dunnettreader + abolition   18

Christopher Dickey - Confederate Madness Then and Now | The Daily Beast - July 216
Pimping his new book - history of British consul in Charleston who had a front row seat to the arrogant brutality of the slave-holding elite, how they were eager for secession if they didn't dominate the federal government, and thought that since King Cotton ruled the global economy, they'd be able to count on support from the European powers. His lead character, while socializing with the elites sent a steady stream of reports back to Foreign & Colonial about the real situation and the barbaric attitudes and conduct of those elites. - Dickey suggests that his guy's info made a difference in London anytime it looked there might be wavering in British policy- taking into account Britain’s immediate economic pain and/or assessment of how the Union was likely to prevail. He also apparently thinks his guy's reports in a few years before secession helped spur the British to accelerate the search for alternatives to the South as a supply source. -- The hook of the article is getting rid of the Confederate flag - and how, now as then, Southern leaders have been able to stir up racism among the lower class whites to see their culture under existential threat and pursue policies and violence that run counter to their objective interests. He wants to stop the elimination of Confederate commemoration to the flag - and leave the statues and monuments as a way of remembering the hideous moral monsters who drove the South to ruin. He doesn't address the issue of how those monuments will be used to glorify the "heroes" of the Lost Cayse.
Instapaper  US_history  US_politics  British_foreign_policy  US_Civil_War  slavery  abolition  slave_trade  cotton  Industrial_Revolution  US_politics-race  British_Navy  British_Empire  imperialism  global_economy  popular_culture  popular_politics  Southern_states  Confederacy  diplomatic_history  from instapaper
july 2016 by dunnettreader
Michael Mann, review essay on 8 books on slavery and abolition, especially in South Asia and British Empire | H-Net Reviews - Jan 2016
Michael Mann. Review of Campbell, Gwyn; Elizabeth Elbourne, Sex, Power, and Slavery and Campbell, Gwyn; Stanziani, Alessandro, Bonded Labour and Debt in the Indian Ocean World and Harms, Robert; Freamon, Bernard K.; Blight, David W., Indian Ocean Slavery in the Age of Abolition and Major, Andrea, Slavery, Abolitionism and Empire in India, 1772-1843 and Miller, Joseph, The Problem of Slavery as History: A Global Approach and Mulligan, William; Bric, Maurice, A Global History of Anti-Slavery Politics in the Nineteenth Century and Retzlaff, Carolin, »Wont the law give me my freedom?«: Sklaverei vor Gericht (1750-1800). H-Soz-u-Kult, H-Net Reviews. January, 2016. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  social_history  economic_history  political_history  18thC  19thC  slavery  Indian_Ocean  South_Asia  British_Empire  abolition  labor_history  globalization  transnational_elites  networks-exchange  networks-information  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Sandy Levinson - The continuing relevance of Stephen A. Douglas: "Popular sovereignty," federalism, and moral relativism" | Balkinization - June 2015
Consider the following passages from the anguished dissents (..by) Scalia and Alito in Obergefell: [re their "indifference" re substance of SSM - notes how much this clashes with their Catholic beliefs that insist on moral absolutes determined by "natural law"] -- Federalism is (..) as a practical matter, as a means of acknowledging the diverse views we have about matters of political or social morality (..) there's much to said for this as a means for maintaining social peace, albeit at the cost of accepting the maintenance of what many might consider significant injustice in some of the states. But note well that what Scalia and Alito are doing is really reviving the theory of "popular sovereignty" best identified with the Little Giant Sen. Stephen A. Douglas with regard to the issue of slavery. (,.) Douglas professed himself indifferent to the moral critique of slavery. (..) What this translated into was the desirability of letting each state, as it joined the Union, make its own decision as to slavery or freedom. Somewhat more complicated was the right of the pre-state territory to make its own decision, in territorial legislatures, to welcome slaveowners. Douglas, to his political detriment, argued that they could place stumbling blocks in the way of the slaveowners, but, if they chose not to, that was all right too. The important thing was to recognize the fundamentally "federal" nature of the Union, a collection of people with decidedly different views about the legitimacy of owning other human beings as chattels, and to allow that decision to be made locally rather than on a one-size-fits-all national basis.
Instapaper  SCOTUS  constitutional_law  19thC  states_rights  federalism  slavery  morality-conventional  morality-divine_command  morality-Christian  rights-legal  natural_law  natural_rights  positivism-legal  Holmes  Douglas_Stephen  Lincoln  antebellum_era  abolition  marriage  Thomism  Thomism-21stC  Catholics  Papacy  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
The Legacy of the U.S. Civil War: 150 Years Later - roundtable with historians | Cambridge University Press Blog - April 2015
Participants: Kathleen M. Hilliard  is the author of Masters, Slaves, and Exchange .  She is Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Iowa State… Quite interesting, both for their insights and for how the historiography of the US in the 19thC has changed -- not simply looking at social groups (both as actors and victims) who had been ignored, but that historiographical shifts in specialties (e.g. military history, or the connections between legal and political history) have changed or broadened the focus when it comes to the Civil War. Lots of links to CUP books as well as (unlinked) other books and papers. S
US_history  19thC  US_Civil_War  historiography-postWWII  historiography  military_history  social_history  cultural_history  digital_humanities  global_history  global_system  diplomatic_history  legal_history  constitutional_law  US_constitution  Congress  Lincoln  Confederacy  slavery  abolition  African-Americans  Native_Americans  Manifest_Destiny  frontier  industrialization  books  kindle-available  US_society  US_politics  US_government  US_legal_system  bibliography  Instapaper  from instapaper
may 2015 by dunnettreader
Special Issue in Memory of Charles Tilly (1929–2008): Cities, States, Trust, and Rule - Contents | JSTOR: Theory and Society, Vol. 39, No. 3/4, May 2010
1 - Cities, states, trust, and rule: new departures from the work of Charles Tilly - Michael Hanagan and Chris Tilly [d-load] *-* 2 - Cities, states, and trust networks: Chapter 1 of 'Cities and States in World History' - Charles Tilly [d-load] *-* 3 - Unanticipated consequences of "humanitarian intervention": The British campaign to abolish the slave trade, 1807-1900 - Marcel van der Linden [d-load] *-* 4 - Is there a moral economy of state formation? Religious minorities and repertoires of regime integration in the Middle East and Western Europe, 600-1614 - Ariel Salzmann [d-load] *-* 5 - Inclusiveness and exclusion: trust networks at the origins of European cities - Wim Blockmans [d-load] *-* 6 - Colonial legacy of ethno-racial inequality in Japan - Hwaji Shin. *-* 7 - Legacies of empire? - Miguel Angel Centeno and Elaine Enriquez. *-* 8 - Cities and states in geohistory - Edward W. Soja [d-load] *-* 9 - From city club to nation state: business networks in American political development - Elisabeth S. Clemens [d-load] *-* 10 - Irregular armed forces, shifting patterns of commitment, and fragmented sovereignty in the developing world - Diane E. Davis *-* 11 - Institutions and the adoption of rights: political and property rights in Colombia - Carmenza Gallo *-* 12 - Taking Tilly south: durable inequalities, democratic contestation, and citizenship in the Southern Metropolis - Patrick Heller and Peter Evans *-* 13 - Industrial welfare and the state: nation and city reconsidered - Smita Srinivas *-* 14 - The forms of power and the forms of cities: building on Charles Tilly - Peter Marcuse [d-load] *-* 15 - Was government the solution or the problem? The role of the state in the history of American social policy
journal  article  jstor  social_theory  political_sociology  contention  social_movements  change-social  historical_sociology  nation-state  cities  city_states  urban_politics  urban_elites  urbanization  urban_development  economic_sociology  institutions  institutional_change  property_rights  civil_liberties  civil_society  political_participation  political_culture  inequality  class_conflict  development  colonialism  abolition  medieval_history  state-building  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  MENA  Europe-Early_Modern  Reformation  networks-business  US_history  US_politics  US_economy  welfare_state  power-asymmetric  power-symbolic  elites  elite_culture  imperialism  empires  trust  networks-social  networks-religious  networks  14thC  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  geohistory  moral_economy  military_history  militia  guerrillas  mercenaires  sovereignty  institution-building 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Fred Clark - This is not good news. This is not salvation. - George Whitefield, slavery advocate | Slacktavist June 2014
When Whitefield first founded his orphanage in 1738, slavery was illegal in the colony of Georgia. The evangelist was certain, however, that “hot countries cannot be cultivated without negroes,” and that legal slavery would be the key to making his endeavors there profitable. So George Whitfield — who was, as Christian History said, “probably the most famous religious figure of the 18th century” — began lobbying the crown and the trustees of the colony to make slavery legal there. Whitefield’s efforts were essential to that cause. Without his hard work, slavery might never have become legal in Georgia. Let that sink in. Ponder that — the immensity of it, the consequences of it, the incalculable toll and immeasurable injustice of it.
18thC  religious_history  religious_culture  British_history  British_politics  American_colonies  Great_Awakening-colonial  Anglican  Church_of_England  Evangelical  Methodist  slavery  Georgia  abolition  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Thomas D. Wilson - The Oglethorpe Plan: Enlightenment Design in Savannah and Beyond: (2012) | Amazon.com: Books
The statesman and reformer James Oglethorpe was a significant figure in the philosophical and political landscape of 18thC British America. His social contributions—all informed by Enlightenment ideals—included prison reform, the founding of the Georgia colony on behalf of the "worthy poor," and stirring the founders of the abolitionist movement. He also developed the famous ward design for the city of Savannah, a design that became one of the most important planning innovations in American history. Multilayered and connecting the urban core to peripheral garden and farm lots, the Oglethorpe Plan was intended by its author to both exhibit and foster his utopian ideas of agrarian equality. The professional planner Thomas D. Wilson reconsiders the Oglethorpe Plan, revealing that Oglethorpe was a more dynamic force in urban planning than has generally been supposed -- the Oglethorpe Plan embodies all of the major themes of the Enlightenment, including science, humanism, and secularism. The vibrancy of the ideas behind its conception invites an exploration of the plan's enduring qualities. In addition to surveying historical context and intellectual origins, this book aims to rescue Oglethorpe’s work from its relegation to the status of a living museum in a revered historic district, and to demonstrate instead potential links with New Urbanism and other more naturally evolving and socially engaged modes of urban development. -- only hdbk
books  18thC  British_history  Atlantic  American_colonies  Georgia  Enlightenment  cultural_history  social_history  intellectual_history  egalitarian  civic_humanism  civic_virtue  slavery  abolition  poverty  Poor_Laws  debtors  agriculture  urban_development  urbanization  prisons  improvement  secularism  republicanism  farmers  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
ANTHONY PAGE - RATIONAL DISSENT, ENLIGHTENMENT, AND ABOLITION OF THE BRITISH SLAVE TRADE | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 54, No. 3 (SEPTEMBER 2011), pp. 741-772
Following British abolition of the slave trade in 1807, the origins and nature of popular abolitionism have been much debated among historians. Traditionally, religion was seen as the driving force, with an emphasis on the role of Quakers and evangelicals, whilst in the twentieth century social historians began to stress the importance of economic and social change. This article revises both interpretations by helping to recover and analyse the abolitionism of enlightened Rational Dissenters. Legal inequality and their 'rational piety' encouraged heterodox Dissenters to become active in a wide range of reformist causes. Owing to evangelical dominance in the nineteenth century, however, the role of Rational Dissenters was marginalized in histories of abolitionism. Recovering Rational Dissenting abolitionism underlines the importance of religion in the campaign against the slave trade. Since Rational Dissent was to a large extent a religion of the commercial classes, this article also sheds light on the hotly debated relationship between capitalism and abolition. -- extensive bibliography on jstor information page -- paywall Cambridge journals -- a return to Clark's view of radical dissent as revolutionary force in Ancien Regime Britain
article  jstor  paywall  historians-and-religion  revisionism  intellectual_history  religious_history  religious_culture  politics-and-religion  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  West_Indies  American_colonies  slavery  dissenters  Radical_Enlightenment  Price_Richard  Priestley  abolition  radicals  reform-political  reform-social  merchants  capitalism  middle_class  ClarkJonathan  Evangelical  conservatism  counter-revolution  bibliography  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
N. Draper - The City of London and Slavery: Evidence from the First Dock Companies, 1795-1800 | JSTOR: The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 61, No. 2 (May, 2008), pp. 432-466
Through analysing the composition of the founding shareholders in the West India and London Docks, this article explores the connections between the City of London and the slave economy on the eve of the abolition of the slave trade. It establishes that over one-third of docks investors were active in slave-trading, slave-ownership, or the shipping, trading, finance, and insurance of slave produce. It argues that the slave economy was neither dominant nor marginal, but instead was fully integrated into the City's commercial and financial structure, contributing materially alongside other key sectors to the foundations of the nineteenth-century City. -- huge bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_economy  economic_history  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  West_Indies  American_colonies  slavery  abolition  London  ports  trade  merchants  planters  investors  shipping  finance_capital  insurance  City  City_politics  Industrial_Revolution  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
Nicholas Hudson - "Britons Never Will be Slaves": National Myth, Conservatism, and the Beginnings of British Antislavery | Eighteenth-Century Studies 34.4 (2001) 559-576 - Project MUSE
According to a virtual consensus in modern scholarship on the abolition of slavery, this event marked a historic victory for nonconformist, radical, or otherwise antiestablishment elements in British culture. A recent historian has connected the rise of antislavery with "Wilkite" tendencies in the British middle class, and others have located abolitionism in a "reform complex" devoted to the radical overhaul of the British political system. It has been widely assumed that British slavery was generally excused by the established Anglican church and that the abolitionist movement was dominated by "Quakers, evangelicals and Rational Dissenters." -- This scholarship exemplifies a "Whig" historiography that routinely looks for the sources of social change in the attack of peripheral or nontraditional groups on the center. -- the most resonant voices against slavery during the 18thC belonged to men and women with strong backgrounds in the Anglican Church and conservative views on social and political issues in Britain. These include Samuel Johnson, William Warburton, Edmund Burke, ... -- we find that these humanitarian objections emerged from within the groups and ideologies that conceived of Britain as fundamentally Anglican, royal, and hierarchical. -- it is, in fact, inaccurate to identify mainstream British values with the merchants and colonists who controlled the slave-trade. As I will contend, antislavery took shape amidst an essentially ideological conflict about the very nature of "Britain" between proponents of unbridled free-market capitalism and the essentially conservative and traditionalist outlook of those who wished to contain capitalism within the constraints of morality, religion, and their patriotic image of Britons as a freedom-loving people. -- copy 1st 2 pages in Simple Note
article  Project_MUSE  paywall  find  18thC  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  West_Indies  American_colonies  slavery  dissenters  Radical_Enlightenment  Whigs-oligarchy  Whigs-Radicals  Whigs-opposition  Tories  national_ID  British_Empire  abolition  plantations  planters  Anglican  Royalists  Wilkes  Johnson  Warburton  Burke  conservatism  historiography-Whig  nationalism  merchants  finance_capital  moral_economy  political_economy  capitalism  patriotism  Patriots  Patriot_King  Bolingbroke  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Common-place: Trevor Burnard - The American Revolution, the West Indies, and the Future of Plantation British America
Conference presentation -- One lesson that British imperialists refused to learn from the American Revolution was that the prejudices of settler elites needed to be respected...The British Empire from the 1780s onward became more, not less, authoritarian and became ever more dependent upon metropolitan direction exercised tightly among a close group of initiates experienced in plantation affairs... Such imperial obstinacy proved especially problematic for West Indian planters. Britain acted less consultatively and less in the interests of West Indians after the American Revolution than before. In 1784, for example, against strong West Indian protests, they severed the West Indies economically from North America by insisting on recognizing the United States of America as a foreign nation whose ships should be banned from British ports. For the first time in the 18thC, and increasingly thereafter, West Indian lobbyists in London found themselves unable to get their way in West Indian policy matters. This diminished political influence, moreover, was combined with a British tendency to see West Indian planters less as gauche nouveau riches who brought material benefits to the Empire than as crude, cruel, sexually lascivious deviants. Metropolitan opinion saw West Indian planters as given to "mongrelisation" in their relations with black women. As a consequence, they were thought to be intellectually and morally bankrupt. It was not economics but politics that was the real problem facing the West Indies after the American Revolution.
18thC  19thC  British_politics  British_Empire  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  West_Indies  planters  plantations  slavery  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  trade-policy  racialism  abolition  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Common-place: Kathleen DuVal - A Revolutionary Future
Presentation from conference - Historians' second goal in changing the terms of debate is to write new synthetic narratives, to tell the whole story differently. -- I would start with the question of how North Americans on the eve of the Revolution expected the future to look. I think we would find startling agreement across North America, if we maintain a sufficiently broad focus. People expected multiple sovereignties to rule the continent, as had been the case long before Europeans and Africans arrived. -- Slavery would continue, as most people believed it had throughout the world since the beginning of time, but few would have imagined either the huge scale of antebellum plantation slavery or the movement to abolish slavery altogether. -- From that starting place, we might explore various paths through the Revolutionary War and beyond, keeping an eye on different people's visions of what the world should be like (a question inherently both self-interested and ideological) through the vagaries of a war that might change those visions and ambitions along the way. The punchline would be that almost all of these visions were wrong. The republican empire that came out of the American Revolution and early republic developed both a power over the continent that no one predicted and the kind of rhetoric and promise that attracted immigration from around the world. In some ways, I would argue, the most important story of the American Revolution is how the more likely nineteenth century failed to come about.
historiography  US_history  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  18thC  19thC  nation-state  institution-building  Native_Americans  Manifest_Destiny  slavery  abolition 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
James Farr - Locke, Natural Law, and New World Slavery | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 36, No. 4 (Aug., 2008), pp. 495-522
This essay systematically reformulates an earlier argument about Locke and new world slavery, adding attention to Indians, natural law, and Locke's reception. Locke followed Grotian natural law in constructing a just-war theory of slavery. Unlike Grotius, though, he severely restricted the theory, making it inapplicable to America. It only fit resistance to "absolute power" in Stuart England. Locke was nonetheless an agent of British colonialism who issued instructions governing slavery. Yet they do not inform his theory--or vice versa. This creates hermeneutical problems and raises charges of racism. If Locke deserves the epithet "racist," it is not for his having a racial doctrine justifying slavery. None of this makes for a flattering portrait. Locke's reputation as the champion of liberty would not survive the contradictions in which new world slavery ensnared him. Evidence for this may be found in Locke's reception, including by Southern apologists for slavery.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  17thC  British_history  colonialism  American_colonies  West_Indies  indigenous_peoples  Native_Americans  Africa  slavery  Locke  Grotius  natural_law  just_war  conquest  liberty  individualism  liberalism  Southern_states  abolition  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader

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