dunnettreader + us_constitution   107

Michael Kang - Gerrymandering and the Constitutional Norm Against Government Partisanship (2017) :: SSRN
Win election law prize - Michigan Law Review, Vol. 116, No. 3, Dec. 2017, Forthcoming- Emory Legal Studies Research Paper
71 Pages
Posted: 17 Aug 2017; Last revised: 28 Oct 2017
Michael S. Kang, Emory University School of Law
The Article challenges the basic premise in the law of partisan gerrymandering that government partisan purpose is constitutional at all. The central problem, Justice Scalia once explained in Vieth v. Jubelirer, is that partisan gerrymandering becomes unconstitutional only when it “has gone too far,” giving rise to the intractable inquiry into “how much is too much.” But the premise that partisanship is an ordinary and lawful purpose, articulated as settled law and widely understood as such, is largely wrong as constitutional doctrine. The Article surveys constitutional law to demonstrate the vitality of an important, if implicit norm against government partisanship across a variety of settings. From political patronage, to government speech, to election administration and even in redistricting itself, Vieth is the exception in failing to bar tribal partisanship as a legitimate state interest in lawmaking. The puzzle therefore is why the Supreme Court in Vieth diverged from this overarching norm for legislative redistricting where the need for government nonpartisanship is most acute and so rarely met. The Article proposes a purpose-focused approach that identifies partisanship as an illegitimate basis for lawmaking and requires the government to justify its redistricting with reference to legitimate state interests beyond partisanship, irrespective of extreme partisan effects. The importance of consolidating and reifying the norm against government partisanship, in its most salient legal context, cannot be overstated at a time when hyperpolarization between the major parties dominates national politics and is at its most severe in our lifetime.
Keywords: gerrymandering, redistricting, Whitford v. Gill, partisanship, parties, Bandemer
constitutional_law  political_participation  Evernote  gerrymandering  public_interest  SSRN  accountability  partisanship  liberalism-public_reason  democracy  article  downloaded  US_constitution  corruption  legitimacy  SCOTUS  elections 
november 2017 by dunnettreader
Eric Nelson - "Patriot Royalism: The Stuart Monarchy in American Political Thought, 1769-75" (2011) | William& Mary Quarterly
Nelson E. "Patriot Royalism: The Stuart Monarchy in American Political Thought, 1769-75". The William and Mary Quarterly [Internet]. 2011;3rd ser., 68 (4) :533-596. With responses by Gordon S. Wood, Pauline Maier, and Daniel Hulsebosch, as well a reply to critics ("Taking Them Seriously: Patriots, Prerogative, and the English Seventeenth Century"). -- preliminary to his "Royalist Revolution" -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  forum  downloaded  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  18thC  British_history  US_history  British_politics  British_Empire  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  Patriot_King  Patriots  American_colonies  American_Revolution  checks-and-balances  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  republicanism  Parliamentary_supremacy  Parliamentarians  Whigs  Whigs-oligarchy  Whigs-opposition  limited_monarchy  prerogative  liberalism-republicanism_debates  Whigs-Radicals  Commonwealthmen  Charles_I  George_III  Adams_John  US_constitution  Early_Republic  legislature  exec_branch  US_government  US_President  majoritarian  democracy  masses-fear_of  federalism  federal_preemption  national_interest  states_rights  government-forms  constitutions  constitutional_regime  Royalists 
may 2016 by dunnettreader
Mark Graber - The Oxford Handbook of the U.S. Constitution | Balkinization:July 2015
Mark Tushnet, Sandy Levinson and I are happy to announce that The Oxford Handbook of the United States Constitution is now available -- The below will hopefully give people some sense of the contents and contributors. Efforts to provide comprehensive guides to the United States Constitution date from the framing and ratification of the United States Constitution. The Federalist was the first self-conscious handbook on the United States Constitution. Unlike the original and subsequent treatises or comprehensive guides, we were not motivated by a cheerleading impulse when we edited the 2015 Oxford Handbook of the U.S. Constitution. Although our Handbook contains no specific chapter on what might be termed the “adequacy” of the Constitution in the 21st century, the very structure of this text, as well as many specific entries raise questions relevant to such an inquiry. Comparing our contemporary Handbook of the United States Constitution with the original may shed some light on the incongruities that have manifested over time as contemporary citizens of the United States employ concepts grounded in late eighteenth century constitutional thought when operating a constitution in the early twenty-first century, as well as convincing many of you, we hope, to read the book and the many wonderful essays written by very distinguished scholars. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  kindle-available  US_constitution  legal_history  US_politics  political_culture  legal_culture  Founders  Federalist  judiciary  judicial_review  SCOTUS  US_history  international_law  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
Jack Balkin - Protestant Constitutionalism: A Series of Footnotes to Sanford Levinson | Balkinization: - September 2010
little essay written in honor of my dear friend Sandy Levinson, on the occasion of the Lifetime Achievement Award he received from the Law and Courts section at the American Political Science Association convention -- One of Sandy's most fruitful ideas is constitutional protestantism, the idea that each citizen has the right to decide for him or herself what the Constitution means. Sandy stated this idea prominently in an article in the Tulane Law Review in 1987, noting the importance of Attorney General Edwin Meese's arguments that the decisions of the Supreme Court bind only the parties before the court. -- The idea is developed more fully in Sandy's great 1988 book, Constitutional Faith, in which he distinguishes between constitutional protestantism and constitutional catholicism. Constitutional catholicism stands for the view that a certain group of professional or learned authorities has the last word on interpretation, while protestantism, as we have seen, invites all believers to offer their views on the meaning of scripture. Sandy gives both positions their due, but he is essentially a constitutional protestant. -- Protestant constitutionalism leads almost inevitably to the study of social organization and culture. Once you acknowledge that many individuals have different views about the Constitution, you must also acknowledge that these individuals, like good protestants, do not simply keep to themselves. They create congregations. They form groups of like-minded believers and go out into the world and try to convert others. Thus, a focus on protestant constitutionalism leads naturally to a focus on social movements and political parties as engines of constitutional change. -- downloaded page as pdf to Note
US_constitution  US_politics  political_culture  legal_culture  legal_history  legal_reasoning  change-social  change-intellectual  constitutional_law  constitutional_regime  social_movements  Protestants  schisms  sola_scriptura  downloaded 
january 2016 by dunnettreader
The Papers of John Jay | Columbia Digital Library Collections
The Papers of John Jay is an image database and indexing tool comprising some 13,000 documents (more than 30,000 page images) scanned chiefly from photocopies of original documents. Most of the source material was assembled by Columbia University's John Jay publication project staff during the 1960s and 1970s under the direction of the late Professor Richard B. Morris. These photocopies were originally intended to be used as source texts for documents to be included in a planned four-volume letterpress series entitled The Selected Unpublished Papers of John Jay, of which only two volumes were published.

In 2005, the new, seven-volume letterpress and online edition of The Selected Papers of John Jay was launched under the direction of Dr. Elizabeth M. Nuxoll and is being published by the University of Virginia Press as part of its Rotunda American Founding Era Collection. The new Selected Papers project not only uses the online Jay material available on this website as source texts, but also provides links from document transcriptions in the letterpress and digital editions to the scanned page images posted here.
website  US_history  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  US_constitution  US_foreign_policy  correspondence  Founders  Jay_John  manuscripts  papers-collected  libraries  digital_humanities 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
The Omaha Platform: Launching the Populist Party | History Matters - US History Survey - GMU
Although historians often speak of a “Populist movement” in the 1880s, it wasn’t until 1892 that the People’s or Populist Party was formally organized. The Omaha Platform, adopted by the founding convention of the party on July 4, 1892, set out the basic tenets of the Populist movement. The movement had emerged out of the cooperative crusade organized by the Farmer’s Alliance in the 1880s. The preamble was written by Minnesota lawyer, farmer, politician, and novelist Ignatius Donnelly. Delegates to the convention embraced the platform with great enthusiasm. Many of the specific proposals urged by the Omaha Platform—the graduated income tax, the secret ballot, the direct election of Senators, the eight-hour day—won enactment in the progressive and New Deal eras of the next century. Yet at least one historian has argued that the fundamental cooperative and democratic spirit of the agrarian radicals was lost along the way.
etexts  US_history  19thC  20thC  populism  parties  agrarian_interests  US_politics  reform-political  Progressive_Era  New_Deal  labor_standards  tax_policy  US_constitution  movements-political  democracy  representative_institutions  Gilded_Age  website 
august 2015 by dunnettreader
Josh Chafetz - Democracy’s Privileged Few: Legislative Privilege and Democratic Norms in the British and American Constitutions | Yale University Press - 2011
This book is the first to compare the freedoms and protections of members of the United States Congress with those of Britain’s Parliament. Placing legislative privilege in historical context, Josh Chafetz explores how and why legislators in Britain and America have been granted special privileges in five areas: jurisdictional conflicts between the courts and the legislative houses, freedom of speech, freedom from civil arrest, contested elections, and the disciplinary powers of the houses. Legislative privilege is a crucial component of the relationship between a representative body and the other participants in government, including the people. In recounting and analyzing the remarkable story of how parliamentary government emerged and evolved in Britain and how it crossed the Atlantic, Chafetz illuminates a variety of important constitutional issues, including the separation of powers, the nature of representation, and the difference between written and unwritten constitutionalism. This book will inspire in readers a much greater appreciation for the rise and triumph of democracy. -- see kindle sample
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august 2015 by dunnettreader
Leo E. Strine - A Job Is Not a Hobby: The Judicial Revival of Corporate Paternalism and Its Problematic Implications :: SSRN - Journal of Corporation Law, 2015, Forthcoming (rev'd March 2015)
Supreme Court of Delaware; Harvard Law School; University of Pennsylvania Law School -- This article connects the Supreme Court’s decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby to the history of “corporate paternalism.” It details the history of employer efforts to restrict the freedom of employees, and legislative attempts to ensure worker freedom. It also highlights the role of employment in healthcare coverage, and situates the Affordable Care Act’s “minimum essential guarantees” in a historical and global context. The article also discusses how Hobby Lobby combines with the Supreme Court’s earlier decisions in Citizens United and National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius to constrain the government’s ability to extend the social safety net, and shows how those decisions put pressure on corporate law itself. -- Note: The article was the subject of lectures to the Securities Regulation Institute of Northwestern University School of Law and the American Constitution Society Student Chapter at Harvard Law School. -- PDF File: 76 -- Keywords: Hobby Lobby; corporate law; corporate paternalism -- right on Leo! -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  US_constitution  US_legal_system  corporate_law  corporate_citizenship  corporate_governance  shareholders  freedom_of_conscience  SCOTUS  labor  labor_standards  employers  employee_benefits  welfare_economics  welfare_state  health_care  campaign_finance  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Leo E. Strine , Nicholas Walter Originalist or Original: The Difficulties of Reconciling "Citizens United" with Corporate Law History :: SSRN - Notre Dame Law Review, 2015, Forthcoming (rev'd March 2015)
Leo E. Strine Jr., Supreme Court of Delaware; Harvard Law School; Penn Law School -- Nicholas Walter, Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz -- Citizens United has been the subject of a great deal of commentary, but one important aspect of the decision that has not been explored in detail is the historical basis for Justice Scalia’s claims in his concurring opinion that the majority holding is consistent with originalism. In this article, we engage in a deep inquiry into the historical understanding of the rights of the business corporation as of 1791 and 1868 — two periods relevant to an originalist analysis of the First Amendment. Based on the historical record, Citizens United is far more original than originalist, and if the decision is to be justified, it has to be on jurisprudential grounds originalists traditionally disclaim as illegitimate. -- PDF File: 94 -- Keywords: Jurisprudence, constitutional interpretation, original intent, original understanding, originalism, election law, campaign finance reform, corporate personhood, general corporation statutes, political speech, First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  corporate_law  corporate_citizenship  US_constitution  constitutional_law  originalism  free_speech  civil_liberties  legal_history  legal_theory  legal_reasoning  elections  campaign_finance  politics-and-money  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Originalism's Promise, and Its Limits by Lee J. Strang :: SSRN - 63 Cleveland State Law Review 81 (2014) (rev' June 2015)
University of Toledo College of Law -- In this Symposium Essay, I summarize originalism’s promise and limits. Part II succinctly explains originalism’s promise. Part III briefly describes originalism’s limits. Part IV then suggests that originalism’s limits contribute to its promise. -- PDF File: 20 -- Keywords: constitutional interpretation, originalism, nonoriginalism, normatively attractive, judicial capacity, Aristotle, St. Thomas Aquinas -- saved to briefcase
article  SSRN  US_constitution  constitutional_law  originalism  Aristotle  Aquinas  hermeneutics  judiciary  judicial_review  natural_law 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Lawrence B. Solum - Originalism and Constitutional Construction by :: SSRN - 82 Fordham L. Rev. 453 (2013)
Georgetown University Law Center -- Constitutional interpretation is the activity that discovers the communicative content or linguistic meaning of the constitutional text. Constitutional construction is the activity that determines the legal effect given the text, including doctrines of constitutional law and decisions of constitutional cases or issues by judges and other officials. The interpretation-construction distinction, frequently invoked by contemporary constitutional theorists and rooted in American legal theory in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, marks the difference between these two activities. (..) Part I of this Article situates the idea of constitutional construction in the context of contemporary debates about originalism and among originalists. Part II argues that the interpretation-construction distinction provides conceptual clarity and answers a variety of objections to the distinction itself and the use of the terms “interpretation” and “construction” to express the distinction. Part III advances the claim that construction is ubiquitous; Part IV makes the case for the ineliminability of the construction zone. Part V discusses the relationship between constitutional construction and debates about originalism and living constitutionalism. A conclusion follows. -- PDF File: 85 -- Keywords: constitution, interpretation, construction, interpretation-construction distinction, vagueness, ambiguity, original methods, deference, constraint -- saved to briefcase
article  SSRN  constitutional_law  US_constitution  legal_theory  legal_reasoning  originalism 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
Jack M. Balkin -The Last Days of Disco: Why the American Political System is Dysfunctional :: SSRN - Boston University Law Review, Vol. 94, 2014
...what looks like constitutional dysfunction is actually constitutional transition, (..)Americans last experienced this sense of dysfunction during the late 1970s and early 1980s (..) the transition to a new constitutional regime will be far more difficult than those effected in 1932 and 1980. (1) the growth of the modern state and changes in the role of the presidency mean that even the most politically adept and fortunate presidents face greater obstacles to implementing transformative change than they once did; they are less able than past reconstructive leaders to disrupt existing institutions and clear the ground for a new politics. This, by itself, does not prevent the emergence of a new constitutional regime. But (2) the current transition will be especially difficult because we are near the peak of a long cycle of increasing polarization between the nation’s two major political parties. That polarization greatly raises the stakes of a transition to a new constitutional regime. The defenders of the old order have every incentive to resist the emergence of a new regime until the bitter end. A long and frustrating transition will have important side effects. (1) a dysfunctional Congress tempts the Executive to act unilaterally, (..). Future presidents may use these new sources of power even when the period of dysfunction has passed. (2) sustained political dysfunction also tends to empower the judiciary vis-à-vis Congress. Moreover, judges appointed by the older dominant party, late in the regime, are less likely to engage in judicial restraint and more likely to push the jurisprudential envelope. This helps explain some of the Roberts Court's recent work. -- PDF File: 40 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  US_politics  US_constitution  SCOTUS  exec_branch  US_President  Congress  US_judiciary  separation-of-powers  faction  GOP  Democrats  legal_history  political_change  political_culture  legal_culture  originalism  change-social  power-asymmetric  ideology  conflict  competition-political  constitutional_law  constitutional_regime  government-forms  government-roles  polarization  policymaking  political_gridlock  limited_government  judicial_review  conservatism  right-wing  political_participation  rule_of_law  instrumentalist  means-justify-ends  legitimacy  downloaded 
july 2015 by dunnettreader
John Mikhail - The Constitution and the Philosophy of Language: Entailment, Implicature, and Implied Powers :: SSRN - Virginia Law Review, Vol. 101, No. 4, 2015 (rev'd June 11 2015)
Georgetown University Law Center -- The main purpose of this Article is to begin to recover and elucidate the core textual basis of a progressive approach to constitutional law, which appears to have been embraced in essential respects by many influential figures, including Wilson, Hamilton, Marshall, and the two Roosevelts, and which rests on an implied power to promote the general welfare. To pursue this objective, the Article relies on two strange bedfellows: the law of corporations and the philosopher Paul Grice. An ordinary language philosopher like Grice, (..) might seem like an unlikely ally to enlist in this endeavor. (..) underestimating the significance of Grice’s ideas for constitutional law would be a mistake. Plausibly interpreted, the Constitution vests an implied power in the Government of the United States to promote the general welfare, and Grice’s distinction between semantic and pragmatic implication is a helpful means of understanding why. After a general introduction, the Article first summarizes some key aspects of Grice’s philosophy of language and then briefly illustrates their relevance for constitutional law. The remainder of the Article is then devoted to explaining how, along with a relatively simple principle in the law of corporations, according to which a legal corporation is implicitly vested with the power to fulfill its purposes, Grice’s distinction between semantic and pragmatic implication helps to illuminate a thorny problem of enduring interest: What powers does the Constitution vest in the Government of the United States? -- Pages in PDF File: 41 -- Keywords: James Wilson, Charles Beard, James Madison, Gouverneur Morris, Paul Grice, constitution, implication, implicature, entailment, semantics, pragmatics, implied powers, enumerated powers, preamble, vesting clause, necessary and proper clause, sweeping clause, tenth amendment, originalism -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  philosophy_of_law  philosophy_of_language  ordinary_language_philosophy  legal_reasoning  constitutional_law  US_constitution  US_history  federalism  US_government  US_legal_system  originalism  common_good  commonwealth  progressivism  Founders  Madison  Morris_Gouverneur  downloaded 
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Deborah Hellman, Commentary on Mikhail's "The Constitution and the Philosophy of Language: Entailment, Implicature, and Implied Powers" | Virginia Law Review - 101 Va. L. Rev. 1105 (2015)
Mikhail uses these insights about language and communication to say something about constitutional interpretation. But that is where the trouble begins. While Mikhail offers a masterful textual analysis of the Necessary and Proper Clause of the Constitution, I am not convinced that his analysis demonstrates its meaning, and if it does, I fear that Mikhail’s efforts yield the perverse consequence of delegitimizing the very document he is at great pains to enlarge. In what follows, I raise three worries about Mikhail’s analysis. First, a constitution is not a conversation between its drafters and some other people and, as a result, it is unclear whether the Gricean paradigm has anything useful to say about constitutional interpretation. Second, it is far from clear what a constitution is for and consequently there are unlikely to be accepted conventions about how to interpret the meaning of statements within them. Third, Mikhail’s article presents evidence that the Constitution’s drafters were strategic and crafty. But if the drafters are violating the cooperative principle Grice identified, this fact calls into doubt the significance of the ratification of the Constitution from which that document, purportedly, derives its legitimacy. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  legal_theory  legal_reasoning  constitutional_law  philosophy_of_language  philosophy_of_law  Founders  legitimacy  US_constitution  downloaded 
june 2015 by dunnettreader
David Gans - The Role of Three-Judge Courts in Conservative Attacks on Campaign Finance Reform and Voting Rights | Balkinization - June 2015
Cases decided by a single federal district court judge (..) and are very rarely accepted for Supreme Court review. (..) the Supreme Court has complete control over its certiorari (discretionary) docket, and can refuse to hear a case for any reason without setting any judicial precedent for the future. But 3-judge court cases are radically different, as the Supreme Court is required to act on a direct appeal from the decision of a 3-judge court. When such an appeal is filed, the Justices have 3 options—either to summarily affirm, to dismiss the appeal for want of a substantial federal question, or to accept the case for full review. Unlike a denial of a petition for a writ of certiorari, each of these actions sets a precedent for the future. Because the Justices are often wary of setting a precedent without full briefing, direct appeals from 3-judge courts quite often receive full review on the merits. (..) The Supreme Court agreed to review Shelby County despite the absence of a circuit split, producing a landmark ruling gutting a key part of the Voting Rights Act and striking a blow against the power of Congress to protect the right to vote free from racial discrimination. Shelby County is the exception that proves the rule. Virtually all the big Roberts Court cases that have changed the ground rules for our democracy have been direct appeals from 3-judge courts. What this reflects is a long term conservative strategy for getting blockbuster campaign finance and voting rights cases to the Supreme Court. It is a strategy that has paid off time and again as John Roberts and his conservative colleagues have made it easier for corporations and the wealthy to spend unlimited sums of money on elections, and harder for Americans to vote in them.
Instapaper  SCOTUS  US_constitution  constitutional_law  judiciary  judicial_review  conservative_legal_challenges  voting  rights-legal  constitutional_regime  Roberts_Court  campaign_finance  partisanship-judiciary  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Mark Graber - The Right to Vote:1785 | Balkinization - June 2015
Doing research for Vol. II of The Complete American Constitutionalism, I ran into this little gem from the New York Council of Revision. The body consisted of the Governor, the Chancellor (head of the court of equity) and the judges of the Supreme Court. They were authorized to veto all state laws, although the veto could be overturned by a two-thirds majority of both houses. The veto was exercised aggressively and in interesting ways, but primarily on constitutional grounds. The excerpt below is rather more liberal on voting (which is considered a fundamental constitutional right of citizen. The Council also spoke of voting as a fundamental right of citizens when the New York legislature attempted to disenfranchise loyalists.) than Americans would be until the Voting Rights Revolution of the 1960s, and arguably more liberal than some Americans at present.
Instapaper  US_history  18thC  US_constitution  US_politics  voting  Early_Republic  citizenship  rights-legal  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Conscience Wars: Complicity-Based Conscience Claims in Religion and Politics by Douglas NeJaime, Reva Siegel :: SSRN - Yale Law Journal, Vol. 124, pp. 2516-2591, 2015
Douglas NeJaime, University of California, Irvine School of Law -- Reva Siegel, Yale University - Law School -- (...) Complicity claims focus on the conduct of others outside the faith community. Their accommodation therefore has potential to harm those the claimants view as sinning. (..) Some, tacitly acknowledging the democratic contests in which complicity claims are entangled, urge religious accommodation in the hopes of peaceful settlement. Yet, as we show, complicity-based conscience claims can provide an avenue to extend, rather than settle, conflict about social norms. We highlight the distinctive form and social logic of complicity-based conscience claims so that those debating accommodation do so with the impact on third parties fully in view. The Article considers a range of legal and institutional contexts in which complicity claims are arising, paying particular attention to RFRA. We show how concern about the third-party impact of accommodation structured the Court’s decision in Hobby Lobby. And looking beyond Hobby Lobby, we show how this concern with third-party harm is an integral part of the compelling interest and narrow tailoring inquiries that courts undertake in applying the statute. At issue is not only whether but how complicity claims are accommodated. -- Pages in PDF File: 76 -- Keywords: religion, accommodation, complicity, Hobby Lobby, Holt, contraception, abortion, marriage, exemptions, religious liberty, religious freedom, equality, liberty, healthcare, burwell -- saved to briefcase
paper  SSRN  constitutional_law  politics-and-religion  culture_wars  US_politics  US_constitution  religious_belief  religious_culture  health_care  women-rights  liberty  equality  employee_benefits  work-life_balance  labor_law  freedom_of_conscience  norms  discrimination 
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Thomas Colby and Peter J. Smith - The Return of Lochner :: SSRN - April 2015 - Cornell Law Review, Vol. 100, No. 527, 2015
Both at GW Law School - For a very long time, it has been an article of faith among liberals and conservatives alike that Lochner v. New York was obviously and irredeemably wrong. Lochner is one of only a few cases that constitute our “anticanon,” universally reviled by the legal community as the “worst of the worst.” (..) conservatives are ready, once again, to embrace Lochner — although perhaps not in name — by recommitting to some form of robust judicial protection for economic rights. (...) this impending change has been greatly facilitated by important modifications to the theory of originalism, which has served for nearly a half century as the intellectual framework for conservative legal thought (..) and it has now evolved to the point where it can plausibly accommodate claims that the Constitution protects economic liberty. (..) how legal movements evolve generally. Sometimes the courts change the doctrine, and the theorists scramble to keep up. This is, roughly speaking, what happened with liberal legal thought in the second half of the 20thC. Just when liberal legal theorists, reeling from the Lochner era, had settled on the view that the courts should exercise judicial review very sparingly — and perhaps never to enforce rights not specifically identified in the Constitution — the liberal Court began to exercise judicial review more frequently and aggressively, often to protect rights not clearly identified in the Constitution. Liberal theorists then struggled for years to develop an account of the appropriate judicial role that condemned Lochner but legitimized later cases protecting fundamental rights and vulnerable minorities. Modern conservative legal thought seems to be following the opposite progression: the theorists lead, the opinion leaders gradually sign on, and judges eventually follow. — conservatives have patiently waited for the theory to come together — for the blueprints to be drawn — before moving forward. But the plans are now largely ready, and we expect that it will not be long before the bulldozers break ground. - 77 pages saved to SSRN briefcase
article  SSRN  SCOTUS  libertarianism  US_constitution  US_legal_system  legal_history  legal_theory  legal_reasoning  constitutional_law  civil_liberties  liberty-negative  laisser-faire  freedom_of_contract  freedom_of_conscience  equality  judicial_review 
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Jack Balkin - Bye, Bye, Glucksberg | Balkinization - June 2015
Justice Kennedy's opinion in Obergefell unceremoniously overrules Washington v. Glucksburg without saying so directly, as the Chief Justice well understands: "It is revealing that the majority’s position requires it to effectively overrule Glucksberg, the leading modern case setting the bounds of substantive due process." A little translation is in order here. Glucksberg is not, in fact, the leading modern case on substantive due process and implied fundamental rights. That would be Griswold or Eisenstadt (as reinterpreted by later courts), or (shudder!) Roe, or Casey or Lawrence, or now, Obergefell. Rather, Glucksberg is the case that people opposed to implied fundamental rights wish were the leading case and regularly cite as if it were the leading case that applied to every such question. Chief Justice Rehnquist--no fan of implied fundamental rights himself--wrote Glucksberg in 1997 precisely to lay down a marker so that federal judges would stop trying to imply fundamental rights. He didn't succeed.
Instapaper  SCOTUS  US_constitution  constitutional_law  due_process  rights-legal  conservative_legal_challenges  equality  precedent  Roberts_Court  legal_reasoning  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Jack Balkin - Obergefell and Tradition | Balkinization - June 2015
It is tempting to identify the dissenters with Burke, and view Kennedy as opposed to Burkeanism. Certainly the dissenters would like to brand Kennedy as a revolutionary or Jacobin, heedlessly destroying a valued institution at the center of society. But this is a caricature of what Kennedy is actually doing in his opinion. Kennedy's use of tradition is also Burkean in its own way. He simply emphasizes different features of Burke's thought. In particular Kennedy emphasizes change through respect for tradition that results from discussion and lived experience--as opposed to change that occurs through violence and revolutionary upheaval. Kennedy emphasizes the natural evolution and growth of previous commitments through debate, contestation and social practice. Our commitments evolve as they we apply them to changed factual circumstances and our wisdom grows through encountering those changed circumstances in practical terms. We can have greater confidence in our judgments achieved in this way because, unlike previous generations, we have the benefit of their experience, while they do not have the benefit of ours.
Instapaper  US_constitution  SCOTUS  constitutional_law  tradition  Burke  epistemology-social  epistemology-moral  rights-legal  legal_reasoning  marriage  family  family_law  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
Jonathan Chait - Gay Marriage and the Modern Social Revolution -- NYMag - June 2015
The Supreme Court’s decision affirming marriage equality hastens what was already a fait accompli — public opinion has embraced the equal right to marriage at…
Instapaper  US_politics  US_society  US_legal_system  US_constitution  SCOTUS  change-social  equality  civil_liberties  homosexuality  marriage  LGBT  from instapaper
june 2015 by dunnettreader
The Legacy of the U.S. Civil War: 150 Years Later - roundtable with historians | Cambridge University Press Blog - April 2015
Participants: Kathleen M. Hilliard  is the author of Masters, Slaves, and Exchange .  She is Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Iowa State… Quite interesting, both for their insights and for how the historiography of the US in the 19thC has changed -- not simply looking at social groups (both as actors and victims) who had been ignored, but that historiographical shifts in specialties (e.g. military history, or the connections between legal and political history) have changed or broadened the focus when it comes to the Civil War. Lots of links to CUP books as well as (unlinked) other books and papers. S
US_history  19thC  US_Civil_War  historiography-postWWII  historiography  military_history  social_history  cultural_history  digital_humanities  global_history  global_system  diplomatic_history  legal_history  constitutional_law  US_constitution  Congress  Lincoln  Confederacy  slavery  abolition  African-Americans  Native_Americans  Manifest_Destiny  frontier  industrialization  books  kindle-available  US_society  US_politics  US_government  US_legal_system  bibliography  Instapaper  from instapaper
may 2015 by dunnettreader
Richard Brookhiser, review essay - Finally, James Madison Mania | The Daily Beast April 2015
Four new titles join the list: The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution, 1783-1789 by Joseph J. Ellis; Becoming Madison: The Extraordinary Origins of the Least Likely Founding Father by Michael Signer; The Bill of Rights: The Fight to Secure America’s Liberties, by Carol Birken; and Madison’s Gift: Five Partnerships That Built America by David O. Stewart. -- the Ellis book measures up to expectations from his earlier books -- the most interesting looks like the Stewart book that goes through the presidency period and his relationship with Monroe -- as Brookhiser points out, not enough is being done on Madison as key to his and Jefferson’s "invention" of American political parties and what that involved in flipping from their approach to the Constitution, as well as ideologically obliterating Washington's heritage.
books  reviews  kindle-available  US_history  US_constitution  US_politics  18thC  19thC  Early_Republic  Founders  Madison  Hamilton  Jefferson  political_philosophy  republicanism  political_discourse  parties  faction  biography 
april 2015 by dunnettreader
Colin Kidd - Civil Theology and Church Establishments in Revolutionary America | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 42, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), pp. 1007-1026
The discourse of America's founding generation, it is now widely recognized, was rich and variegated in its composition, drawing upon the commonwealth tradition, the English common law, Montesquieu, Locke, Scottish moral philosophy, and the classics. These sources yield significant clues as to how eighteenth-century Americans viewed religious liberty and church-state relations, subjects of the First Amendment to the Constitution. Supplementing the work of legal historians on the religious provisions of the early state constitutions, the study of political ideas suggests the parameters of the eighteenth-century debate over the effects which various types of religious belief and ecclesiastical establishment had upon manners and institutions. It also reveals the ideological underpinnings of the apparently inconsistent legal provisions for religion at the state level, and, far from settling the elusive question of `original intent', highlights the nature of the divisions within the founding generation. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  theology  religious_history  church_history  religious_culture  religion-established  civil_religion  civil_liberties  tolerance  US_constitution  17thC  18thC  British_history  British_politics  US_history  Founders  bill_of_rights  ancient_Rome  ancient_Greece  Commonwealthmen  Locke-religion  Hutcheson  Smith  Montesquieu  civic_virtue  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  US_legal_system  US_politics  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2015 by dunnettreader
Clement Fatovic - Reason and Experience in Alexander Hamilton’s Science of Politics | JSTOR: American Political Thought, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring 2013), pp. 1-30
Alexander Hamilton is often described as an enterprising modernist who promoted forward-looking reforms that broke with established institutions and ideas. However, the scale and apparent novelty of his reforms have tended to obscure the extent to which those innovations were rooted in a belief that knowledge and practice must be guided by “experience.” This article argues that even Hamilton’s most far-reaching reforms were grounded in a Humean understanding of the limits of rationality in explaining and controlling the world. Hamilton’s agreement with David Hume on the epistemic authority of experience helps explain his positions on constitutional design, executive power, democratic politics, public opinion, and other important political issues. Moreover, the epistemological underpinnings of Hamilton’s political thought are significant because they suggest that a “science of politics” grounded in experience can avoid some of the dangers associated with more rationalistic approaches yet still be quite open to significant innovation in politics. - as much or more Hume's various essays as Hamilton
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january 2015 by dunnettreader
Garry Wills’s "James Madison" - American Presidency series | Notes from my library - June 2014
The most notable event in Madison’s presidency, of course, was the War of 1812, of which as Wills says, “After all, he deliberately went to war with incompetent war secretaries and generals, with inadequate economic and military resources, with reliance on an unfit militia. He accomplished not a single one of the five goals he set for the war to achieve.” (..) Wills highlights the contradictions in Madison’s thinking over his career, from being the “Father of the American Constitution” and the principal author with Hamilton of The Federalist Papers to the dogged adversary of Hamilton and the “Imperial Presidency.” He went from being the principal adviser to Washington on the details of his precedent-setting term in office to being totally scorned by the ”Father of his Country” over the Jay Treaty. In this conflict with Washington, and as was typical of many of the problems with which he wrestled during his presidency, Madison did a total about-face on some of his most forcefully argued constitutional positions. In the end, Washington “(..) had concluded, after a long sad experience, that Madison was duplicitous and dishonorable.” Wills relies often on Henry Adams’s brilliant 19thC "History of the United States during the Administrations of James Madison", on Madison’s complete writings, and on several more recent biographical studies. For those who aren’t satisfied with Wills’s short volume and want more of the details of Madison’s presidency, I would highly recommend Adams’s nearly 1,500 page study in the beautiful Library of America series.
books  reviews  US_history  18thC  19thC  Madison  Washington_George  US_constitution  US_foreign_policy  historiography-19thC  Adams_Henry  treaties 
november 2014 by dunnettreader
Mike Konczal, review essay - Selling Fast: Public Goods, Profits, and State Legitimacy | Boston Review - November 10, 2014
Nicholas R. Parrillo, Against the Profit Motive: The Salary Revolution in American Government, 1780–1940, Yale University Press, $55 (paper) -- Dana Goldstein, The Teacher Wars: A History of America’s Most Embattled Profession, Doubleday, $26.95 (cloth) -- Radley Balko, Rise of the Warrior Cop: The Militarization of America’s Police Forces, PublicAffairs, $17.99 (paper) -- Adam Smith was not the first, but he was certainly one of the most eloquent defenders of justice delivered according to the profit motive (..)since courts could charge fees for conducting a trial, each court would endeavor, “by superior dispatch and impartiality, to draw to itself as many causes as it could.” Competition meant a judge would try “to give, in his own court, the speediest and most effectual remedy which the law would admit, for every sort of injustice.” Left unsaid is what this system does to those who can’t afford to pay up. Our government is being remade in this mold—the mold of a business. The past thirty years have seen massive, outright privatization of government services. Meanwhile the logic of business, competition, and the profit motive has been introduced into what remains. But for those with a long enough historical memory, this is nothing new. Through the first half of our country’s history, public officials were paid according to the profit motive, and it was only through the failures of that system that a fragile accountability was put into place during the Progressive Era. One of the key sources of this accountability was the establishment of salaries for public officials who previously had been paid on commission.
books  reviews  kindle-available  US_government  US_society  governance  legitimacy  accountability  inequality  justice  privatization  US_history  18thC  19thC  20thC  21stC  competition  profit  Gilded_Age  Progressive_Era  civil_society  civil_liberties  US_constitution  Evernote  EF-add 
november 2014 by dunnettreader
Stephen Griffin - Balkinization: War Powers "As If" - September 2014
...too much commentary has focused on treating Obama's use of war powers "as if" it was occurring in a judicial forum, rather than politically as a matter of interbranch deliberation. Doing the latter inevitably means taking into consideration that we are right before the congressional elections. Deliberating before an election is rarely a good idea -- that's how we got the 2002 Iraq war resolution! Yet the NYT scores the Congress for failing in its constitutional responsibilities, "shamelessly ducking a vote." Yes, they should duck it. They haven't got the time to do a proper review before the election, particularly if what we should be interested in is a new AUMF. -- As far as the legal commentary, too many legal scholars are too worried about what Obama is claiming re the previous AUMFs. They seem to think that these claims might come back to haunt us as "precedents." But we are not in a judicial forum (nor are we ever likely to be) when it comes to the use of military force. -- We surely need to think as constitutionalists, but mindful of the constitutional order that applies to foreign affairs and in light of the fact that we are, after all, dealing with the "political" branches. So talk of bad precedents and Congress acting irresponsibly is not helpful. It won't help the country get anywhere it wants to go. I do agree with much current commentary that we badly need a legal review of Obama's war authority with a view to drafting a new AUMF. That would be all to the good. So far I see no sign that Congress is truly interested in drafting one. But as I say in my Tulane talk, there is no doubt that Obama could render a service to his country in his final two years in office by putting an AUMF on the national agenda when the new Congress is seated in 2015.
US_politics  US_constitution  US_foreign_policy  separation-of-powers  Obama_administration  Congress  Iraq  Syria  US_military  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
James Madison re dangers of religion in government and enthusiasm Your Evening Jemmy - Esquire
When indeed Religion is kindled into enthusiasm, its force like that of other passions, is increased by the sympathy of a multitude. But enthusiasm is only a temporary state of religion, and while it lasts will hardly be seen with pleasure at the helm of Government. Besides as religion in its coolest state, is not infallible, it may become a motive to oppression as well as a restraint from injustice. -- James Madison, Vices Of The Political System Of The United States, April, 1787.
find  intellectual_history  politics-and-religion  18thC  US_constitution  Madison  enthusiasm  persecution  government-forms 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Khan, B. - An Economic History of Copyright in Europe and the United States | EH.Net Encyclopedia, edited by Robert Whaples. March 16, 2008
The US created a utilitarian market-based model of intellectual property grants which created incentives for invention, with the primary objective of increasing social welfare and protecting the public domain. The checks and balances of interest group lobbies, the legislature and the judiciary worked effectively as long as each institution was relatively well-matched in terms of size and influence. However, a number of scholars are concerned that the political influence of corporate interests, the vast number of uncoordinated users over whom the social costs are spread, and international harmonization of laws have upset these counterchecks, leading to over-enforcement at both the private and public levels. International harmonization with European doctrines introduced significant distortions in the fundamental principles of US copyright and its democratic provisions. One of the most significant of these changes was also one of the least debated: compliance with the precepts of the Berne Convention accorded automatic copyright protection to all creations on their fixation in tangible form. This rule reversed the relationship between copyright and the public domain that the US Constitution stipulated. According to original US copyright doctrines, the public domain was the default, and copyright a limited exemption to the public domain; after the alignment with Berne, copyright became the default, and the rights of the public and of the public domain now merely comprise a limited exception to the primacy of copyright. The pervasive uncertainty that characterizes the intellectual property arena today leads risk-averse individuals and educational institutions to err on the side of abandoning their right to free access rather than invite challenges and costly litigation. Many commentators are also concerned about other dimensions of the globalization of intellectual property rights, such as the movement to emulate European grants of property rights in databases, which has the potential to inhibit diffusion and learning.
article  economic_history  publishing  property  property_rights  legal_history  legal_system  IP  regulation-harmonization  natural_rights  natural_law  copyright  patents  US_constitution  15thC  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  international_law  France  French_Revolution  censorship  British_history  authors  artists  playwrights  democracy  knowledge_economy  Internet  globalization  global_economy  digital_humanities  transparency  open_access  scientific_culture  science-public  education  R&D  education-higher  common_law  civil_code  civil_society  civic_humanism  US_legal_system 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Michael Sallah, Robert O’Harrow Jr., Steven Rich - 3-part WaPo Investigation: "Stop and Seize on America's highways" | The Washington Post September 2014
Part 1: In recent years, thousands of people have had cash confiscated by police without being charged with crimes. -- Part 2: One training firm started a private intelligence-sharing network and helped shape law enforcement nationwide. -- Part 3: Motorists caught up in the seizures talk about the experience and the legal battles that sometimes took more than a year. **--** After the terror attacks on 9/11, the government called on police to become the eyes and ears of homeland security on America’s highways. Local officers, county deputies and state troopers were encouraged to act more aggressively in searching for suspicious people, drugs and other contraband. Dept Homeland Security and DOJ spent millions on police training. The effort succeeded, but it had an impact that has been largely hidden from public view: the spread of an aggressive brand of policing that has spurred the seizure of $100s millions in cash from motorists and others not charged with crimes. Thousands of people have been forced to fight legal battles to get their money back. Behind the rise in seizures is a cottage industry of private police-training firms that teach the techniques of “highway interdiction” to departments across the country. One firm created a private intelligence network that enabled police nationwide to share detailed reports about motorists — criminals and the innocent alike — including their Social Security numbers, addresses and identifying tattoos, as well as hunches about which drivers to stop. Many of the reports have been funneled to federal agencies and fusion centers as part of the government’s burgeoning law enforcement intelligence systems — despite warnings from state and federal authorities that the information could violate privacy and constitutional protections. A thriving subculture of road officers on the network now competes to see who can seize the most cash and contraband, describing their exploits in the network’s chat rooms and sharing “trophy shots” of money and drugs. Some police advocate highway interdiction as a way of raising revenue for cash-strapped municipalities.
US_society  US_constitution  US_foreign_policy  US_legal_system  US_politics-race  national_security  judiciary  local_government  state_government  government_finance  police  privacy  networks-information  power-asymmetric  abuse_of_power  public-private_partnerships  crime  criminal_justice  civil_liberties  terrorism  due_process  property-confiscations  intelligence_agencies  militarization-society  incentives  civil_society  governmentality  government_officials  authoritarian  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Leo E. Strine , Nicholas Walter - Conservative Collision Course?: The Tension between Conservative Corporate Law Theory and Citizens United (Cornell Law Review, Forthcoming) - August 1, 2014 :: SSRN
Leo E. Strine Jr. - Supreme Court of Delaware; Harvard Law School; University of Pennsylvania Law School -- Nicholas Walter, Yale University -- Harvard Law School John M. Olin Center Discussion Paper No. 788 -- One important aspect of Citizens United has been overlooked: the tension between the conservative majority’s view of for-profit corporations, and the theory of for-profit corporations embraced by conservative thinkers. This article explores the tension between these conservative schools of thought and shows that Citizens United may unwittingly strengthen the arguments of conservative corporate theory’s principal rival. Citizens United posits that stockholders of for-profit corporations can constrain corporate political spending and that corporations can legitimately engage in political spending. Conservative corporate theory is premised on the contrary assumptions that stockholders are poorly-positioned to monitor corporate managers for even their fidelity to a profit maximization principle, and that corporate managers have no legitimate ability to reconcile stockholders’ diverse political views. Because stockholders invest in for-profit corporations for financial gain, and not to express political or moral values, conservative corporate theory argues that corporate managers should focus solely on stockholder wealth maximization and non-stockholder constituencies and society should rely upon government regulation to protect against corporate overreaching. Conservative corporate theory’s recognition that corporations lack legitimacy in this area has been strengthened by market developments that Citizens United slighted: that most humans invest in the equity markets through mutual funds under section 401(k) plans, cannot exit these investments as a practical matter, and lack any rational ability to influence how corporations spend in the political process. -- Keywords: Corporate governance, political spending, Citizens United, conservative corporate theory, regulatory externalities, lobbying, profit maximization, constitutional law, election law, labor law
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september 2014 by dunnettreader
John Emerich Edward Dalberg, Lord Acton, The History of Freedom and Other Essays, ed. John Neville Figgis and Reginald Vere Laurence (London: Macmillan, 1907). - Online Library of Liberty
Acton never completed his projected History of Liberty. We do have however several collections of his writings such as this one which contains 2 chapters from this planned history – on liberty in antiquity and Christianity – and many book reviews where one can piece together Acton’s approach to the writing of such a history. This volume consists of articles reprinted from the following journals: The Quarterly Review, The English Historical Review, The Nineteenth Century, The Rambler, The Home and Foreign Review, The North British Review, The Bridgnorth Journal. *--* CHRONICLE. *-* INTRODUCTION. *-* I: THE HISTORY OF FREEDOM IN ANTIQUITY. *-* II: THE HISTORY OF FREEDOM IN CHRISTIANITY. *-* III: SIR ERSKINE MAY’S DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE. *-* IV: THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. *-* V: THE PROTESTANT THEORY OF PERSECUTION *-* VI: POLITICAL THOUGHTS ON THE CHURCH. *-* VII: INTRODUCTION TO L. A. BURD’S EDITION OF IL PRINCIPE BY MACHIAVELLI. *-* VIII: MR. GOLDWIN SMITH’S IRISH HISTORY. *-* IX: NATIONALITY. *-* X: DÖLLINGER ON THE TEMPORAL POWER. *-* XI: DÖLLINGER’S HISTORICAL WORK. *-* XII: CARDINAL WISEMAN AND THE HOME AND FOREIGN REVIEW. *'* XIII: CONFLICTS WITH ROME. *-* XIV: THE VATICAN COUNCIL. *-* XV: A HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION OF THE MIDDLE AGES. By Henry Charles Lea. *-* XVI: THE AMERICAN COMMONWEALTH. By James Bryce. *-* XVII: HISTORICAL PHILOSOPHY IN FRANCE AND FRENCH BELGIUM AND SWITZERLAND. By Robert Flint. -- downloaded kindle version of html
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september 2014 by dunnettreader
Ronald Collins - Ask the author: Robert Post – Citizens Divided : SCOTUSblog - August 2014
The following is a series of questions posed by Ronald Collins on the occasion of the publication of Citizens Divided: Campaign Finance Reform & the Constitution by Robert C. Post, with commentaries by Pamela Karlan, Lawrence Lessig, Frank Michelman, and Nadia Urbinati. -- The central thesis of my book is to distinguish between two forms of American constitutional self-government. In the first and historically prior form of self-government, self-determination consists of a process of representation mediated by elections. I call this view of self-government “representation.” In the second form of self-government, which did not emerge until the twentieth century, self-determination consists of processes of ongoing communication constituted by First Amendment rights. I call this view of self-government “discursive democracy.” It turns out that representation and discursive democracy possess entirely different constitutional structures and properties. The tension between representation and discursive democracy is at the heart of the doctrinal confusion of cases like Citizens United. -- Question: You write that the “Justices who joined the majority opinion in Citizens United did not seem aware that the constitutional value of electoral integrity is implicit in their own reliance on First Amendment rights.” In this regard you add that your hope in this book is to “build a bridge between the majority and the dissent by illuminating the entailments of our own contemporary commitment to First Amendment ideals.” Tell us about that “bridge” you hope to construct between the Court’s so-called conservative and liberal wings?
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august 2014 by dunnettreader
Steven D. Smith, review essay - Discourse in the Dusk: The Twilight of Religious Freedom? | JSTOR: Harvard Law Review, Vol. 122, No. 7 (May, 2009), pp. 1869-1907
Reviewed work(s): Religion and the Constitution — Volume 2: Establishment and Fairness by Kent Greenawalt -- Smith claims a millennium of tradition re church and state is unraveling (a la MacIntyre decadent tradition) and US policy and jurisprudence tends to ignore erosion of their fundamental justifications -- starts with Pope Gregory and Henry IV and investiture controversy -- downloaded pdf to Note
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july 2014 by dunnettreader
Scott D. Gerber, review essay - The Republican Revival in American Constitutional Theory | JSTOR: Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Dec., 1994), pp. 985-997
Reviewed work(s): We the People: Foundations by Bruce A. Ackerman; Traces of Self-Government by Frank I. Michelman; Laws Republic; The Partial Constitution by Cass R. Sunstein - 1980s interest in classical republicanism, citizen participation and common good and how to reconcile with a liberalism of private interests and rights -- all 3 authors criticized for (1) excessive reliance on the "least dialogic" institution, the judiciary, as protector an/or promoter of the republican dimension of "liberal republicanism" and (2) a selective misreading of the Founders -- didn't download
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july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron Who Needs Rules of Recognition? by :: SSRN in THE RULE OF RECOGNITION AND THE U.S. CONSTITUTION, Matthew Adler and Kenneth Himma, eds., Oxford University Press, 2009
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 09-21 -- I argue against the idea (made popular by H.L.A. Hart) that the key to a legal system is its "rule of recognition." I argue that much of the work allegedly done by a rule of recognition is either done by a different kind of secondary rule (what Hart called "a rule of change") or it is not done at all (and doesn't have to be done). A rule of change tells us the procedures that must be followed and the substantive conditions that must be satisfied if law is to be changed legislatively; and a judge "recognizes" changes simply by using this checklist. In common law, there is no clear rule of change (because we are profoundly ambivalent about judicial lawmaking). But we get by without one, and without a determinate rule of recognition that would tell us precisely how to infer rules from precedents. It is quite liberating, really, to abandon the idea of a rule of recognition. Apart from anything else, it relieves us from having to participate in endless debates about whether the US Constitution is (or contains) a rule of recognition for American law. The Constitution contains rules of change; that's what matters. -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 28 -- Keywords: certainty, closure, common law, constitution, grundnorm, H.L.A. Hart, Hans Kelsen, Jeremy Bentham, jurisprudence, legal positivism, rule of change, rule of recognition -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  books  SSRN  philosophy_of_law  political_philosophy  legal_system  sociology_of_law  legal_validity  constitutionalism  positivism-legal  common_law  change-social  institutional_change  legislation  judiciary  precedent  judicial_review  foundationalism  US_constitution  Bentham  Hart  Kelsen  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Scott J. Shapiro - What is the Rule of Recognition (and Does it Exist)? [chapter] :: SSRN in THE RULE OF RECOGNITION AND THE U.S. CONSTITUTION, Matthew Adler, Kenneth Himma, eds., Oxford University Press, 2009
Yale Law School, Public Law Working Paper No. 184 -- One of the principal lessons of The Concept of Law is that legal systems are not only comprised of rules, but also founded on them ....we cannot account for the way we talk and think about the law - as an institution which persists over time, imposes duties and confers powers, enjoys supremacy over other kinds of practices, resolves doubts and disagreements about what is to be done in a community and so on - without supposing that it is regulated by what he called the secondary rules of recognition, change and adjudication. -- In Part 1 I try to state Hart's doctrine of the rule of recognition with some precision. -- I also explore in this part whether the US Constitution can be considered the Hartian rule of recognition for the US legal system. In Part 2 I attempt to detail the many roles that the rule of recognition plays within Hart's theory of law. -- In Part 3 I examine three important challenges to Hart's doctrine: 1) the rule is under- and over-inclusive; 2) Hart cannot explain how social practices are capable of generating rules that confer powers and impose duties and hence cannot account for the normativity of law; 3) Hart cannot explain how disagreements about the criteria of legal validity that occur within actual legal systems are possible. In Parts 4 & 5, I address these objections. ...athough Hart's particular account of the rule of recognition is flawed, a related notion should be substituted - roughly, to treat the rule of recognition as a shared plan which sets out the constitutional order of a legal system. As I try to show, understanding the rule of recognition in this new way allows the legal positivist to overcome the challenges lodged against Hart's version while still retaining the power of the original idea. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  books  SSRN  philosophy_of_law  legal_system  social_theory  social_order  political_order  change-social  institutions  constitutions  constitutional_law  constitutionalism  normativity  norms  obligation  institutional_change  positivism-legal  Hart  Dworkin  Raz  Finnis  US_constitution  conflict_of_laws  natural_law  legal_validity  legal_realism  sociology_of_law  community  planning  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Isaiah Berlin's Neglect of Enlightenment Constitutionalism (2014) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 14-12 -- One of the most important achievements of the Enlightenment is what I shall call Enlightenment constitutionalism. It transformed our political thinking out of all recognition; it left, as its legacy, not just the repudiation of monarchy and nobility in France in the 1790s but the unprecedented achievement of the framing, ratification, and establishment of the Constitution of the United States. It comprised the work of Diderot, Kant, Locke, Madison, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Sieyes, and Voltaire. It established the idea of a constitution as an intricate mechanism designed to house the untidiness and pluralism of human politics. Yet Isaiah Berlin, supposedly one of our greatest interpreters of the Enlightenment, said almost nothing about it. The paper develops this claim and it speculates as to why this might be so. Certainly one result of Berlin's sidelining of Enlightenment constitutionalism is to lend spurious credibility to his well-known claim that Enlightenment social design was perfectionist, monastic, and potentially totalitarian. By ignoring Enlightenment constitutionalism, Berlin implicitly directed us away from precisely the body of work that might have refuted this view of Enlightenment social design. -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  intellectual_history  18thC  political_philosophy  political_culture  moral_philosophy  moral_psychology  British_history  British_politics  English_constitution  French_Enlightenment  American_colonies  American_Revolution  French_Revolution  Enlightenment_Project  Berlin_Isaiah  rationalist  perfectibility  progress  Montesquieu  Founders  Madison  US_constitution  bill_of_rights  Glorious_Revolution  constitutionalism  government-forms  Sieyes  separation-of-powers  checks-and-balances  Absolutism  institutions  institutional_change  representative_institutions  tyranny  limited_monarchy  limited_government  rule_of_law  Diderot  Voltaire  Locke-2_Treatises  Kant  historical_sociology  social_sciences  social_process  pluralism  conflict  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Separation of Powers or Division of Power? (2012) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 12-20 - April 24, 2012 -- The rationale of the separation of powers is often elided with the rationale of checks and balances and with the rationale of the dispersal of power generally in a constitutional system. This paper however focuses resolutely on the functional sepaartion of powers in what MJC Vile called its "pure form". Rexeamining the theories of Locke, Montesquieu, and Madison, the paper seeks to recover (amidst all their tautologies and evasions) a genuine case in favor of this principle. The paper argues that the rationale of the separation of powers is closely related to that of the rule of law: it is partly a matter of the distinct integrity of each of the separated institutions (courts, legislature, and administration). But above all, it is a matter of articulated governance (as contrasted with compressed undifferentiated exercises of power). -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 34 -- Keywords: constitutionalism, constitutions, courts, legislature, Madison, Montesquieu, rule of law, separation of powers -- downloaded pdf to Note
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july 2014 by dunnettreader
Danielle Keats Citron and Frank A. Pasquale - "The Scored Society: Due Process for Automated Predictions" | 89 Washington Law Review 1 (2014)
Both at University of Maryland Francis King Carey School of Law -- Keywords - Big Data, predictions, artificial intelligence -- Big Data is increasingly mined to rank and rate individuals. Predictive algorithms assess whether we are good credit risks, desirable employees, reliable tenants, valuable customers—or deadbeats, shirkers, menaces, and “wastes of time.” Crucial opportunities are on the line, including the ability to obtain loans, work, housing, and insurance. Though automated scoring is pervasive and consequential, it is also opaque and lacking oversight. In one area where regulation does prevail—credit—the law focuses on credit history, not the derivation of scores from data. Procedural regularity is essential for those stigmatized by “artificially intelligent” scoring systems. The American due process tradition should inform basic safeguards. Regulators should be able to test scoring systems to ensure their fairness and accuracy. Individuals should be granted meaningful opportunities to challenge adverse decisions based on scores miscategorizing them. Without such protections in place, systems could launder biased and arbitrary data into powerfully stigmatizing scores. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  legal_theory  US_constitution  civil_liberties  due_process  big_data  financial_innovation  privacy  reputation  inequality  financial_regulation  algorithms  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
"Reclaiming Egalitarianism in the Political Theory of Campaign Finance " by Frank Pasquale | 2008 University of Illinois Law Review 599
Keywords - campaign finance, egalitarianism, political theory, Rawls, deliberative democracy, politics -- Recent advocacy for campaign finance reform has been based on an ideal of the democratic process which is unrealistic and unhelpful. Scholars should instead return to its egalitarian roots. This article examines how deliberative democratic theory became the main justification for campaign finance reform. It exposes the shortcomings of this deliberativist detour and instead models campaign spending as an effort to commodify issue-salience. Given this dominant function of money in politics, a more effective paradigm for reform is equalizing influence. Advocates of campaign regulation should return to the original principles of reformers; not an idealized vision of the democratic process, but pragmatic concerns about moneyed interests acquiring too much influence over the nation's politics. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  political_philosophy  legal_theory  constitutionalism  democracy  political_participation  egalitarian  US_constitution  free_speech  plutocracy  interest_groups  legitimacy  campaign_finance  US_legal_system  SCOTUS  media  corruption  franchise  political_culture  political_economy  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
David Womersley, ed. - Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century (2006) - Online Library of Liberty
David Womersely, Liberty and American Experience in the Eighteenth Century, edited and with an Introduction by David Womersley (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2006). 07/13/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/1727> -- This volume is a collection of essays which examines some of the central themes and ideologies central to the formation of the United States including Edmund Burke’s theories on property rights and government, the influence of Jamaica on the American colonies, the relations between religious and legal understandings of the concept of liberty, the economic understanding of the Founders, the conflicting viewpoints between moral sense theory and the idea of natural rights in the founding period, the divisions in thought among the revolutionaries regarding the nature of liberty and the manner in which liberty was to be preserved, and the disparity in Madison’s political thought from the 1780s to the 1790s. -- authors include Jack Greene, David Wootton, Gordon Wood. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  18thC  intellectual_history  British_history  British_politics  Atlantic  American_colonies  West_Indies  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  colonialism  British_Empire  Anglo-American  political_philosophy  English_constitution  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  limited_monarchy  property  property_rights  liberty  liberalism-republicanism_debates  moral_philosophy  moral_psychology  moral_sentiments  natural_law  human_nature  Founders  Parliamentary_supremacy  Patriot_King  Burke  Madison  Hume  Scottish_Enlightenment  commerce  luxury  commerce-doux  corruption  tyranny  Absolutism  US_constitution  American_Revolution  UK_government-colonies  partisanship  common_good  common_law  Whigs  democracy  political_participation  checks-and-balances  separation-of-powers  government-forms  mixed_government  social_order  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
M.J.C. Vile, Constitutionalism and the Separation of Powers (2nd ed.) - Online Library of Liberty
M.J.C. Vile, Constitutionalism and the Separation of Powers (2nd ed.) (Indianapolis, Liberty Fund 1998). 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/677> -- Arguably no political principle has been more central than the separation of powers to the evolution of constitutional governance in Western democracies. In the definitive work on the subject, M. J. C. Vile traces the history of the doctrine from its rise during the English Civil War, through its development in the eighteenth century – when it was indispensable to the founders of the American republic – through subsequent political thought and constitution-making in Britain, France, and the United States. The author concludes with an examination of criticisms of the doctrine by both behavioralists and centralizers – and with “A Model of a Theory of Constitutionalism.” The new Liberty Fund second edition includes the entirety of the original 1967 text published by Oxford, a major epilogue entitled “The Separation of Powers and the Administrative State,” and a bibliography. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  political_philosophy  political_history  constitutionalism  government-forms  separation-of-powers  checks-and-balances  British_history  British_politics  English_Civil_War  English_constitution  American_colonies  American_Revolution  US_constitution  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  Parliamentary_supremacy  Patriot_King  judiciary  rule_of_law  French_Revolution  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  Third_Republic  Napoleonic_Empire  Directoire  Fifth_Republic  administrative_agencies  executive  legislation  liberalism-republicanism_debates  federalism  Founders  Federalist  Bolingbroke  Montesquieu  patronage  corruption  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Charles Howard McIlwain, Constitutionalism: Ancient and Modern [1947] - Online Library of Liberty
Charles Howard McIlwain, Constitutionalism: Ancient and Modern (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2008). 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2145> -- Constitutionalism: Ancient and Modern explores the very roots of liberty by examining the development of modern constitutionalism from its ancient and medieval origins. Derived from a series of lectures delivered by Charles Howard McIlwain at Cornell University in the 1938–39 academic year, these lectures provide a useful introduction to the development of modern constitutional forms. -- Introduction states the "problem" beginning with Bolingbroke's definition of the Septennial Act and Whig abandonment of Revolution Principles, and Burke, Paine, arbitrary government and written constitutions. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  political_philosophy  political_history  political_culture  government-forms  constitutionalism  English_constitution  US_constitution  French_Revolution  American_Revolution  legal_system  legal_history  legal_theory  judiciary  checks-and-balances  separation-of-powers  Absolutism  representative_institutions  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  medieval_history  feudalism  monarchy  limited_monarchy  resistance_theory  social_contract  public_opinion  political_participation  reform-political  reform-legal  Bolingbroke  Revolution_Principles  Whigs-oligarchy  Whigs-opposition  Burke  Paine  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
John Adams, Revolutionary Writings, ed. C. Bradley Thompson - Online Library of Liberty
John Adams, The Revolutionary Writings of John Adams, Selected and with a Foreword by C. Bradley Thompson (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2000). 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/592> -- This volume contains the principal shorter writings in which Adams addresses the prospect of revolution and the form of government proper to the new United States. There are pieces on the nature of the British Constitution and the meaning of rights, sovereignty, representation, and obligation. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  18thC  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_history  Adams_John  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  British_history  British_politics  English_constitution  US_constitution  American_colonies  US_politics  American_Revolution  citizenship  natural_rights  civil_liberties  sovereignty  representation  representative_institutions  obligation  authority  legitimacy  Early_Republic  government-forms  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works of John Adams, vol. 6 (Defence of the Constitutions Vol. III cont’d, Davila, Essays on the Constitution) - Online Library of Liberty
John Adams, The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by his Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1856). 10 volumes. Vol. 6. 07/12/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2104> -- A 10 volume collection of Adams’ most important writings, letters, and state papers, edited by his grandson. Vol. 6 contains (Defence of the Constitutions Vol. III cont’d, Davila, Essays on the Constitution. The last continued part of the Defence of the Constitutions deals with Marchmont Nedham and writings on the commonwealth. Davila is the history of the 16thC French Wars_of_Religion. -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  etexts  18thC  intellectual_history  Enlightenment  American_colonies  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  Adams_John  political_history  political_philosophy  government-forms  mixed_government  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  English_constitution  US_constitution  state_government  federalism  commonwealth  historiography  France  Wars_of_Religion  English_Civil_War  Glorious_Revolution  French_Revolution  Terror  Directoire  Napoleon  Napoleonic_Wars  separation-of-powers  checks-and-balances  centralization  central_government  local_government  parties  partisanship  faction  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Association of American Law Schools, Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History, 3 vols. (1907-09) - Online Library of Liberty
Committee of the Association of American Law Schools, Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History, by various authors, compiled and edited by a committee of the Association of American Law Schools, in three volumes (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1907-09). 07/11/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2080> -- A massive three volume collection of essays by leading American and English legal experts which surveys the entire body of Anglo-American law.
books  etexts  legal_history  legal_theory  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  legal_system  lawyers  judiciary  legislation  constitutionalism  US_constitution  US_legal_system  English_constitution  common_law  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
The Works and Life of Walter Bagehot, vol. 3 (Historical & Literary Essays) - Online Library of Liberty
BéRANGER. (1857.) *--* THE WAVERLEY NOVELS. (1858.) *--* CHARLES DICKENS. (1858.) *--* PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. (1859.) *--* NOTE. *--* JOHN MILTON. (1859.) *--* THE HISTORY OF THE UNREFORMED PARLIAMENT, AND ITS LESSONS. (1860.) *--* MR. GLADSTONE.1 (1860.) *--* MEMOIR OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JAMES WILSON. (1860.) *--* “To the Right Honourable Sir Charles Wood, Bart., G.C.B., Secretary of State for India. *--* THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AT THE PRESENT CRISIS. CAUSES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.
books  etexts  17thC  19thC  British_history  British_politics  English_lit  Milton  Scott_Sir_Walter  Dickens  Parliament  franchise  elections  parties  political_change  political_culture  Gladstone  US_Civil_War  British_Empire  British_foreign_policy  popular_politics  public_opinion  reform-political  historical_fiction  reform-social  US_constitution  Bagehot  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Your Evening Jemmy (against legislative encroachment on freedom of speech) - Esquire
Hence, in the United States the great and essential rights of the people are secured against legislative as well as against executive ambition. They are secured, not by laws paramount to prerogative, but by constitutions paramount to laws. This security of the freedom of the press requires that it should be exempt not only from previous restraint by the Executive, as in Great Britain, but from legislative restraint also; and this exemption, to be effectual, must be an exemption not only from the previous inspection of licensers, but from the subsequent penalty of laws. -- James Madison, Report On The Virginia Resolutions, 1800
English_constitution  US_constitution  civil_liberties  political_press  free_speech  prerogative  Madison  Bolingbroke  EF-add 
may 2014 by dunnettreader
Separation of Parties, Not Powers by Daryl J. Levinson, Richard H. Pildes :: SSRN (Harvard Law Review 2006)
Few aspects of the Founding generation's political theory are now more clearly anachronistic than their vision of legislative-executive separation of powers. Nevertheless, few of the Framers' ideas continue to be taken as literally or sanctified as deeply by courts and constitutional scholars as the passages about interbranch relations in Madison's Federalist 51. This Article reenvisions the law and theory of separation of powers by viewing it through the lens of party competition. In particular, it points out that during periods - like the present - of cohesive and polarized political parties, the degree and kind of competition between the legislative and executive branches will vary significantly, and may all but disappear, depending on whether party control of the House, Senate, and Presidency is divided or unified. The practical distinction between party-divided and party-unified government thus rivals, and often dominates, the constitutional distinction between the branches in predicting and explaining interbranch political dynamics. Recognizing that these dynamics will shift from competitive when government is divided to cooperative when it is unified calls into question basic assumptions of separation of powers law and theory. More constructively, re-focusing the separation of powers on parties casts numerous aspects of constitutional structure, doctrine, and institutional design in a new and more realistic light. Numbers of Pages in PDF File: 74 -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  SSRN  US_government  US_politics  parties  partisanship  separation-of-powers  US_constitution  Founders  Madison  Congress  executive  downloaded  EF-add 
march 2014 by dunnettreader
Daniel I. O'Neill, review essay - Whither Democracy? | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 38, No. 4 (August 2010), pp. 564-575
Reviewed -- (1) Liberal Beginnings: Making a Republic for the Moderns by A. Kalyvas; I. Katznelson; *--* (2) James Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government by C. Sheehan; *--* (3) French Political Thought from Montesquieu to Tocqueville by A. de Dijn; *--* (4) Soft Despotism, Democracy's Drift: Montesquieu, Rousseau, Tocqueville, and the Modern Prospect by P. Rahe
books  reviews  jstor  bookshelf  kindle-available  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  17thC  18thC  19thC  Enlightenment  liberalism  republicanism  US_constitution  France  French_Revolution  Montesquieu  Rousseau  Hobbes  Locke  Founders  Madison  democracy  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  liberalism-republicanism_debates  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Adam Slez and John Levi Martin - Political Action and Party Formation in the United States Constitutional Convention | JSTOR: American Sociological Review, Vol. 72, No. 1 (Feb., 2007), pp. 42-67
Using data on state voting patterns, we examine the positions taken by state delegations on questions that arose over the course of the United States Constitutional Convention of 1787. Whereas existing accounts tend to assume that this type of collective decision making can be understood by linking fixed interests-either material or ideological-to specific, decontextualized propositions, we argue that the meaning of any one issue was dependent upon its position relative to other issues in the overall sequence of questions. Consequently, each decision changed the meaning of future issues, and hence how actors understood where their commonalities of interest lay. Devoted to the task of rebuilding the institutions that constituted the national state, delegates explicitly reshaped the board on which the political game would be played such that patterns of action within the Convention had implications for patterns of action outside of the Convention. As each subsequent decision within the Convention fixed a previous point of contention, it also indirectly determined which issues would become viable points of conflict in the future. By the end of the Convention, even before the first presidential election, state delegations began to arrange themselves in a manner consonant with the outlines of the first party system. This previously unrecognized finding only makes sense, however, in terms of a temporally contextualized model of political action. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  political_history  historical_sociology  game_theory  18thC  Early_Republic  US_constitution  parties  interest_groups  rational_choice  networks-social  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Jim Hanley - U.S. Presidency 1: The Presidential Debate of 1787 | Ordinary Times Jan 28 2014
Abstract -- The lack of a national executive power under the Articles of Confederation was a major factor in the weakness and fragmenting of the American union in the post-Revolutionary era, a point recognized by James Madison and corrected in the Constitution. Opponents of the Constitution, the Anti-Federalists, saw the presidency as an incipient source of tyranny. Rebutting them, Hamilton argued that energy in the executive was critical to competent governance, and that the presidency was sufficiently constrained so that while a president could act as necessary for the good of the union he could not become tyrannical. How do these arguments hold for the contemporary presidency?
US_history  18thC  Early_Republic  US_constitution  US_government  US_politics  Madison  Hamilton  Founders  Federalist  separation-of-powers  executive  prerogative  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Jim Hanley - Introduction: U.S. Presidency - syllabus | Ordinary Times Jan 27 2014
The two main books are:

Presidential Power: Unchecked and Unbalanced, by Matthew Crenson and Benjamin Ginsberg. (buy cheap)
The Presidency and the Political System, Michael Nelson, ed. (buy, but not exactly cheap)
US_history  US_politics  US_government  US_constitution  18thC  Early_Republic  Founders  Madison  Hamilton  bibliography  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Leonard C. Feldman - Judging Necessity: Democracy and Extra-Legalism | JSTOR: Political Theory, Vol. 36, No. 4 (Aug., 2008), pp. 550-577
This article probes the relationship among constitutionalism, extra-legal prerogative power, and citizen judgment. While much has been written about the nature of Lockean prerogative, and while his theory serves as a direct inspiration for contemporary "normative extra-legalists," key participants in the debate over emergency powers, less attention has been paid to how the people judge prerogative. Attention to this issue is useful because an examination of the process of political judgment of extra-legalism in Locke leads to a complication of the current extra-legalist vision of democratic mechanisms of accountability. The author argues that the extra-legal approach is right to consider the role of democratic publics in potentially constraining the exercise of emergency powers but wrong to formulate that role as one extra-constitutional power checking another extra-constitutional power. The author situates both prerogative power and citizen judgment of it at the threshold of the constitutional order. -- between Bush Administration lawlessness and fascination with Schmitt and "state of exception", executive action and Sovereignty have become hot topics in political theory and constitutional law review articles -- didn't download but may be helpful for Locke on prerogative and the alignment of Whigs and Tories on the issue as seen by Bolingbroke
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  legal_theory  constitutionalism  17thC  18thC  20thC  democracy  US_constitution  executive  consent  prerogative  sovereignty  Locke  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Franklin A. Kalinowski - David Hume on the Philosophic Underpinnings of Interest Group Politics | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 25, No. 3 (Spring, 1993), pp. 355-374
This article explores Hume's theory of passion and interest, which for him were simply two sides of the same philosophical phenomenon. The significant distinction, the author argues, is that between the violent passions, embodied in short-range private interests, and the calm passions, reflected in long-range public interests. The goal of politics for Hume is then to construct a system in which the calm passions and public interests could be achieved in a society wherein all individuals exercise violent passions by seeking their self interests. The author assesses the implications of this view of Hume for the analysis of the thought of James Madison. -- see Vermeule who disagrees -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  18thC  Hume-politics  Hume-ethics  self-interest  ambition  interest_groups  US_constitution  Madison  downloaded  EF-add  English_constitution 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Clement Fatovic - Reason and Experience in Alexander Hamilton’s Science of Politics | JSTOR: American Political Thought, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring 2013), pp. 1-30
Alexander Hamilton is often described as an enterprising modernist who promoted forward-looking reforms that broke with established institutions and ideas. However, the scale and apparent novelty of his reforms have tended to obscure the extent to which those innovations were rooted in a belief that knowledge and practice must be guided by “experience.” This article argues that even Hamilton’s most far-reaching reforms were grounded in a Humean understanding of the limits of rationality in explaining and controlling the world. Hamilton’s agreement with David Hume on the epistemic authority of experience helps explain his positions on constitutional design, executive power, democratic politics, public opinion, and other important political issues. Moreover, the epistemological underpinnings of Hamilton’s political thought are significant because they suggest that a “science of politics” grounded in experience can avoid some of the dangers associated with more rationalistic approaches yet still be quite open to significant innovation in politics. -- Michael Zuckert editor -- paywall Chicago
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  Early_Republic  Hamilton  Hume-politics  scepticism  Innovation  US_constitution  conservatism  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
James Moore - Hume's Political Science and the Classical Republican Tradition | JSTOR: Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique, Vol. 10, No. 4 (Dec., 1977), pp. 809-839
La science politique de Hume et la tradition républicaine classique. La science politique de Hume marque un point tournant dans l'histoire de la pensée politique. On peut mieux apprécier sa signification si on la considère comme une réponse structurée aux essais de construction d'une science politique fondée sur l'expérience tentés par les théoriciens de la tradition républicaine classique. Sa discussion des formes de gouvernement, du régime mixte en Grande Bretagne, du rôle des législateurs, de l'influence du gouvernement sur le comportement social, des sources de la puissance militaire, de la sagesse d'acquérir des colonies, des mérites de la politique de la Grèce et de Rome dans l'Antiquité, et en dernier lieu, sa conception d'une république parfaite, tous ces thèmes font partie d'une réponse systématique aux oeuvres de Machiavel, Harrington, Bolingbroke et autres. La conception de Hume du gouvernement constitutionnel dérive d'une application plus consistante du raisonnement expérimental au domaine politique. Sa science politique offre donc une nouvelle théorie du gouvernement républicain qui a eu une profonde influence sur les penseurs américains, notamment Hamilton et Madison. Ces derniers y trouvèrent une conception du politique qui pouvait être appliquée aux grandes sociétés mercantiles. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  British_politics  Hume-politics  Machiavelli  Harrington  Bolingbroke  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  US_constitution  Founders  Madison  Hamilton  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Daryl J. Levinson and Richard H. Pildes - Separation of Parties, Not Powers | JSTOR: Harvard Law Review, Vol. 119, No. 8 (Jun., 2006), pp. 2311-2386
With the role of parties so different from what the Founders envisioned, the separation of powers is important for whether we have divided or unified government. The constitutional features that undermine parties are anachronisms. -- didn't download
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  legal_history  political_culture  parties  US_constitution  bibliography  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Steven G. Calabresi - Political Parties as Mediating Institutions | JSTOR: The University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. 61, No. 4 (Autumn, 1994), pp. 1479-1533
Using Lloyd Cutler proposals to strengthen political parties in order to clarify accountability of politicians which the US system of checks and balances muddies, he discusses why he thinks it's a bad idea to strengthen roles of "mediating" institutions. The first parts of the article look at the history of the Founders deliberately making it difficult for parties to have a major role, and the philosophical and historical basis for their united opposition to party and faction. Big bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_history  political_culture  18thC  US_constitution  American_colonies  Early_Republic  Founders  Madison  Adams_John  Jefferson  parties  faction  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Akhil Reed Amar - The Bill of Rights as a Constitution | JSTOR: The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 100, No. 5 (Mar., 1991), pp. 1131-1210
The original Bill of Rights is almost never studied as an integrated whole. This Article offers an overview of the Bill of Rights illustrating how virtually all of its provisions relate to each other and to those of the original Constitution. The overview yields an unconventional finding: the dominant theme of the original Bill was not to vest individuals and minorities with substantive rights against popular majorities. Like the original Constitution, the Bill certainly focused on issues of federalism, bicameralism, representation, constitutional amendment, and popular sovereignty. The main thrust of the unReconstructed-that is pre-Fourteenth Amendment-Bill of Rights was far more structural and majoritarian than we have come to believe. -- enormous bibliography -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  political_history  legal_history  18thC  US_constitution  bill_of_rights  civil_liberties  majoritarian  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Andrew Stark - Corporate Electoral Activity, Constitutional Discourse, and Conceptions of the Individual | JSTOR: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, No. 3 (Sep., 1992), pp. 626-637
Recently, constitutional scholars have begun exploring how far constitutional discourse is governed by competing liberal and republican conceptions of the just or the good society. At the same time, political theorists have placed in doubt how far this debate rests on the metaphysical dichotomy between a radically autonomous and a radically encumbered individual. Scholars, however, have yet to investigate to what extent metaphysical conceptions of the autonomous or the encumbered individual underlie and determine strands of constitutional discourse. I analyze the deep structure of constitutional discourse in one important area--the legitimacy of prohibitions on corporate electoral activity. I show that the constitutional argumentation recurrently mounted against corporate electoral activity rests on a particular version of the radically encumbered individual and that the major constitutional defenses of corporate electoral activity assume a particular version of the radically autonomous individual.
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  legal_theory  US_constitution  individualism  liberalism  republicanism  communitarian  civic_virtue  elections  corporations  corporate_governance  campaign_finance  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Marbury v. Madison: A Bicentennial Symposium - TOC | JSTOR: Virginia Law Review, Vol. 89, No. 6, Oct., 2003
(1) Constitutional Existence Conditions and Judicial Review(pp. 1105-1202)
Matthew D. Adler and Michael C. Dorf. (2) "Marbury," Marshall, and the Politics of Constitutional Judgment (pp. 1203-1234) Christopher L. Eisgruber. (3) Our "Marbury" (pp. 1235-1412) Louise Weinberg. (4)Tom Paine's Constitution (pp. 1413-1461) Robin West. (5) The Constitutional Journey of "Marbury v. Madison" (pp. 1463-1573) G. Edward White
journal  article  jstor  legal_history  legal_theory  US_history  US_constitution  US_politics  judiciary  constitutionalism  18thC  19thC  20thC  American_Revolution  Early_Republic  Paine  Jefferson  Madison  Supreme_Court  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Symposium: The Republican Civic Tradition - TOC | JSTOR: The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 97, No. 8, Jul., 1988
Main articles -- (1)Law's Republic (pp. 1493-1537) Frank Michelman. (2) Beyond the Republican Revival(pp. 1539-1590) Cass R. Sunstein ******* Comments -- (1) Law's Republicanism(pp. 1591-1608) Kathryn Abrams. (2)The Republican Revival and Racial Politics (pp. 1609-1621) Derrick Bell and Preeta Bansal. (3) Further beyond the Republican Revival: Toward Radical Republicanism (pp. 1623-1631) Paul Brest. (4) Modern Republicanism. Or The Flight from Substance (pp. 1633-1650) Richard A. Epstein. (5) Look before You Leap: Some Cautionary Notes on Civic Republicanism (pp. 1651-1662) Michael A. Fitts. (6) Making Republicanism Useful (pp. 1663-1672) Linda K. Kerber. (7) The Missing Element in the Republican Revival (pp. 1673-1684) Jonathan R. Macey. As If Republican Interpretation (pp. 1685-1701) Jerry Mashaw. Reviving Republicanism(pp. 1703-1711) H. Jefferson Powell. (8) Rainbow Republicanism (pp. 1713-1723) Kathleen M. Sullivan
journal  article  political_philosophy  legal_theory  constitutionalism  US_constitution  liberalism-republicanism_debates  republicanism  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
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