aries1988 + 2019   65

梁文道:即便到了最後,現實和常識的必要
很多朋友批評我過去幾年在此寫的一堆東西太過悲觀,立場令人懷疑,尤其最近幾個月更好像是故意給熾熱的抗爭運動潑冷水。坦白講,我寫時事評論,從來沒想過責任是要替任何運動打氣。如果說我有任何立場,那就是堅持在政治上隨時保持對現實的敏感,同時在公共理性上守住最基本的常識,即便是到了現實被政治邏輯碾壓,常識被政治立場裹挾的極端時刻。什麼叫公共理性上最基本的常識?且舉一個肯定讓很多黃絲不高興的例子,那就是近日大家高談的「黃色經濟圈」。出於政治取向,選擇某種消費模式,這一點我很明白。但是反過來破壞藍色商戶,在我看來就完全不能接受了。理由很簡單,如果有一個人發表任何我不同意的觀點,我該做的事情,難道不是該和他在言論的平臺上討論爭辯?我怎麼能夠因為他的政治立場和我不同,就跑去打砸他開的店鋪?如果黃絲可以容許這等「勇武」,那在道理上是否也能理解黃店被藍絲破壞?當然我也很清楚,這種話在今天有多麼令人討厭。
opinion  hongkong  2019  from instapaper
7 weeks ago by aries1988
Hong Kong’s Protest Movement and the Fight for the City’s Soul | The New Yorker

It was a little more than a year since I’d last been to Hong Kong, and I was struck by its transformation. Graffiti mottled the pavement. Protest songs blasted in the public parks. The spirit of open defiance, while jarring, felt curiously festive. Previously, the city, endlessly obliging to its rotating clientele of businessmen and tourists, had seemed aloof and polite, like a hotel concierge. Now it had the vibe of a sweat-soaked busker, determined to play his music to all passersby.

The sheer diversity of references—Japanese anime, Hollywood classics, Tang-dynasty poetry—was dizzying, and the sardonic delivery, laced with anger, cynicism, and wit, embodied the exuberant swagger of the movement. This was twenty-first-century agitprop, steeped in globalized culture and designed for digital virality.

“What we protesters are practicing is not violence but force. If you abuse force, that’s violence—but you can also use force to express justice.”

In Beijing-influenced media outlets, it’s become common to paint the protesters as a fringe group of disaffected youth; they are described not as idealists but as people merely frustrated by Hong Kong’s declining economic status relative to that of the booming mainland.

There’s a saying in Chinese politics—Fengjiu biluan (“Encounter nine: turmoil for sure”)—reflecting a belief that the country often experiences its worst turbulence in years that end in 9. (Since the fall of the Nationalists, in 1949, years ending in 9 have brought, successively, the Great Famine, an armed conflict with the Soviet Union, another with Vietnam, the Tiananmen Square protests, and the Falun Gong crisis.)
2019  china  hongkong  conflict  interview  protest  media  street 
9 weeks ago by aries1988
香港十年:一位“中间派”港漂的自述|逃犯条例|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
但是和一些港漂,他不理这么多,他根本不去跟你讨论这些实际发生的事情,他就是说,香港是中国的一部分,你现在所有的一切都是不合理的,只是喊口号,没有可讨论的就没有意思了。而且他们可能心理上很排斥、很介意这些连侬墙上一些过激的言论,Facebook上骂大陆人滚出去啊什么的。他们脆弱的自尊心受到深深的伤害的时候,情绪太不理智,没法进行正常的交流。

他们就会变成为祖国而战了。但我觉得,香港也是祖国的一部分啊,你怎么没有一个作为香港市民的角度,为香港而战呢?其实,他们早在别人喊出港独口号之前已经把香港排斥在祖国之外了。

我不在意在内地生活的人们的想法,我明白他们不理解香港。但我觉得很多人在香港生活这么多年,不理解香港,甚至不抱著一种香港人不是恶的前设去理解问题,我觉得很奇怪。他们很多时候是用一种恶意去推测别人。我觉得香港人对我是好的、我这些年受了很多香港的恩惠,包括我的读书、我在香港这边的师长,教会的人照顾我⋯⋯我是对香港抱著好感去理解他们的一些情绪。

但教会生活是帮我融入香港社会很重要的渠道。因为在那里,你面对的都是很本土的,不论是中产的还是基层的人群,就不用天天只围著普通话群体。而且,他们是乐意为你开放的,甚至开放他们的家庭,进入到他们家庭中一起吃饭,一起照顾到你生活的方方面面。我觉得这些是帮助我融入到他们这个社会里面很重要的。

虽然香港媒体经常报导内地不好,但它其实相对客观中立,它报导得也没有错。但是你看台湾的媒体更加油添醋。如果拿香港媒体和内地媒体、台湾媒体相比的话,可能香港媒体反而是最客观的、最中立的。

你喜欢批判哪种人,你才是对那种人最有共同感的。因为你要有了解才能批判,而且其实也是一个自我批判的过程。我可能也是这样,我对香港反而是一种比较包容和试图去理解的态度。

顾虑会很多,南亚人士他们也是香港土生土长的几代人,他和香港同呼吸共命运;但我们还有很多内地的朋友家人啊,我们顾虑的东西很多,你不可能很直接地去表达很多。但我觉得讲话是必须的,如果这个时候你可以讲话,你不一定是支持某一方,但你去表达,去参与到这个里面,以后香港社会的形成,你是有发言权的。

如果你天天都说“香港是中国的一部分”,你可能很难在香港社会生存下去。因为香港是中国的,这其实是一个不争的事实,你把这个事实不停地抛出去,没有什么意义。
integration  hongkong  mainland  young  student  religion  neutral  politics  debate  expat  2019  interview  temoignage 
november 2019 by aries1988
‘Absolutely No Mercy’: Leaked Files Expose How China Organized Mass Detentions of Muslims - The New York Times

“The methods that our comrades have at hand are too primitive,” Mr. Xi said in one talk, after inspecting a counterterrorism police squad in Urumqi. “None of these weapons is any answer for their big machete blades, ax heads and cold steel weapons.”
“We must be as harsh as them,” he added, “and show absolutely no mercy.”

In free-flowing monologues in Xinjiang and at a subsequent leadership conference on Xinjiang policy in Beijing, Mr. Xi is recorded thinking through what he called a crucial national security issue and laying out his ideas for a “people’s war” in the region.

Although he did not order mass detentions in these speeches, he called on the party to unleash the tools of “dictatorship” to eradicate radical Islam in Xinjiang.

“The psychological impact of extremist religious thought on people must never be underestimated,” Mr. Xi told officials in Urumqi on April 30, 2014, the final day of his trip to Xinjiang. “People who are captured by religious extremism — male or female, old or young — have their consciences destroyed, lose their humanity and murder without blinking an eye.”

Mr. Xi argued that Islamic extremism had taken root across swaths of Uighur society.

Mr. Xi’s remarks suggest he was alarmed by the revival of public piety. He blamed lax controls on religion, suggesting that his predecessors had let down their guard.

“We say that development is the top priority and the basis for achieving lasting security, and that’s right,” Mr. Xi said. “But it would be wrong to believe that with development every problem solves itself.”

Thousands of officials in Xinjiang were punished for resisting or failing to carry out the crackdown with sufficient zeal.

应收尽收,有了就收
xinjiang  ccp  leak  confidential  2019  policy 
november 2019 by aries1988
内地生笔记:中大校长对话场内外,与那篇让内地生激愤的人民日报评论|逃犯条例|广场|端传媒 Initium Media

9月开学以来,香港中文大学校园里随处可见的文宣海报,周会上一个个黄色蓝色白色的头盔,晚上10点准时喊起来的被内地生误听为“功夫烧烤,士多啤梨”的“光复香港,时代革命”口号,不停收到的港铁停运、学校餐厅提早关闭的消息,Facebook论坛和内地生树洞平台上激烈的中港矛盾争论,这一切都在提醒你,我们在经历不“正常”的校园生活。甚至,作为内地生的我们开始悄咪咪地互相试探,通过稍稍透露立场的朋友圈下的点赞和评论,朋友给哪篇文章点的“在看”,彼此在交流中的用词,在心中默默划分黄蓝阵营。若是嗅到立场不同,我们就心照不宣地不聊政治,只谈风月。

在内地生里,可能因为无需顾忌强权的审查,激进表达民族主义情绪的人声音高,充斥公共讨论空间,内地生的形象总是和激进爱国派联系在一起。同样,叫喊得最大声、最难听的香港同学的声音总是被捕捉来标记“香港学生”。

审视这些留言,情绪被点燃的原因无非是人民日报以偏概全,字里行间俨然将批评的对象覆盖至所有中大学生,并认可了香港中文大学已成“香港暴徒大学”的说法。

但可惜的是,这些人似乎还是少数。很多人似乎只关心自己是否被污名化,自己的学历是否还能保值,自己未来的工作是否受到影响。
很多人透露来香港读书的原因是中大的排名和国际化的教育,将高考分数最大化利用。其实我来香港读书的原因也类似,我想应该很少人会将香港民主自由的言论和学术氛围放在首要的考虑因素。
hongkong  expat  student  temoignage  city  thinking  belonging  conflict  2019  campus 
october 2019 by aries1988
豆瓣十日阉割记:爱国的火烧到阿中哥哥的舆论阵地|深度|互联网政治|端传媒 Initium Media

豆瓣曾集中了一大批边缘的、小众的、文艺的用户,这批人对于国家和政权、社会事件上思考的批判色彩较强,并且已经形成了一个网络小圈子。不同的网络平台会让用户衍生不同的气质,相对于微博的粉圈后花园、知乎的精致利己主义基地,豆瓣用户通常被认为是自恃清高、整个中国大陆平台互联网上最为“反动”的一群。

豆瓣对于小组用户的宽容、甚至拒绝将之独立出去的决策,是一种自保策略:通过形成一个高浓度的爱国主义讨论社区,圈养一批新时代红小将和红色娘子军,以此对系统表达忠心,以平衡、冲淡那些他们难以控制的广播用户带来的影响。
douban  2019  censorship  patriotism  activism  fandom 
october 2019 by aries1988
Why Japan and South Korea bicker - The Economist explains
Japan occupied and colonised Korea from 1910 until 1945, and has never fully acknowledged or properly atoned for the atrocities it committed during that time.

After South Korean lawyers moved to seize assets of the firms affected by the ruling, Japan imposed export restrictions in July on chemicals needed by manufacturers of memory chips, South Korea’s most important industry. In August South Korea decided to withdraw from a bilateral intelligence-sharing pact with Japan, further escalating the conflict.
japan  korea  2019 
october 2019 by aries1988
The Interpreter: The NBA’s China problem & NBC’s Lauer problem
This latest episode, however, is a bit different. An N.B.A. employee’s tweet on a personal account triggered a backlash from the government and the Chinese public. Shortly thereafter, the video game company Blizzard stripped a player of his prize money after he expressed support for the Hong Kong protesters. These weren’t violations of the 3 Ts, or even corporate actions at all. Rather, China was asking private companies to police private individuals’ speech.
freedom  speech  american  2019  sports  nba 
october 2019 by aries1988
梁文道:結局之路由此開始
最讓人震驚的,是一群頭腦發熱的市民在一個商場集會,居然宣佈成立臨時政府,終於用我多年前所說的「打機」心態,邁出貨真價實的港獨第一步,正式把局面上升到顏色革命的程度。到了這一刻,整件事情還有可能善了嗎?恐怕再也不能了。

如果市民每一次成百上千地聚集都是非法集會,每一次你都不可能徹底執法,那麼還有誰會害怕「非法集會」這四個字呢?難怪十月一號那天,竟有十萬以上的市民參加了一次明知非法的遊行。假如早已習慣非法集會的示威者今天又都一起蒙面上街非法遊行,你有把握能夠一次逮捕歸案嗎?更何況反正他們都已經在非法集會了,又怎麼還會害怕犯了蒙面法呢?這就好比立法規定市民不得在家批評政府,這種不能完全執行的立法,最後只會反過來破壞法律的權威,以及執法者的威信。不要輕易去立一條你沒有把握維護的法律,這難道不是很根本的常識?

現在這條法律刺激出了更強烈的反響,讓運動在一夜間成了廣泛的暴動。但恐怕他們不會認為這是判斷錯誤,反而覺得是對手太猖獗,光是這條法律還不夠硬。接下來,既然整場運動已經變質,依循同樣的邏輯,就更該推出宵禁,取消區議會選舉……。
hongkong  2019  opinion  revolution  riot  government  ccp  law  from instapaper
october 2019 by aries1988
Language Log » Loose Romanization for Cantonese
It is exciting to observe linguistic creation in action. This is a process that I have been ardently hoping would take place for Cantonese, but never expected to see it during my own lifetime.
pinyin  opinion  contrarian  chinese  writing  alphabet  canton  hongkong  reform  2019  future 
september 2019 by aries1988
梁文道:建制的大台在哪裏?(香港危機解析之二)
我們可以看到內地各個部門和各方力量都在試圖從自己的角度出手「幫忙」,但他們似乎只是遵循一套固有的政治邏輯和意識形態慣性,既沒有搞清楚香港局面的真相,行動之前也沒有長遠和宏觀的效應考慮,並且缺乏彼此之間,以及和香港當局的協調。真沒想到面對這麼重大的危機,原來不只民間反抗運動沒有大台,而且就連建制力量也好像沒有大台。
hongkong  2019  from instapaper
september 2019 by aries1988
陈纯:举报、粉红狂潮,与体制外的极权主义|逃犯条例|深度|端传媒 Initium Media

在后天安门时代,国家对于日益增长的超越性精神需求有一个妥协,它默许各种“整全性学说”在不危害主流价值(“爱国”、“发展”和“稳定”)的前提下默默存在——自由主义、基督教、儒家、女权主义……但2012年以后,这种默契就被打破了。当局惧怕这个国家的人民通过一种和它的组织和宣传无关的方式联结起来,所以对于一切整全性学说一概打压,包括原初意义上的马克思主义。也就是说,当局不让任何一种整全性学说获得真正意义上的传播,而它自己也不能提供一套有吸引力的整全性学说(如古代的儒家和毛时代的共产主义),这相当于将所有国民硬生生抛入一种“强制性的虚无主义”之中。而稳定的“强制的虚无主义”不是一种可以长久维持的状态,它要么走向一种健康的“合理多元主义”,要么走向一种“虚无主义狂热”。走向前者就要允许各种整全性学说和各种组织自由发展,很显然,这条路现在是根本不可能的。

让人感到恐惧的是,就我和朋友最近的遭遇来看,“废青”的外延已经在扩大,包括了所有同情香港示威者的大陆人,进一步地,所有曾经对中国共产党提出过批评的大陆公民,也要成为打击对象。
2019  opinion  hongkong  ccp  populism  extremist  patriotism  fandom  story  police  youth  peer  violence  explained 
september 2019 by aries1988
The Scholar's Stage: Chinese Are Partisan Too

This gets to the core of the issue. Americans think what is happening in Hong Kong is about opposing the communists and preserving their liberties; Chinese think what is happening in Hong Kong is about splitting China asunder.
explained  patriotism  chinese  hongkong  2019 
september 2019 by aries1988
The Dark Ages Were Actually Good. What Can That Teach Us? - The Atlantic

The era that began with Rome’s collapse—“late antiquity,”

Before, we have the familiar characters in togas; sometime after, knights in armor. But in between? And specifically: How did the diverse terrain that had been the Roman empire in the West respond when central authority gave way? When the last emperor was gone, how did that register in Hispania and Gaul? How did people manage without the imperial system that had built roads and aqueducts, and brought its laws and language to so much of the world?

These included not only the breakup of empire into the precursors of what became modern countries but also “much that a sensitive European has come to regard as most ‘modern’ and valuable in his own culture,” from new artistic and literary forms to self-governing civic associations.
history  today  comparison  usa  local  movement  politics  community  government  2019  spqr  from:rss 
september 2019 by aries1988
Twitter
刚才去超市看了一下猪肉的价格,排骨38.98元500克,里脊肉31.98元500克,五花肉20多元500克。
pork  price  2019  from twitter_favs
august 2019 by aries1988
大陆媒体如何报道香港反修例运动?|逃犯条例|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
“赵皓阳这篇文章的‘爽点’就在于他打中了大陆的优越感,以前说香港年轻人愚蠢肤浅只会搞事情等,都是比较模糊的论述,但赵为他们提供了一个准确的大陆青年精致利己主义者的视角,且带有叙事性,”陈奕明进一步解释到,“以前可能是‘你瞧不起我’,现在会有一个对香港青年反过来的感觉。”

“中国最担心的是香港的事态影响到中国,所以一个是隔离,一个是消解掉意义感、砸烂你的光环。就算信息传进来了,也要国人相信这件事是假的,是没有道德和价值光环的,以前说你搞独立,现在就说是暴力,把港人追求民主自由说成一个借口。”张洁平说。

这套做法目前看来非常成功。不少理解香港反修例运动的港漂都感到,想要和墙内的亲友解释香港发生的一切已变得非常困难。“他们已经通过被污染的信息得出了对这个事情的判断,所以当他们出现在讨论的场域时,已经不是问你发生了什么,而是要来跟你强调他的判断,以及发表他的情绪和意见。”陈奕明说。
narrative  2019  ccp  propaganda  war  hongkong  control  media 
august 2019 by aries1988
互联网裁员潮,泡沫破碎与转型阵痛|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
当然,大公司也不省心。因无法解决户口问题,叶天阳从北京的腾讯来到总部在家乡武汉的斗鱼。斗鱼是中国最知名的弹幕直播平台之一,2018年收获腾讯6.3亿美金融资。和腾讯一样,斗鱼也采用赛马机制,即通过内部竞争的方式开发产品。互联网公司认为这能保持企业活力,鼓励创新,微信和王者荣耀(游戏)等现象级产品,就是赛马机制的产物。
reportage  internet  corporation  china  2019 
august 2019 by aries1988
许章润:我们当下的恐惧与期待|广场|中国修宪|端传媒 Initium Media
虽说此种治安格局及其后来发展出来的“维稳”路径,反过来滋生出新的问题,暴露出政治统治正当性不足这一致命病灶,但就其提供基本治安而言,却是成功的,也是合意的。
不宁唯是,三十多年里,尤其是1992年春夏之后,执政党以经济建设为中心,所谓“专心致志谋发展,聚精会神搞建设”

中国近代史上,1894年的甲午战争与1937年抗战爆发,两度打断中国的现代进程,致使追求日常政治的努力付诸东流,中国的现代事业因而被迫延宕。今日这一波延绵将近两个世纪的大转型已到收尾时段,有待临门一脚,切切不能再因战祸而中断。倘若中断,下次历史机遇何时再来,恐伊于胡底矣。

官员讲话,本为秘书手笔,不过等因奉此,居然汇编刊行,精装亮相,全球免费赠送,徒耗纸张,令人喷饭。
2019  china  ccp  choice  critic  1989/6/4 
august 2019 by aries1988
反996运动全纪录:想通过代码改变世界的人,为何难以改变加班现状?|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
如果一个程序员想在Github上修改一个开源软件,他可以将源代码“分支”(fork)一份,在新的拷贝上进行修改,然后提出“拉回申请”(pull request,简称PR),软件的维护者会审阅他的修改,觉得合适就会接受PR,将修改纳入软件中——这使得每个程序员都可以参与完善软件。如果一个程序员的修改和项目创始人的意愿相悖,也没关系,他可以将源代码复制出来另起炉灶,如果他的修改在社区里获得了足够的支持者,那这个新项目在关注度上就会逐渐取代原有项目。

这就是开源软件的开发模式,一旦开源,软件未来的发展方向就不再掌握在创始人手中,而是由社区里所有对其做出贡献的成员共同决定的。反996运动的演化速度和声势与这种开发模式密不可分,它可以吸引尽可能多的程序员参与、鼓励尽可能多新的形式被发明出来,同时,它的进展方向也是不确定的、流动的。

斯托曼在政治上持激进的左翼立场,在他看来,专有软件是一个社会问题,它不尊重用户和社群的自由,将开发者或版权所有者的权力凌驾在用户之上,甚至可能侵害到用户权益,比如侵犯隐私。因此,允许用户查看、修改、分发软件的源代码,是为了保障用户的基本自由(essential freedom)。而在“开源软件”的支持者看来,开源的目的是为了团结一切可以团结的力量,一起开发更多更好的软件,因此,要制定一个更加宽松、去道德化、不排他的开源标准。

老鹰觉得,除非被逼到一定份上,程序员这个近乎“鸵鸟”的群体绝不会“揭竿而起”。“这个群体比在校学生更乖、比一般白领更宅、比普通工薪阶层思维更简单。”

关于996的讨论,没能走上反思加班文化、甚至反思资本主义工作伦理的方向,也没能形成与其他行业的联动,相反,讨论被职场励志鸡汤、狼性文化和丛林法则混淆,陷入了僵局。

王行坤认为,其去中心化的组织方式也是原因之一:“以往工人运动都是知识分子、NGO参与组织,这次程序员通过Github实现了自组织。”这种组织方式的优点是民主、开放,可以让更多人卷入,并在其中享有话语权;但缺点也很明显,那就是缺乏紧密组织,没有统一纲领,因此很难持久。王行坤认为,当这样自组织的群众运动发展到一定阶段的时候,还是需要知识分子和有一定理论基础的活动家介入——不是去指导运动,而是在相互学习中制定出运动的纲领和方向。
2019  activism  employee  rights  programmer  china  corporation 
august 2019 by aries1988
杭州千岛湖 9 岁失联女童遗体被找到,案件真相究竟如何? - 知乎

在宗教中,绝对真理,或者说是神——有一些宗教中唯一的神就是绝对真理本身——乃是世界的本质,遵循本质乃是人类的义务,违背本质乃是人类的谬误。而宗教的特征就是将绝对真理具体化了,通过扩大化或者扭曲化的方式,比如,变成生活中的仪规,变成感召人的诗歌,变成人性化的慰藉。但它本质还是某种真理,也就是说,驱动它的是它的义务性。
宗教只有将真理放在不可知的领域中,比如人的死后,宇宙的边界之外,时间开始之前。然后虚构出一套完整的逻辑,比如,因为天堂人感受不到痛楚,所以开水不烫手,之类的。

而迷信呢?不一样,迷信是诉诸神秘,它崇拜的不是藏在不可知之中的某种真理,它崇拜的就是不可知本身。不可知可以并没有任何道理,也可以公说公有理婆说婆有理,也可以没有任何义务性——你可以遵循不可知奉为圭臬,也可以不理会它。我们这个民族便喜爱将这样的不可知具现化,于是这样的不可知,成为生活规范同时又没有规范,成为感召人们的诗歌的同时又被焚毁,成为人性化的慰藉的同时又使人恐惧——就是这样的东西。
2019  crime  zhejiang  girl  kidnap  religion  superstition  explained  comparison 
july 2019 by aries1988
Can Emmanuel Macron Stem the Populist Tide?
In an inversion of the anxieties that might have surrounded a relationship between a female student and a male teacher, Macron’s parents mourned the likelihood that their son wouldn’t have children.

At the terrifyingly prestigious Lycée Henri IV, whose alumni include Sartre, Weil, and Foucault, he was no longer the precocious boy wonder, just a distracted new kid from the provinces who wasn’t great at math. He twice fell short of the scores necessary to enter the illustrious École Normale Supérieure. Instead, he attended Sciences Po, the social-science university, and also got a master’s degree in philosophy.

With a few exceptions, its members were young, affluent white men, who were excited by Macron’s commitment to shaking up a status quo that had been established in the postwar era and hardly updated since.

Of all the lines the candidates slung at each other in the course of the election, the one that remains indelible for me is Macron saying very calmly to Le Pen, who had just confused two French companies, “One makes phones, the other makes turbines.”

Their activity has been particularly robust in France’s “empty diagonal,” a band of low-density settlement that stretches from the Massif Central, in the south, to Lorraine, in the northeast.

By the end of the tour, according to an official count, almost two million people had participated online; more than sixteen thousand grievance books were compiled, twenty-seven thousand letters and e-mails were written, and more than ten thousand meetings were held. Macron spent a total of ninety-two hours on the debate floor. By April, his popularity had rebounded to around thirty per cent, from a low of twenty-three in December—not good, but not nearly as bad as his predecessor’s at the same point in his tenure.

the strategy is to “identify the causes of the populist vote and respond methodically. If we succeed, we will dry it up.” When the input changes, so do the conclusions, but only to the precise degree that they need to.
politics  français  president  interview  2019  france  society  macron  democracy  from instapaper
july 2019 by aries1988
Good and Bad Muslims in Xinjiang - Made in China Journal

if China was pursuing an anti-Muslim policy, then wouldn’t we expect it to also sweep up the Sinophone Hui Muslims in Xinjiang? Uyghurs seem to be ending up in internment camps not because they are Muslims, but because they are Uyghurs.

Muslims who conform to the stereotype of the brown-skinned Muslim. Simply put, they will not be racialised as Muslim. Similarly, we might posit that in Xinjiang the Uyghurs have become racially Muslim in ways that the Sinophone Hui have not. Their Central Asian features increasingly signify the category ‘Muslim’, that is to say, more so than they do the category ‘Uyghur’, a classification which is losing its salience at administrative levels as the promises of China’s minzu (民族) system—the national (or ethnic) rights enshrined in the constitution—fall by the wayside.

even in times of conflict, it was rare for officials to attribute anti-state or anti-Han violence to any inherent flaw in the Islamic faith. While often disparaging of non-Chinese religions, China’s intellectual tradition had no ‘Orientalist’ discourse comparable to that of the West, which furnished explanations of Muslim anti-colonial violence in terms of a congenital ‘fanaticism’.

Just as Sufism did not necessarily cultivate a pluralistic pacifism, nor was the call to return to Islam’s founding texts—the Qurʾan and the Hadith—invariably accompanied by a rigid anti-Chinese militancy.
islam  xinjiang  china  2019  policy  world  terrorism  religion  critic  comparison  han  from instapaper
july 2019 by aries1988
They Come For Us At Night: China's Vanishing Muslims (Full Report)
They Come For Us At Night: China's Vanishing Muslims (Full Report) 112,756 views VICE News 4,445,393 subscribers Published on Jun 29, 2019 China’s Uighur…
xinjiang  2019  reportage  from instapaper
july 2019 by aries1988
回应赵皓阳:知识错漏为你补上,品性问题还需你自己努力|广场|端传媒 Initium Media

最近名为赵皓阳的作者写了一篇题为《香港这座城市还有救吗》的文章,在中国内地广为流传。作者在浸会大学读过一年制的研究生,他形容香港学生“幼稚病”、跟“用爱发电”的台湾人一样“蠢”,批评香港学生会“假民主”,港生不懂殖民历史,香港基础教育质量比不过内地,学生质素“不足以在一个大市场中与大陆青年竞争”。同时,他认为香港社运是民众被蛊惑,“受西方价值观冲击”,上街游行可以获得“虚伪的满足感”,其实是用肉身在供养资本家。他表示,除了他,香港无人意识到地产问题才是香港真正的威胁。

从文章看来,赵的知识体系用一句话就可以概括:“所有问题的根源都是资本家吸血普通人”。如果要再复杂一点,那么不是“教育出了问题”,就是“年轻人太蠢被煽惑”,三板斧来回使用。而政治体制在他眼中有如不存在。

赵先生此文的问题不是他知识太匮乏,而是品性太差。用他的话来讲,他不是“蠢”,是“坏”。这种“坏”意在撩拨内地已有的“仇港”情绪,用虚构故事和错误事实制造中港矛盾。不仅如此,赵还在文章里流露出对精英阶层深深的向往(尽管他本人并不在列),和对普通人追求更好生活的鄙夷。这种“社会达尔文主义”思想的传播,从源头上试图抹去普通人抗争及争取权利的合法性。用赵先生的理论来讲,他所做的事,是在替权力和资本压榨普通人。知识问题我们可以为他补上,品性问题还需要他自己努力。

1985至1988年是台湾反公害运动和环保运动快速兴起的时期,当时的环保和反核人士中也有不少是民主运动的支持者,因此环保及反核力量也被视为对威权政府的挑战。这些挑战国民党的“党外人士”在1986年组成“民进党”,环保和反核是为党纲。

台湾公民社会不断针对能源转型进行不同论述、攻防,并无台湾人如同赵文所述“相信真的用爱可以发电”。当赵文指出,“更惊讶的是,这在台湾还真普遍有人买账,还真很多人觉得用爱发电这个概念好”时,其实台湾读者也很惊讶赵文有这种惊讶——这样理解一个口号,不是曲解,就是愚痴。

香港地产霸权的问题来自殖民时代的政商结构,而中国在香港回归后仍拒绝改革香港的殖民地式官商勾结政经结构,特首选举制度、立法会中的“功能组别”的设计,都是维持这一结构的具体表现,商界向来偏建制、支持政府决策,垄断的庞大资本力量与政治权力结合,成为最难打破的天花板。

中国恰恰是香港“双轨”土地制度的学习者。和土地私有的地方不同,香港土地所有权归政府所有(港英遗留)。港府通过售卖​​土地在规定期限的“使用权”予土地开发者或使用者,也就是内地所熟悉的“卖地”。

这是公民与政府之间一个复杂、多元的博弈过程。市民运用了民间宣传、网络联署、和平游行示威、非暴力不合作运动等多元方式,一起向政府表达民意。当然,香港相对成熟的公民社会也助力不少,这次不少教会和牧师、专业组织、行业协会也参与其中,人们尝试用各种新的方式进行连结。这不是乱,是人们在互动、连结、组织、发声。

如果有人看到这里还是不屑一顾,大概是觉得这些绝食行动看上去都没有“出事”,绝食者依然“安全”。这么想的人,请扪心自问自己的良心和人性去了哪里。牺牲当然不是一件必然的事,任何人也没有资格要求别人牺牲,抗争是表达反对观点的形式,而不是满足变态看客的一场好戏。

从写法上,这篇文章确实具备如今内地舆论场上常见的爆款文特点:一个耸动的标题、“我有一个朋友”式难辨真伪的举例、东拼西凑的数据和口语化的语言。这些都和备受争议的“咪蒙体”如出一辙。文章的文字粗劣,经不起推敲,但能在第一时间把握住大众的情绪。

内地大众本来就因为信息差无法了解到香港反送中游行的全貌,相关新闻只能在互联网的角落中流窜,在这样的时机,突然出现一篇洋洋洒洒几千字分析香港局势的文章,且作者传递的观点其实与自己曾接触过的观点相似,颇能给人一种恍然大悟之感,自然在墙内赚得了顶级流量。

赵先生的思路既把经济发展列为重中之重,又堵死普通人选举、游行的权利,这与中国执政者的思路如出一辙。1989年之后,“发展才是硬道理”成为被宣扬的价值观,经济发展成了政权合法性的来源。按照这个思路,经济发展最后落到普通人身上,只剩下一个选项:努力赚钱。

努力赚钱当然没有错,但背景是赵先生所讲的房地产资本家吸血,这意味著如赵先生所说年轻人(无论是香港的还是内地的)再努力也买不起房。那么努力赚钱为的是什么呢,为的是给资本家打工。赵先生的这套思路和价值观绕了一圈,就是为了忽悠普通人。
explained  debate  china  today  social-network  thinking  hongkong  youth  propaganda  buzz  2019  from instapaper
june 2019 by aries1988
香港这座城市还有救吗?
赵皓阳 大浪淘沙

我非常非常享受这种对香港同龄人、台湾同龄人智商上的降维打击,我觉得他们太蠢了,基本的历史不了解,基本的政治常识不知道,就只会喊喊口号打打鸡血。就像我这样的,随随便便就碾压他们,特别享受他们那种毫无还手之力的快感。

香港整个地方太小了,太闭塞了;而本地人又因为曾经得天独厚的地理历史因素,弥漫着一种发达过后弄弄的傲慢情绪。可以说整个地区的人都丧失了批判性与反思性,固步自封。如果抛去了香港优越的先天环境,香港年轻人(除0.1%的精英外)所受的教育和专业素养,至完全不足以在一个大市场中与大陆青年竞争的。同时香港长久以来受到西方价值观的冲击,普通民众很容易被蛊惑,上一次街,游一次行,就能获得一些虚伪的满足感,觉得自己多光荣多正义多威武霸气了,然后继续用自己的血肉去供养地产资本家,被人卖了还替人数钱还可开心呢。

人口红利,不是单纯的人多,而是能够达到工业化生产要求、能够纳入经济体系的劳动力多,这才是真正的“红利”。义务教育带来的是高素质劳动力,这个“高素质”不一定是要读到本科硕士之类,而是针对经济活动来说的。

现在社会其实有一些很不好的端倪了,国家对医疗和教育的财政支持不够,医生待遇低,用药品回扣、滥开检查来弥补;教师待遇低,优秀老师纷纷流入私立学校,而公立学校师资力量越来越弱,老师越来越混日子划水;精英子女要么出国要么去昂贵的私立学校。看看美国和日本,公立学校都是什么样子,这样下来社会更加固化,精英永远是精英,屁民就在看不起病、上不起学的泥潭里烂掉了。
2019  capitalism  hongkong  manif  politics  youth  critic  anecdote  economy  immobilier  education  feelgood 
june 2019 by aries1988
The Uselessness of Freedom

I sincerely hope that you remember this line. How can we avoid such a tragic scenario? For graduates of Fudan University, I believe that one was is by keeping the unofficial school motto in mind. The prerequisite for freedom is its uselessness. In discussing the concept of ‘uselessness’ in 2017 I said something to the effect that the ‘uselessness’ of Fudan is not that of [the third-century BCE Taoist thinker] Zhuangzi, who spoke about the uselessness of the serrate oak [or ‘Tree of Heaven’, 樗樹 chū shù, from which nothing utilitarian could be made] and commented that ‘Axes will never shorten its life, nothing can ever harm it. If there’s no use for it, how can it come to grief or pain?’ [as translated by Burton Watson]. Rather the ‘uselessness’ about which I’m talking about here is that of Immanuel Kant who reasoned that humanity was an end in itself [something related to his views on ‘Ding an sich’] and not merely a tool to be used for some other purpose.
2019  university  speech  graduation  from instapaper
june 2019 by aries1988
失业下的深圳中年
在这几十天当中,也不是没有工作机会,在我计算了一下每个月的支出后,选择了婉拒。我们四口之家每个月的可见支出大致如下:

房贷:8000

生活费:2000

家庭日用品消耗:2000

养车:1000

老大的学费、课外培训费、两个的营养费:3000

两边家族特殊日子的礼金、同学朋友人情往来礼金:2000

家庭备用金:2000
shenzhen  2019  from instapaper
june 2019 by aries1988
曲卫国 | 2019复旦毕业典礼的发言

这些年的毕业典礼,我每次都反复絮叨非正式版的民间复旦校训:自由而无用。遗憾的是,翻看前几次的发言,我发现我的心情一年比一年沉重。2017年我主要谈的是无用,non-instrumental。2018年我发现有必要对于自由好好地思考一番,因为说到自由,大家似乎更关注自己的自由权利。
fudan  university  ceremony  talk  leader  linguist  freedom  culture  opinion  2019  from instapaper
june 2019 by aries1988
The Perfect Storm Confronting Xi Jinping

China, however, has been a net food importer since at least 2007. This includes both grains and soybeans, central pillars of the Chinese diet. This is partly due to the growing need for animal feed, as China’s livestock production has expanded to meet increasing demands from a wealthier population.

“Experts report that there is a high probability that the pest will spread across all of China’s grain production area within the next 12 months.” There is no natural predator in China that feeds on the fall armyworm, nor are there any registered pesticides in China to counter it.
agriculture  2019  disaster  opinion 
june 2019 by aries1988
What Hong Kong’s Freedom Means to the World
Circa 2019, Hong Kong is a study in the creeping power and increasing sophistication of autocracy. While it is possible there could be a Tiananmen-like massacre in the streets of Hong Kong, it is more likely that its mainland overlords will opt for more subtle ways of choking off Hong Kong’s remaining autonomy and freedoms. They will wear down the protesters, continue to send subtle signals that opposition is being monitored, and work hard to dispel the large crowds, hoping that the next time around the protests will be smaller and more muted. China will continue its strategy of elevating supporters and grinding down opponents, resorting to violence only if absolutely necessary.
2019  hongkong  opinion  usa  from instapaper
june 2019 by aries1988
反送中答問集
前言:二零一四年九月二十八日,我在淚水中寫了〈香港怎麼了:佔中十七問〉,協助中國大陸和台灣讀者理解佔領運動。今天,香港人再次走上街頭,受到警察的無情鎮壓。我在此再次強忍眼淚,嘗試把事情的始末說清楚,讓香港以外的朋友知道真相。1. 香港又怎麼了?
explained  hongkong  2019 
june 2019 by aries1988
'Game of Thrones' Lost Its Way as a Political Drama - The Atlantic

In its first half, and perhaps even for a season or two after leaving Martin’s books behind, the show trusted its audience enough to avoid allegory and the simplistic morality that comes with it. It trusted that the audience knew right from wrong, and knew that both could coexist within a character. It asked viewers to find their own messages in a series about a faux-medieval world of dragons and ice zombies—and take them or leave them as they saw fit. It would have been better if the show had ended that way.
tv  critic  2019  morality  history  fiction  writing 
may 2019 by aries1988
Twitter
The head exploding gesture sums it up
2019  baby  from twitter_favs
may 2019 by aries1988
Gauls, gilets jaunes and the fight for French identity

# the roman national
The British used to read Our Island Story — the hoary best-seller whose chronicling of stirring events and great men and women from Albion to Queen Victoria introduced generations of schoolchildren to history. (David Cameron once claimed it was his favourite childhood reading.) Across the Channel, books like the so-called Petit Lavisse did much the same thing, recounting the whole great sweep of what the French term the roman national from the days of the Gaulish general Vercingetorix to the French Revolution and its aftermath.
Historians once found it natural to tell stories that were designed to imbue their countrymen with pride.
“Whatever your ancestors’ nationality, young Frenchmen and women, at the moment you become French, your ancestors are the Gauls and Vercingetorix.”

In 1987 historian Suzanne Citron published an important essay on “the national myth” in which she deconstructed the assumptions behind the traditional narratives then commonly taught in schools.
The purpose was to show how France’s past could not be understood except within a larger context — global, we might call it today — in which ideas and people and goods flowed across borders and shaped one another.

Alain Finkielkraut, self-appointed guardian of the old story, and himself recently on the receiving end of anti-Semitic abuse from gilets jaunes, denounced the authors as “gravediggers of the great French heritage”.

Gaul being — in a favourite nationalist phrase — the “eldest daughter” of Rome

Countries prosper, so the message runs, when they welcome strangers (like the Armenian refugees who gave France Charles Aznavour) and they suffer from the consequences of their own narrow-mindedness.

Now it is not the book’s gleeful dismantling of the récit national that is under attack, but rather its purported underplaying of a long history of inequality and its consequences.
there are real problems with reading globalisation back into the past, not least because trade in general, and foreign trade in particular, was simply far less important as a part of economic life in earlier times than it is today
a more militant, provincial and insurgent history of burdens and privileges.
separate communal and local activism from outright xenophobia

The limitations of the nationalist narrative have been exposed. But what is the alternative? To abandon narrative altogether, in favour of the episodic and the vignette?
is it best replaced by a multitude into which we can dip at will? The idea of a past that is shared may then slowly slip entirely from view.
historiography  debate  narrative  world  nationalism  français  france  history  2019  book  society  conflict  manif  macron  globalization  opinion  from instapaper
april 2019 by aries1988
Fire of Notre-Dame: An elegy of Western decline - CGTN
if the collapse of the Twin Towers of New York City in 911 represented a deep wound of American capitalism, the fall of Notre-Dame spire is at least a sign of decay of Christendom in France and perhaps even a deny of the state's political order.
opinion  2019  chinese  intelligentsia  west  civ  christianity  france  crisis 
april 2019 by aries1988
Notre-Dame Attic Was Known as ‘the Forest.’ And It Burned Like One. - The New York Times

Some of those elements, like firewalls or a sprinkler system, were absent by choice — so as not to alter the landmark’s design or to introduce electrical wiring deemed a greater risk amid the timbers that supported Notre-Dame’s ornate lead roof.

“There had been a systematic refusal to install anything electrical” within “the forest” because of the risk, said Pierre Housieaux, president of the Paris Historical Association. “Everyone knew that the attic was the most fragile part.”

As flaming pieces of the upper structure fell to the cathedral floor, some of the interior furnishings also caught fire.

Firefighters deployed a robot equipped with tank-type treads and a camera to pull hoses into the cathedral and aim water at the flames. Firefighters also used aerial drones to get a view, including thermal imaging, into the inferno.

The firefighters brought out irreplaceable artifacts, including candelabras, statues, furnishings and religious relics like a linen fabric associated with Saint Louis, and what tradition holds is the crown of thorns worn by Jesus. Mayor Anne Hidalgo described seeing them passing treasures hand to hand in a human chain.

The Notre-Dame restoration project was to focus on reinforcing the spire and repairing some of the attic beams, said Olivier de Chalus, a construction engineer and volunteer guide at the cathedral. He described the structure under the roof as “the cathedral’s jewel, the true piece of art that wasn’t accessible to many.”
2019  fire  arte  paris  church 
april 2019 by aries1988
Notre Dame Is the Burning Heart of Paris

It’s partly that, at 856 years old, Notre Dame has witnessed much of French history. It’s where Henry VI was crowned, and Napoleon became emperor. A few hours into the fire, French TV news was running everything from clips of François Mitterrand’s funeral to scenes from a movie version of Victor Hugo’s “Hunchback of Notre Dame.”

In his address to the nation, Mr. Macron described what Parisians are feeling as a “tremblement intérieur” — an internal trembling.

A hundred years from now, people will still be talking about the fire of 2019.
2019  paris  france  architecture  patrimoine  fire  tragedy  accident  art  church  christianity  français  from instapaper
april 2019 by aries1988
程序员对 996 的反抗引来全球关注,它是如何以程序员自己的方式建立起来?
本文作者: 唐云路 罗骢 一场关于劳工权益的抗议在过去一周里爆发,让中国互联网公司习惯的 996(早九点、晚九点、一周六天)加班时间成为中国乃至全球关注的焦点。 有程序员发起了一个抵制 996 工作制的项目 996.ICU…
reportage  2019  china  employee  movement  online  github  workplace  work  capitalism  it  from instapaper
april 2019 by aries1988
在化工脱贫的路上,响水人经历过爆炸、泄漏和“大逃亡”|深度|端传媒 Initium Media
2006年,江苏省陆续出重拳治理环境问题,3年内关闭近6000家企业。当大批化工企业在这场运动式的“关厂潮”中垂死挣扎时,江苏北部向他们敞开了怀抱。

横穿江苏而过的长江,分割了苏南(包括南京、无锡、常州、苏州和镇江五个市)和苏北(徐州、连云港、宿迁、淮安、盐城),亦画下残酷的经济分割线。在紧邻上海的苏州和省会南京的带动下,苏南在经济发展中将苏北远远甩在身后。

1990年,苏北GDP只有苏南的一半左右,2007年这一差距更是扩大到三分之一。彼时江苏省级贫困县有16个,均出在苏北,盐城市更是占据了三个名额,分别是滨海、阜宁和响水。

化工业,成为这些贫困县奋身一跃的跳板。

时任江苏省常州市发展和改革委员会重大项目稽察办公室主任俞建初去到苏北时,亦为当地招商局负责人的言行感到惊讶,“我们地方环境容量大,环保指标用不了,直通大海,可以自然分解,环保上不收费用。”

人们怀念以前的陈家港和灌河。“我们这里最出名的有‘大鱼拜龙王’的现象。”采访中,韩松和吴莹都讲述了儿时看到鲸鱼的经历。

灌河被称为“苏北黄浦江”,东接黄海,是苏北唯一没有建闸的天然潮汐河道。资料显示,灌河历史上就是鲸鱼经常出没的地方,每年春季,常有“大鱼”(鲸鱼)由大海游入灌河。韩松记得小时候自己常和小伙伴去灌河洗澡,河流清澈见底。

“化工厂开过来之后,就慢慢看不见这个现象了,河水都冒着油污,不再能去游泳。”韩松说。
reportage  tragedy  accident  chemistry  industry  jiangsu  pollution  2019 
april 2019 by aries1988
Huawei: The world's most controversial company - BBC News

Ren’s early days in business instilled in him a desire to protect his company from the whims and fancies of the stock market. Huawei is privately held and employee-owned. This gave Ren the power to plough more money back into research and development. Each year, Huawei spends US$20bn on R&D – one of the biggest such budgets in the world.

“Publicly listed companies have to pay a lot of attention to their balance sheets,” he says. “They can't invest too much, otherwise profits will drop and so will their share prices. At Huawei, we fight for our ideals. We know that if we fertilise our ‘soil’ it will become more bountiful. That's how we've managed to pull ahead and succeed.”

“Admittedly, what is missing from this debate is the smoking gun,” she says.

“For the average person who has a Huawei smartphone it’s not a big deal. But if you’re a Western government that has key national security to protect - why would you allow this access to a company that is in the political system that China is in?”
2019  china  corporation  world  reportage  interview  from instapaper
march 2019 by aries1988
Twitter
RT : Transports, médiathèque, piscine… voici quelques exemples de ce que coûtent vraiment les…
nantes  2019  numbers  budget  city  from twitter
february 2019 by aries1988
Twitter
L'offensive hivernale se confirme. Mardi, un décrochage arctique assez massif devrait s'opérer vers l'ouest de l'Eu…
2019  winter  from twitter_favs
january 2019 by aries1988
郝景芳:2019,给普通人6个建议
因此,等我们的孩子毕了业,面临的就会是这样的就业局面:高收入工作要求超级专业(例如法律、医生),或者超级有创造力(例如研发、设计、娱乐)。若不能做到极度专业,或者极度具有创造力,他们就缺少在未来就业市场的竞争力。

一是经济学基本原理:稀缺性原理。越稀缺、且被人需要的东西,价格越贵。这是经济颠扑不破的出发点。

在当前经济里,最稀缺的就是才能。全世界范围内,能源和大宗商品价格涨涨跌跌,但高技能人才的薪资却一直不变地上涨。很多人不明白为什么石油能跌到40美金,而高管的年薪能达到数百万美金。

我们都知道,一般人都需要满足了基础饱暖和安全感,才会想要追求更高层的精神目标。而我们很少思考的是:一般人在满足低层需求之后,都会自然产生更高的精神目标。
如果从小就吃饱穿暖,那么人生目标就提升到追求成就、名声这些尊重需求了。
如果从小就有了成功地位,那么人生目标就提升为自我实现需求了。
而与此同时,能够帮助人们自我实现的经济,也会有越来越大的市场空间。个性化顾问和咨询会成为越来越主流的需求,因为每个人、每个团队的自我实现都不一样。
教育亦如此。成就个体的教育是下个时代所需。

解决问题思维,和,探究本质思维,就是知识经济最重要的核心素养了。

那对于我们普通人,有什么建议呢?
· 第一条建议,就是内心笃定一点。
· 第二条建议,就是理解人的基本需求。
· 第三条建议,就是持续投资于知识技能提升。
· 第四条建议,就是给孩子探究和发挥创意的教育。
· 第五条建议,就是不要鄙薄孩子任何发展方向。
· 第六条建议,就是重视理解事物的本质。
tianjin  author  scifi  self  success  2019  china  advice  parenting  future  education  workforce  from instapaper
january 2019 by aries1988
Twitter
RT : "C'est un mur de l'argent" : des personnalités s'engagent contre la hausse des frais universitaires pour les non-Eu…
2019  university  français  fee  reform  gaijin  student  from twitter
january 2019 by aries1988

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