and Social History seminar, and two anonymous referees, for their comments on previous versions of this article. I am also indebted to Andrew Hardie, Jean-Baptiste Michel, and Paul Schaffner for allowing me to use their data and to Billy Janitsch, Andreas Vlachos, and Andrew Wilson for technical assistance.
article  paywall  find  historiography  17thC  Europe-Early_Modern  Great_Divergence  economic_history  intellectual_history  cultural_history  social_order  consumerism  Industrial_Revolution  industriousness  virtue  discourse  bourgeoisie  modernity-emergence  education  values  publishing  readership  Protestant_Ethic  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
James Thompson - After the Fall: Class and Political Language in Britain, 1780-1900 | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 39, No. 3 (Sep., 1996), pp. 785-806
The fall of class in nineteenth-century British history has become a familiar tale. Its rise in the historiography of eighteenth-century Britain has been less noted. This essay explores the reasons for this divergence and emphasizes its methodological origins. It highlights the need for a comprehensive history of class society and identity to replace the confused and contradictory picture of particular classes and communities that is currently on offer. To understand better the constitution of class society, it urges historians to talk less of consciousness and more of identity and to recognize that class is an imagined community much like any other. It proceeds to use this understanding of class identity to assess the turn to political language amongst social historians interested in class. The paper offers a sustained examination of the recent work of Joyce and Wahrman in particular and argues that insufficient attention has been paid to the variety of usable political languages and to the particular discursive contexts in which they are employed. It is argued that to acknowledge that class is so constructed is not to deny its existence or its importance and that historians need to look beyond political discourse to explain how class became so central to the self and the social in the nineteenth century. -- extensive references on British social history as well as postmodern historiography debates -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  historiography  social_history  political_history  cultural_history  British_history  British_politics  18thC  19thC  classes  class_conflict  working_class  middle_class  lower_orders  elites  elite_culture  popular_culture  bourgeoisie  identity  identity_politics  political_participation  political_press  rhetoric-political  aristocracy  gentry  gentleman  social_order  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
august 2014 by dunnettreader
Brian Leiter - Morality Critics [chapter] :: SSRN - in THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF CONTINENTAL PHILOSOPHY, B. Leiter & M. Rosen, eds., Oxford University Press, 2007
U of Texas Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 114 -- One striking feature of post-Kantian philosophy in Europe has been the emergence of morality critics, philosophers who, contra the popular consensus, dispute the value of morality and the moral life. Their views find a faint echo in the work of some Anglophone moral philosophers (Philippa Foot and Bernard Williams are the main exemplars), but, as we will see, the "Continental" criticisms of morality generally cut far deeper and more radically. -- These Continental morality critics object that morality in practice is an obstacle to human flourishing itself. So understood, this attack on morality raises two immediate questions. First, the Continental morality critics are plainly not without ethical views of their own - ..broadly, about the good life for (some or all) human beings - since it is on the basis of these views that they criticize "morality." -- we can usefully divide Continental critics of morality into two camps: .... In the first camp ... see the individual's acceptance of morality as such as an obstacle to the individual's flourishing; in different ways, Nietzsche and Freud .... In the second camp ... see morality as among the "ideological" instruments that sustain socio-economic relations that are obstacles to individual flourishing. On this second account - ..Marx and perhaps some of ..the Frankfurt School - it is not allegiance to morality per se that thwarts individual flourishing, but rather the role such allegiance plays in sustaining certain socio-economic relations.. We will call the former "Direct Morality Critics" and the latter "Indirect Morality Critics." (Foucault straddles both approaches, and so we will discuss him in a transitional section.) -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  books  SSRN  intellectual_history  19thC  20thC  moral_philosophy  moral_psychology  social_theory  metaethics  continental_philosophy  cultural_critique  Germany  France  Marx  Nietzsche  Freud  Frankfurt_School  Foucault  morality-Nietzche  morality-conventional  normativity  human_nature  social_order  ideology  bourgeoisie  power  morality-critics  Williams_Bernard  values  ethics  human_condition  flourishing  Aristotelian  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
John Tosh - Gentlemanly Politeness and Manly Simplicity in Victorian England | JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12 (2002), pp. 455-472
Between the late eighteenth century and the mid-nineteenth century the notion of the 'polite gentleman' lost its political purchase. 'Manliness' became the identifying code of both the business class and the 'respectable' working class. The virtues of rugged individualism and personal integrity were emphasised at the expense of sociability and ease of manner. In the political sphere debates about who should be included in the franchise were permeated by the language of manliness, and the politicians with the greatest popular following were hailed as 'plain men' possessing a 'simple manliness'. -- lots of good stuff on contrast between 18thC and 19thC that helps explain part of hostility towards Bolingbroke as representing the unmanliness of the polite aristocrat both in his politics (easily accused of hypocrisy, a major Victorian sin), his sociability, (especially his relations with women) to say nothing of his religion, which wasn't serious enough,no struggle with faith or conscience -- just a fribble overall whose charisma counted against him as well as against those who were gulled by him -- Disraeli a throwback -- useful references -- didn't download
article  jstor  cultural_history  social_history  18thC  19thC  British_history  Victorian  political_culture  working_class  bourgeoisie  professions  independence  individualism  competition  masculinity  politeness  manners  Evangelical  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader

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