Nelson E. "Patriot Royalism: The Stuart Monarchy in American Political Thought, 1769-75". The William and Mary Quarterly [Internet]. 2011;3rd ser., 68 (4) :533-596. With responses by Gordon S. Wood, Pauline Maier, and Daniel Hulsebosch, as well a reply to critics ("Taking Them Seriously: Patriots, Prerogative, and the English Seventeenth Century"). -- preliminary to his "Royalist Revolution" -- downloaded pdf to Note

Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Spring, 2009), pp. 363-378 -- The propagandist and conspirator, Robert Ferguson, so-called, The Plotter, has always been something of a puzzle to historians; his conversion from Whig to Jacobite following the Glorious Revolution has always been particularly troubling. This essay argues that Ferguson's winding career was far from unusual in the late Stuart era. Many politicians, prelates, playwrights and publicists altered their principles or even their religion within the fast changing political environment of Restoration and Revolution England. Secondly, this essay takes Ferguson seriously as a sophisticated political theorist, arguing that his political principles, from Whig to Jacobite, remained fairly consistent and revolve around his understanding of England's ancient constitution. His political life took many twists and turns, but his basic ideology remained the same. -- article published after her Radical Whigs and conspiracies book -- downloaded pdf to Note

This book explores the sources of modern British liberalism through a study of the Edinburgh Review, the most influential and controversial early nineteenth-century British periodical. Founded by a group of young Scottish intellectuals in 1802, the Review served as a principal channel through which the ideas of the Scottish Enlightenment gained wider currency, and did much to popularize the doctrines of economic and political reform. As Dr Fontana shows in this lucid and keen analysis, the first thirty years in the life of the Review clearly display the new social and economic problems confronting European society in the aftermath of the French Revolution. **--** Introduction *--* 1. Scottish theories of commercial society and the French Revolution *-* 2. Adam Smith's heritage: the Edinburgh reviewers and the Wealth of Nations *-* 3. The definition of political economy: political economy as a social science *-* 4. The Edinburgh reviewers and the Whig party *-* 5. Commercial society and its enemies: the debate on the First Reform Bill *-* Conclusion -- downloaded pdfs of front matter and excerpt to Note

Each section a pdf downloaded to Note - combined, c 25,000 entries *--* Section 1: Preface, Introduction, The Westminster Parliament 1-4005. **--** Section 2: The Medieval Parliament 4006-4728 **--** Section 3: Tudor Parliaments 4729-5064 **--* Section 4: Stuart Parliaments 5063-6805 **--** Section 5: The Unreformed Parliament 1714-1832 6806-9589. **--** Section 6: The Reformed Parliament 1832-1918 9590-15067 **--** Section 7: Parliament 1918-2009 15068-21582. **--** Section 8: The Judicial House of Lords 21583-21835. -- The Palace of Westminster 21836-22457. -- The Irish Parliament 22458-23264 -- The Scottish Parliament (to 1707) 23265-23482 -- The New Devolved Assemblies 23483-23686 -- The Scottish Parliament (1999-) 23687-24251 -- Northern Ireland 24252-24563 -- The National Assembly for Wales 24537-24963 -- Minor Assemblies

Laurence L. Bongie, David Hume: Prophet of the Counter-revolution (2nd ed.), Foreword by Donald W. Livingston (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2000). 07/13/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/673> -- Though usually Edmund Burke is identified as the first to articulate the principles of a modern conservative political tradition, arguably he was preceded by a Scotsman who is better known for espousing a brilliant concept of skepticism. As Laurence Bongie notes, “David Hume was undoubtedly the eighteenth-century British writer whose works were most widely known and acclaimed on the Continent during the later Enlightenment period. Hume’s impact [in France] was of undeniable importance, greater even for a time than the related influence of Burke, although it represents a contribution to French counter-revolutionary thought which, unlike that of Burke, has been almost totally ignored by historians to this day.” The bulk of Bongie’s work consists of the writings of French readers of Hume who were confronted, first, by the ideology of human perfection and, finally, by the actual terrors of the French Revolution. Offered in French in the original edition of David Hume published by Oxford University Press in 1965, these vitally important writings have been translated by the author into English for the Liberty Fund second edition. In his foreword, Donald Livingston observes that “If conservatism is taken to be an intellectual critique of the first attempt at modern total revolution, then the first such event was not the French but the Puritan revolution, and the first systematic critique of this sort of act was given by Hume.” -- original on bookshelf - downloaded for Livingston foreword and translations

According to a virtual consensus in modern scholarship on the abolition of slavery, this event marked a historic victory for nonconformist, radical, or otherwise antiestablishment elements in British culture. A recent historian has connected the rise of antislavery with "Wilkite" tendencies in the British middle class, and others have located abolitionism in a "reform complex" devoted to the radical overhaul of the British political system. It has been widely assumed that British slavery was generally excused by the established Anglican church and that the abolitionist movement was dominated by "Quakers, evangelicals and Rational Dissenters." -- This scholarship exemplifies a "Whig" historiography that routinely looks for the sources of social change in the attack of peripheral or nontraditional groups on the center. -- the most resonant voices against slavery during the 18thC belonged to men and women with strong backgrounds in the Anglican Church and conservative views on social and political issues in Britain. These include Samuel Johnson, William Warburton, Edmund Burke, ... -- we find that these humanitarian objections emerged from within the groups and ideologies that conceived of Britain as fundamentally Anglican, royal, and hierarchical. -- it is, in fact, inaccurate to identify mainstream British values with the merchants and colonists who controlled the slave-trade. As I will contend, antislavery took shape amidst an essentially ideological conflict about the very nature of "Britain" between proponents of unbridled free-market capitalism and the essentially conservative and traditionalist outlook of those who wished to contain capitalism within the constraints of morality, religion, and their patriotic image of Britons as a freedom-loving people. -- copy 1st 2 pages in Simple Note

The seventeenth century was not finished in eighteenth-century England. The ghosts of the 'Great Rebellion' continued to haunt Hanoverian England as political groupings struggled for some kind of control of representations of the past. One of the explicit purposes of Hume's "History of England" (1752-64) was to exorcize these ghosts of the past and to delegitimize the political memories of Whigs, Tories and Jacobites, churchmen and dissenters. This article focuses on the account of the puritans in the "History of England." In significant ways this contravenes Hume's own agenda. Out of his anti-puritan history there emerges the negative figure of the radical political intellectual which was subsequently appropriated by Burke and by wider forces of political reaction in England in the 1790s. Far from escaping the obsolete antagonisms of the past which continued to shape Hanoverian political hostilities, Hume in his "History of England" contributed to their reproduction and even intensification from the 1770s. -- begins by contrasting Bolingbroke's upfront treatment of the power of collective memory to enflame party conflict with Hume's attempt to reframe the memories themselves -- downloaded pdf to Note

Hardback and ebook - not yet pbk -- England's response to the Revolt of the Netherlands (1568–1648) has been studied hitherto mainly in terms of government policy, yet the Dutch struggle with Habsburg Spain affected a much wider community than just the English political elite. It attracted attention across Britain and drew not just statesmen and diplomats but also soldiers, merchants, religious refugees, journalists, travellers and students into the conflict. Hugh Dunthorne draws on pamphlet literature to reveal how British contemporaries viewed the progress of their near neighbours' rebellion, and assesses the lasting impact which the Revolt and the rise of the Dutch Republic had on Britain's domestic history. The book explores affinities between the Dutch Revolt and the British civil wars of the seventeenth century - the first major challenges to royal authority in modern times - showing how much Britain's changing commercial, religious and political culture owed to the country's involvement with events across the North Sea. --

** Reveals the wide-ranging impact of the Dutch Revolt on Britain's political, religious and commercial culture
** Connects the Dutch Revolt and Britain's seventeenth-century civil wars
** Places early modern Dutch and British history in international context

Lots of references to jstor articles - helpful for historiography through Dickinson and Kramnick Bolingbroke works and rethinking of Namier by 1980 -- downloaded pdf to Note

Group includes Mark Knights? -- The article explores 'commonwealth' both as a term and a conceptual field across the early modern period, with a particular focus on the Anglophone world. The shifts of usage of 'commonwealth' are explored, from a term used to describe the polity, to one used to describe a particular, republican form of polity, through to its eclipse in the eighteenth century by other terms such as 'nation' and 'state'. But the article also investigates the variety of usages during any one time, especially at moments of crisis, and the network of related terms that constituted 'commonwealth'. That investigation requires, it is argued, not just a textual approach but one that embraces social custom and practice, as well as the study of literary and visual forms through which the keyword 'commonwealth' was constructed. The article emphasizes the importance of social context to language; the forms, metaphors and images used to describe and depict the polity; and to show how linguistic change could occur through the transmutation of elements of the conceptual field that endowed the keyword with its meaning. -- lots of references -- looks immensely useful, of course cites original version of Skinner on Bolingbroke -- paywall Cambridge journals

Matthew Tindal's Rights of the Christian church (1706), which elicited more than thirty contemporary replies, was a major interjection in the ongoing debates about the relationship between church and state in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century England. Historians have usually seen Tindal's work as an exemplar of the 'republican civil religion' that had its roots in Hobbes and Harrington, and putatively formed the essence of radical whig thought in the wake of the Glorious Revolution. But this is to misunderstand the Rights. To comprehend what Tindal perceived himself as doing we need to move away from the history of putatively 'political' issues to the histories of ecclesiastical jurisprudence, patristic scholarship, and biblical exegesis. The contemporary significance of Tindal's work was twofold: methodologically, it challenged Anglican patristic scholarship as a means of reaching consensus on modern ecclesiological issues; positively, it offered a powerful argument for ecclesiastical supremacy lying in crown-in-parliament, drawing on a legal tradition stretching back to Christopher St Germain (1460—1540) and on Tindal's own legal background. Tindal's text provides a case study for the tentative proposition that 'republicanism', whether as a programme or a 'language', had far less impact on English anticlericalism and contemporary debates over the church—state relationship than the current historiography suggests. -- extensive references of Cambridge_School articles, refers to Goldie a great deal, whether for support of particular episodes or to attack is unclear -- the quarrel over patristic claims of the Church_of_England important for Bolingbroke's argument re Tillotson etc -- paywall

JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Sep., 1992), pp. 557-586 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- James II's grant of religious toleration and his invitation to the whigs to return to office dramatically changed the English political scene and created profound dilemmas for the crown's former enemies. Although there is ambiguity in their responses, and although Locke himself remained an immovable exile, his circle of friends took advantage of these changes. This included nomination to James's proposed tolerationist parliament, an accommodation which damaged them in the actual elections to the Convention of 1689. Some took office, and in at least two cases Locke's associates published pamphlets in support of the king. By exploring the politics of the Lockean whigs a contradiction in earlier views is resolved. For whilst Richard Ashcraft has argued that Locke's circle remained unremittingly hostile to James and engaged in clandestine plotting, other sources identify the same people as among the king's `whig collaborators'. The chief actors in Locke's circle are Edward Clarke, Sir Walter Yonge, Richard Duke and Richard Burthogge.

JSTOR: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1981), pp. 29-51-- downloaded pdf to Note -- comparison especially with Exclusion Crisis authors eg Sidney, Tyrrel, Henry Neville who were more prominent and used by Whigs in decades after Glorious Revolution. The potential radicalism of each depends on how they used same terms differently

JSTOR: The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 50, No. 3 (Sep., 1978), pp. 509-513 -- downloaded pdf to Note -- after agreeing that most of the turmoil was about vulnerability and power grabs or fears of the other side which produced an authoritarian oligarchy that proscribed its enemies he is still looking for neo-Harringtonians -- but now Defoe

JSTOR: Ethics, Vol. 92, No. 2 (Jan., 1982), pp. 358-361 -- focus is on Locke's use of Lawson -- see later section re distinction between Hobbes version of sovereignty and what Locke takes the sovereignty issue to be