dunnettreader + us_politics-race   13

Alan Patton - Cultural Preservation and Liberal Values: A Reply to William James Booth (2013) | American Political Science Review on JSTOR
William James Booth elaborates three main challenges to my social lineage account (Patten 2011). Conceptually, he finds the proposal to be question-beginning. Normatively, he thinks that it has objectionable implications. And, substantively, he claims that the proposal is unhelpful, that it fails to explain a case of theoretical importance for multiculturalism. In this reply, I argue that each of these challenges misses the target. The social lineage account continues to offer a promising, nonessentialist basis for normative multiculturalism. - Downloaded via iphone
cultural_change  social_theory  US_politics  indigenous_peoples  US_society  culture_wars  political_sociology  cultural_diversity  minorities  identity-multiple  political_culture  culture  essentialism  political_theory  downloaded  liberalism  multiculturalism  national_ID  article  bibliography  nationalism  political_science  jstor  cultural_transmission  community  US_politics-race  cultural_stability  mass_culture 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
Gamm
Do big cities exert more power than less populous ones in American state legislatures? In many m m political systems, greater representation leads to more policy gains, yet for most of the nation's history, urban advocates have argued that big cities face systematic discrimination in statehouses. Drawing on a new historical dataset spanning 120 years and 13 states, we find clear evidence that there is strength in numbers for big-city delegations in state legislatures. District bills affecting large metropolises fail at much higher rates than bills affecting small cities, counties, and villages. Big cities lose so often because size leads to damaging divisions. We demonstrate that the cities with the largest delegations—are more likely to be internally divided—are the most frustrated in the legislative process. Demographic differences also matter, with district bills for cities that have many foreign-born residents, compared the state as a whole, failing at especially high rates. -- Downloaded via iphone
downloaded  political_history  women-in-politics  political_science  states  state_government  jstor  immigration  rights-political  20thC  19thC  US_politics  Catholics-and-politics  US_society  local_politics  urban_politics  urban_rural_divides  state_legislatures  bibliography  US_history  article  political_culture  alliances-political  welfare_state  urban_development  political_participation  US_politics-race 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
Kurt Newman - Reflections on the Conference "Beyond the New Deal Order " Sept 2015 - S-USIH Blog
The impetus for the conference was the anniversary of a classic collection of essays edited by Steve Fraser and Gary Gerstle: The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, published by Princeton University Press in 1989. We learned that this volume came together in the mid-1980s as New Left veterans Fraser and Gerstle surveyed the rise of Reaganism and lamented the poverty of New Deal historiography: dominated as it then was by Whig great man hagiography and toothless stories of cycles of American liberalism and conservatism. We learned, too, that “order” was chosen carefully from a longer list of contenders (“regime,” “system,” etc), and that this choice of “order” was deeply connected to the volume’s stated goal of providing a ‘historical autopsy” for the period that ran from the election of FDR to the PATCO firings.
historiography  US_history  19thC  20thC  pre-WWI  entre_deux_guerres  post-WWII  US_politics  US_economy  political_economy  political_culture  New_Deal  US_politics-race  US_government  US_society  US_foreign_policy  US_military  state-roles  social_order  social_sciences-post-WWII  Keynesianism  Keynes  Reagan  labor_history  New_Left  historians-and-politics 
october 2016 by dunnettreader
Christopher Dickey - Confederate Madness Then and Now | The Daily Beast - July 216
Pimping his new book - history of British consul in Charleston who had a front row seat to the arrogant brutality of the slave-holding elite, how they were eager for secession if they didn't dominate the federal government, and thought that since King Cotton ruled the global economy, they'd be able to count on support from the European powers. His lead character, while socializing with the elites sent a steady stream of reports back to Foreign & Colonial about the real situation and the barbaric attitudes and conduct of those elites. - Dickey suggests that his guy's info made a difference in London anytime it looked there might be wavering in British policy- taking into account Britain’s immediate economic pain and/or assessment of how the Union was likely to prevail. He also apparently thinks his guy's reports in a few years before secession helped spur the British to accelerate the search for alternatives to the South as a supply source. -- The hook of the article is getting rid of the Confederate flag - and how, now as then, Southern leaders have been able to stir up racism among the lower class whites to see their culture under existential threat and pursue policies and violence that run counter to their objective interests. He wants to stop the elimination of Confederate commemoration to the flag - and leave the statues and monuments as a way of remembering the hideous moral monsters who drove the South to ruin. He doesn't address the issue of how those monuments will be used to glorify the "heroes" of the Lost Cayse.
Instapaper  US_history  US_politics  British_foreign_policy  US_Civil_War  slavery  abolition  slave_trade  cotton  Industrial_Revolution  US_politics-race  British_Navy  British_Empire  imperialism  global_economy  popular_culture  popular_politics  Southern_states  Confederacy  diplomatic_history  from instapaper
july 2016 by dunnettreader
Liam Hogan - The Myth of “Irish Slaves” in the Colonies (2015) | - Academia.edu
Recent years have seen the marked growth of the “Irish slaves” narrative, which is itself a subset of the “white slavery” myth. This myth has always existed in ultranationalist and white supremacist circles, and their promotion of it frequently occurs on social media. The myth has recently gone viral, partly due to the decision by popular newspapers and websites to endorse a spurious “Irish Slave Trade” article that conflates indentured servitude or forced labour with chattel slavery. Surprisingly, this claim has gone relatively unchallenged in the public domain, thus this paper will analyse its veracity. -- Research Interests: Irish Studies, Mythology, Slavery, Nationalism, History of Slavery, and 3 more -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  Academia.edu  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_Empire  Ireland-English_exploitation  West_Indies  North_America  American_colonies  colonialism  legal_history  slavery-Africans  slavery  slavery-law  property  Irish_migration  Ireland  racism  social_history  status  plantations  planters  national_tale  nationalism  white_supremacy  US_politics  US_politics-race  downloaded 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Grateful in Baltimore | Economic Principals
The news from Baltimore had seemed pretty bleak until Friday, when a 35-year-old city prosecutor brought charges against six police officers involved in the death of Freddie Gray last month. An attorney for the Fraternal Order of Police in Baltimore complained of an “egregious rush to judgment.” Those developments got me thinking about some other measures that have been taken over the years to improve civic life in the United States. Baltimore State’s Attorney Marilyn James Mosby grew up in the Dorchester neighborhood of Boston. He mother, father, aunts, and uncles were Boston police officers. Her grandfather, Prescott Thompson, helped organize the Massachusetts Association of Minority Law Enforcement Officers, in 1968. -- Walsh tracks the steps Mosby took to get her where she now is -- a combination of hard work, talent, and deliberate openings of opportunities that had been foreclosed to women and blacks. He ebds, after a series of stats that show conditions, despite being dreadful in Freddie Gray's neighborhood, have improved significantly due to hard work of reformers over decades and changes in government policies. He ends with a blast at those who would blame the financial crisis on CRA -- instead he thinks that the implementation (albeit too little and too slow) has been one of great policy success stories in halting and beginning to reverse the deliberate, racist obstacles to wealth accumulation of African-Americans. -- saved to Instapaper
US_history  US_economy  US_politics  US_politics-race  urban_politics  War_on_Poverty  affirmative_action  segregation  discrimination  housing  African-Americans  poverty  middle_class  banking  credit  access_to_finance  savings  central_government  local_government  local_politics  Instapaper  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Michael Sallah, Robert O’Harrow Jr., Steven Rich - 3-part WaPo Investigation: "Stop and Seize on America's highways" | The Washington Post September 2014
Part 1: In recent years, thousands of people have had cash confiscated by police without being charged with crimes. -- Part 2: One training firm started a private intelligence-sharing network and helped shape law enforcement nationwide. -- Part 3: Motorists caught up in the seizures talk about the experience and the legal battles that sometimes took more than a year. **--** After the terror attacks on 9/11, the government called on police to become the eyes and ears of homeland security on America’s highways. Local officers, county deputies and state troopers were encouraged to act more aggressively in searching for suspicious people, drugs and other contraband. Dept Homeland Security and DOJ spent millions on police training. The effort succeeded, but it had an impact that has been largely hidden from public view: the spread of an aggressive brand of policing that has spurred the seizure of $100s millions in cash from motorists and others not charged with crimes. Thousands of people have been forced to fight legal battles to get their money back. Behind the rise in seizures is a cottage industry of private police-training firms that teach the techniques of “highway interdiction” to departments across the country. One firm created a private intelligence network that enabled police nationwide to share detailed reports about motorists — criminals and the innocent alike — including their Social Security numbers, addresses and identifying tattoos, as well as hunches about which drivers to stop. Many of the reports have been funneled to federal agencies and fusion centers as part of the government’s burgeoning law enforcement intelligence systems — despite warnings from state and federal authorities that the information could violate privacy and constitutional protections. A thriving subculture of road officers on the network now competes to see who can seize the most cash and contraband, describing their exploits in the network’s chat rooms and sharing “trophy shots” of money and drugs. Some police advocate highway interdiction as a way of raising revenue for cash-strapped municipalities.
US_society  US_constitution  US_foreign_policy  US_legal_system  US_politics-race  national_security  judiciary  local_government  state_government  government_finance  police  privacy  networks-information  power-asymmetric  abuse_of_power  public-private_partnerships  crime  criminal_justice  civil_liberties  terrorism  due_process  property-confiscations  intelligence_agencies  militarization-society  incentives  civil_society  governmentality  government_officials  authoritarian  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research | Who Rules America
C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research
by G. William Domhoff
Keynote address to the Michigan Sociological Association, 2006

NOTE: This document is an extended version of "C. Wright Mills, Power Structure Research, And The Failures of Mainstream Political Science," but without the critique of mainstream political science. Instead, it includes more historical background on power structure research, a more detailed critique of pluralism, and a critique of structural Marxists. It is actually a lightly edited and extended reprint of a journal article with the following citation:

Domhoff, G. William. 2007. "C. Wright Mills, Floyd Hunter, and 50 Years of Power Structure Research." Michigan Sociological Review 21:1-54.
social_theory  US_history  US_economy  US_politics  power  elites  parties  US_politics-race  post-WWII  labor  Labor_markets  public_policy  right-wing  New_Left  New_Deal  neoliberalism  social_sciences-post-WWII  sociology  politics-and-money  elections  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader
G. William Domhoff - Power at the Local Level: Growth Coalition Theory | Who Rules America
Theory of local "growth coalitions" and history of urban policy and public administration institutions growing out of Good Government battles against Democratic Party machines and Socialists. Rockefeller Foundation and University of Chicago building nationwide urban policy network of thinktanks through Progressive and New Deal era. Electoral and managerial "reforms" (off yr & nonpartisan elections, citywide councils w/ no or minimal pay), city managers) that defanged threats from immigrant, Negro & Socialist politicians, foreclosed working class participation in governing bodies etc.

The idea that the heart of a local power structure is provided by those businesses concerned with local real estate values explains what had been considered a perplexing issue in what was once called the "community power literature:" the relative absence of industrial executives as top leaders within the city..... manufacturers usually are not concerned with land values unless they are also big landowners as well. Their focus is on making profits through the sale of products in regional, national, and international markets. For an industrialist, any given locality is merely a site for production that can be abandoned with a fair amount of ease if it becomes too costly, .... Their power is not in their involvement in local government but in their ability to move, which ... creates an underlying tension between the two sets of interests.

Since a great many specific government decisions can affect land values and growth potentialities, leaders of the growth coalition are prime participants in local government. Their involvement is even greater than that of corporate capitalists at the national level, where the power elite can rely to some extent on such "signals" as stock prices, interest rates, and the level of new investments to tell government officials what they think of current policies.

Due to the separation of local, state, and national government in the United States, the wily members of the local growth coalition are able to have it both ways. At the state and national levels they support those politicians who oppose, in the name of fiscal and monetary responsibility, the kinds of government policies that might create more jobs, whereas at the local level they talk in terms of their attempts to create more jobs. Their goal is never profits, but only jobs.
19thC  20thC  US_history  urban  urbanization  political_history  political_press  politics-and-money  urban_politics  US_economy  US_politics  political_economy  political_culture  local_government  business  elites  networks  investment  profit  property  Labor_markets  conservatism  lobbying  landowners  economic_growth  off-shoring  urban_development  suburbs  parties  elections  Great_Depression  US_politics-race  EF-add 
november 2013 by dunnettreader

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