Jibarosoy + leadership   298

After Putin and Medvedev, Vladislav Surkov Is Russia’s Power Broker - The New York Times
“He has been applying all the forces, including law enforcement bodies, in order to freeze the currently existing system,” Mr. Venediktov said.

The television and radio host Sergei Dorenko, who got to know Mr. Surkov in the mid-1990s, said it was “absolutely paradoxical” to see him — a creative, ironic type — in the role of enforcer. But, in the end, limited zones of freedom have been essential to the state he has helped to build.

“Surkov has strict criteria,” Mr. Dorenko said. “He protects the borders. Within the borders, let there be chaos and plasma. He is the architect and protector of the borders of the system. But do not cross the borders.”
Trump  Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_materials  Psychology  Russians  Violence_y_Power 
17 hours ago by Jibarosoy
Who is Vladislav Surkov? - Whitney Milam - Medium
Surkov and his fellow political technologists organized an influence campaign they called ‘Operation Successor’ for Yeltsin, culminating in a staged crisis of apartment bombings (blamed on Chechen terrorists) that gave Putin an opportunity to exact highly public vengeance in the Second Chechen War. Operation Successor was a success. “When we understood everyone was thinking the way we wanted them to,” remembered one of the other original political technologists, Gleb Pavlovsky, “psychologically we began to drink champagne.” And when Putin — now in possession of 53% of the vote, a significant portion of Chechnya, and a sky-high public approval rating — celebrated his presidential victory in the offices of his campaign staff in March 2000, Surkov was the first to raise a toast.
Trump  Latino  war  state  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  trust  Power_materials  theater  Violence_y_Power  Psychology 
yesterday by Jibarosoy
The Hidden Author of Putinism - The Atlantic
Trump's connections to Russia go beyond the 2016 and 2020 elections. It goes beyond the money laundering. It's a connection based on the new state strategy of guided democracy. It starts with this guy Surkov. He has directed Russian society like one great reality show. He claps once and a new political party appears. He claps again and creates Nashi, the Russian equivalent of the Hitler Youth, who are trained for street battles with potential pro-democracy supporters and burn books by unpatriotic writers on Red Square. As deputy head of the administration he would meet once a week with the heads of the television channels in his Kremlin office, instructing them on whom to attack and whom to defend, who is allowed on TV and who is banned, how the president is to be presented, and the very language and categories the country thinks and feels in. Russia’s Ostankino TV presenters, instructed by Surkov, pluck a theme (oligarchs, America, the Middle East) and speak for 20 minutes, hinting, nudging, winking, insinuating, though rarely ever saying anything directly, repeating words like “them” and “the enemy” endlessly until they are imprinted on the mind.
Trump  Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  rulers  fear  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power 
yesterday by Jibarosoy
Many Evangelicals Excuse Anything Trump Does — Because He’s the “Chosen One”
Trump’s myriad moral failings mean nothing. To those that adhere to this worldview, they don’t care if the president mocks a disabled journalist or the Gold Star family of a veteran killed in action. Trump swears in public, boasts of sexual assault and even says that he could shoot someone dead in broad view without losing the support of his base. Yet, to such believers, all of these are simply the imperfections of a man ordained by God to rid the U.S. of abortion and secularism and the other great sins of the modern age.

Which brings me back to Rick Perry. Perry’s up to his eyeballs in the Ukraine scandal. But instead of coming clean, he has, like so many other high officials, unquestioningly followed Trump’s orders and refused to comply with congressional subpoenas to testify.

The rule of law and the constitutional order are under direct, sustained assault from the executive branch. And so long as senior figures such as Perry look at Trump and see something akin to a biblical prophecy adapted for the modern age, they will continue to side with a lawless president over the constitutionally guaranteed authority of the U.S. Congress.
Trump  Religion  Christian  state  Power_in_America  Violence_y_Power  Leadership  Passions 
9 days ago by Jibarosoy
‘Absolutely No Mercy’: Leaked Files Expose How China Organized Mass Detentions of Muslims - The New York Times
Mr. Xi displayed a fixation with the issue that seemed to go well beyond his public remarks on the subject. He likened Islamic extremism alternately to a virus-like contagion and a dangerously addictive drug, and declared that addressing it would require “a period of painful, interventionary treatment.”

“The psychological impact of extremist religious thought on people must never be underestimated,” Mr. Xi told officials in Urumqi on April 30, 2014, the final day of his trip to Xinjiang. “People who are captured by religious extremism — male or female, old or young — have their consciences destroyed, lose their humanity and murder without blinking an eye.”

In another speech, at the leadership conclave in Beijing a month later, he warned of “the toxicity of religious extremism.”

“As soon as you believe in it,” he said, “it’s like taking a drug, and you lose your sense, go crazy and will do anything.”
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Violence_y_Power  Leadership  fear  china  Power_materials 
22 days ago by Jibarosoy
Opinion | Why Fiction Trumps Truth - The New York Times
On the one hand, power means having the ability to manipulate objective realities: to hunt animals, to construct bridges, to cure diseases, to build atom bombs. This kind of power is closely tied to truth. If you believe a false physical theory, you won’t be able to build an atom bomb.

On the other hand, power also means having the ability to manipulate human beliefs, thereby getting lots of people to cooperate effectively. Building atom bombs requires not just a good understanding of physics, but also the coordinated labor of millions of humans. Planet Earth was conquered by Homo sapiens rather than by chimpanzees or elephants, because we are the only mammals that can cooperate in very large numbers. And large-scale cooperation depends on believing common stories. But these stories need not be true. You can unite millions of people by making them believe in completely fictional stories about God, about race or about economics.
Passions  reasoning  tribe  fiction  truth  Trump  pol.508  Pol._120  Power_in_America  Leadership  fear  state 
4 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
How Trump Reshaped the Presidency in Over 11,000 Tweets - The New York Times
In the Oval Office, an annoyed President Trump ended an argument he was having with his aides. He reached into a drawer, took out his iPhone and threw it on top of the historic Resolute Desk:

“Do you want me to settle this right now?”

There was no missing Mr. Trump’s threat that day in early 2017, the aides recalled. With a tweet, he could fling a directive to the world, and there was nothing they could do about it.
Trump  Passions  reasoning  polarization  Leadership  fear  pol.508  Power_in_America  Violence_y_Power 
5 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
Trump’s Twitter Presidency: 9 Key Takeaways - The New York Times
Donald J. Trump has exploited social media like no other American president, using it as a springboard to change policy, as a cudgel against critics and as an outlet for self-affirmation. “He needs to tweet like we need to eat,” said Kellyanne Conway, his White House counselor.

Along the way, he has lent credibility to unsavory Twitter accounts through his habit of retweeting posts that catch his attention, seemingly without regard for who is behind them or their motives.

In three articles, The New York Times analyzed Mr. Trump’s posts, studied the accounts he follows and interviewed dozens of administration officials, lawmakers, Twitter executives and ordinary Americans caught up in his tweets. Here are some of our findings.
Trump  pol.508  Passions  reasoning  polarization  Leadership  fear  Power_in_America  legitimacy 
5 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
John Kelly: "Don't Hire Someone That Will Just Nod and Say, 'That's a Great Idea Mr President.' Because You Will Be Impeached."
Speaking at the Sea Island Summit, an event in Georgia organised by the conservative Washington Examiner, Kelly said that on leaving, he had said: “Whatever you do, don’t hire a ‘yes man’ – someone who won’t tell you the truth.”

“Don’t do that,” the retired marine general said he had told Trump. “Because if you do, I believe you will be impeached.”

CNN reported that the US president denied Kelly’s remarks.

“John Kelly never said that,” Trump said, according to CNN. “He never anything like that.

“If he would have said that I would have thrown him out of the office. He just wants to come back into the action like everybody else.”
Trump  Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Psychology 
6 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
Trujillo's/Dictator's Two Bodies - Hidden Powers of State in the Dominican Imagination
Trujillo was assassinated. But the rebels could not complete their plan of a coup de estate because nobody believed he was dead. People saw Trujillo as having supernatural powers.
Latino  war  dominican  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power 
7 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
Trump Followed His Gut on Syria. Calamity Came Fast. - The New York Times
“My gut tells me more sometimes than anybody else’s brain can ever tell me," he said late last year. He was discussing the Federal Reserve, but could just as easily have been talking foreign policy; in 2017 he told a reporter, right after his first meeting with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, that it was his “gut feel” for how to deal with foreign leaders, honed over years in the real estate world, that guided him. “Foreign policy is what I’ll be remembered for,” he said.

But in this case the failure to look around corners has blown up on him at a speed that is rare in foreign policy and national security. The closest analogue may date to 1950, during Harry Truman’s administration, when Secretary of State Dean Acheson described America’s new “defense perimeter” in a speech, saying it ran from southern Japan through the Philippines. That left out the Korean Peninsula, and two weeks later Joseph Stalin, the Soviet leader, appeared to have given Kim Il-sung, grandfather of the current North Korean leader, permission to launch his invasion of the South. The bloody stalemate that followed lives with the United States today.
Pol._120  pol.508  Trump  Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_in_America  Violence_y_Power  Iraq_War 
7 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
Trump’s Undeclared State of Emergency | Portside
What’s not so obvious is that this conspiracy extends to the rule of law. According to this skewed version of reality, corruption has penetrated the bedrock institutions of American society: the political sphere, the intelligence agencies, the mainstream media. Corruption has transformed the very fabric of politics, culture, and law.

To root out corruption, then, it’s necessary to step outside the rule of law. Donald Trump hasn’t declared a state of emergency. But he is acting as if he has (which, in case you’re wondering, is illegal). His decision not to cooperate with congressional inquiries, including the most recent impeachment inquiry, is also part of this unstated state of emergency.
Trump  conspiracy  Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power 
8 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
The Witch Hunts of Scotland, Mapped - CityLab
Thanks to a newly published interactive map, a dark passage in the history of Scotland is being brought into the light: the country’s fierce, centuries-long persecution of people accused of being witches. From the mid-16th to the early 18th century, close to 4,000 people in Scotland—overwhelmingly women—were tried for witchcraft. Up to two thirds of this number may have been executed.
Pol._120  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power  state  fear  Leadership  legitimacy 
8 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
10 Questions for Lauren Robin Derby
I delve into what ordinary citizens in Santo Domingo experienced during the Trujillato. Much has been said about the political assassinations during the regime, but far less, for example, about the everyday forms of repression which were equally oppressive, such as official denunciation of citizens who were accused falsely of sexual scandal or graft. These were deeply shameful and could end up destroying one's career, driving some to suicide for fear that such accusations could land them and their families in jail.

How did Trujillo achieve such control?

The regime insinuated itself into people's lives — it used networks of rumor and gossip as a form of social control, as well as gift exchange to entrap people into relations of indebtedness with the regime. Outsiders scoffed at the excesses of the Trujillo regime as a kind of comic opera, but I try to reveal how it was perceived as serious business by the poor and marginal. For example, I explore how Trujillo's own rise from the son of a cattle rustler to one of the richest men in the Americas conformed to a mythos of race and class mobility which Dominicans reluctantly respected.
Latino  war  Violence_y_Power  dominican  Leadership  state  legitimacy  fear  Power_materials 
10 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
politicians, policy, and anxiety
Do we want our politicians to be anxious? The answer may seem obvious: no. Consider, for instance, what it would have been like to see John F. Kennedy in the grip of anxiety during the Cuban missile crisis. Clearly, that’s not what we want—not only does anxie- ty signal weakness in a leader, but it also tends to bring vicious cycles of worry, disengagement, and motivated reasoning that undermine one’s decision making. Instead, what it seems we want in our politi- cians is strength and resoluteness—the “Iron Lady,” Margaret Thatcher, not a Woody Allen-like hapless mess.
But recent research on the upside of anxiety suggests that this condemnation comes too quickly. For instance, experimental work in political science indicates that anxiety about public policy matters spurs voters to become more informed, open-minded, and engaged (MacKuen et al. 2010; Valentino et al. 2008; Brader 2006). Similarly, work in philosophy suggests that anxiety has an important role to play in promoting virtuous thought and action (Kurth 2018a, 2018b, 2015; Nagel 2010; Hookway 1999). So, initial appearances to the contrary, anxiety may be a good thing. Perhaps what we want, then, is appro- priately anxious politicians.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy  Violence_y_Power 
12 weeks ago by Jibarosoy
Biden Wants to Work With ‘the Other Side.’ This Supreme Court Battle Explains Why. - The New York Times
The strategy Chairman Biden deployed then is the same one he is now proposing to bring to the White House as President Biden.

In the 1980s, as today, he saw bipartisan compromise not as a version of surrender, but as a vital tool for achieving Democratic goals.

Then, as now, Mr. Biden saw the culture and traditions of the Senate not as crippling obstacles, but as instruments that could be bent to his advantage.

And in both defining moments — his leadership of the Bork hearings and his third presidential campaign — Mr. Biden made persuading moderates, rather than exciting liberals, his guiding objective.
Pol.11  Pol.12  Power_in_America  Power_materials  Research  Leadership 
september 2019 by Jibarosoy
Your Emotional Brain is Smarter Than Your Brain Thinks
The current age of information overload means, a greater amount of emotional decision making because your rational brain sometimes can’t handle all the stress that comes with making calculated choices
Becoming aware of emotions has the benefit of correcting many emotional biases. As you make decisions daily, if you can be mindful and become aware of your emotions, you can identify which decisions can be addressed rationally.
Despite the strength of your emotional brain, you can correct the many emotional biases, and give yourself the chance to make more complex decisions rationally.
Passions  reasoning  pol.508  Psychology  Power_materials  latino  war  state  Leadership  fear 
august 2019 by Jibarosoy
Data Version 9 | V-Dem
V-Dem Dataset - Version 9
Welcome to the V-Dem Data page where you can download the V-Dem data free of charge!
The Varieties of Democracy Project is releasing new datasets every year around April, smaller updates to the datasets may be released in-between.

Overview:
Countries: 202 countries
Year coverage: 1789-2018
450+ V-Dem indicators, 81 indices and 5 high-level indices
How to download a V-Dem Dataset:
Select type of dataset: Country-Year, Country-Date and Coder-Level
Select size: V-Dem Core, V-Dem Full+Others
Select format: SPSS, STATA, CSV and R
Click on the link to download the file and enter your details in the pop-up window
The dataset and documentation are all yours!
Latino  war  state  Leadership  Power_materials  legitimacy  database  rulers 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Patterns of Regime Breakdown since the French Revolution
We present a new dataset comprising more than 1900 regimes in 197 polities over the time period 1789–2016. We use this dataset to describe different historical patterns of regime duration globally, leveraging fine-grained measures on when regimes started and ended and a nuanced scheme of different modes of regime breakdown. To mention a few patterns, we display how the frequency of regime breakdown, and particular modes of breakdown, have followed cyclical rather than linear patterns across modern history and that the most common modes, overall, are coups d’ ́etat and incumbent-guided transformations of regimes. Further, we evaluate whether selected economic and political-institutional features are systematically associated with breakdown. We find robust evidence that low income levels, slow or negative economic growth, and having intermediate levels of democracy predict higher chances of regime breakdown, although these factors are more clearly related to regime breakdown during some periods of modern history than others. When disaggregating different models of breakdown, we find notable differences for these predictors, with low income levels, for example, being strongly related to regime breakdowns due to popular uprisings, whereas intermediate levels of democracy clearly predict regime breakdowns due to coups and incumbent-guided regime transitions.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  rulers  Violence_y_Power  democracy 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Introducing the Historical Varieties of Democracy Dataset
The Historical Varieties of Democracy Dataset (Historical V-Dem) is a new dataset containing about 260 indicators, both factual and evaluative, describing various aspects of political regimes and state institutions. The dataset covers 91 polities globally – including most large, sovereign states, as well as some semi-sovereign entities and large colonies – from 1789 to 1920 for many cases. The majority of the indicators are also included in the Varieties of Democracy dataset, which covers the period from 1900 to the present – and together these two datasets cover the bulk of “modern history”. Historical V-Dem also includes several new indicators, covering features that are pertinent for 19th century polities. We describe the data, the process of coding, and the different strategies employed in Historical V-Dem to cope with issues of reliability and validity and ensure inter-temporal- and cross-country comparability. To illustrate the potential uses of the dataset we provide a descriptive account of patterns of democratization in the “long 19th century.” Finally, we perform an empirical investigation of how inter-state war relates to subsequent democratization.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  rulers  legitimacy  database  Violence_y_Power 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Keeping the Democratic Facade_Contemporary Autocratization as a game of deception
Less than thirty years after Fukuyama and others declared liberal democracy’s eternal dominance, a third wave of autocratization is manifest. Gradual declines of democratic regime attributes characterize contemporary autocratization. Yet, we lack the appropriate conceptual and empirical tools to diagnose and compare such elusive processes. Addressing that gap, this paper provides the first comprehensive empirical overview of all autocratization episodes from 1900 to today based on data from the Varieties of Democracy Project (V-Dem). We demonstrate that a third wave of autocratization is indeed unfolding. It mainly affects democracies with gradual setbacks under a legal façade. While this is a cause for concern, the historical perspective presented in this paper shows that panic is not warranted: the current declines are relatively mild and the global share of democratic countries remains close to its all-time high. As it was premature to announce the “end of history” in 1992, it is premature to proclaim the “end of democracy” now.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  rulers  Violence_y_Power  democracy 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Stairways to Denmark: Does the Sequence of state-building and democratization matter for economic development?
Building effective state institutions before introducing democracy is widely pre- sumed to improve different development outcomes. We discuss the assumptions that this prominent ‘stateness-first’ argument rests upon and how extant studies fail to correctly specify the counter-factual conditions required to test the argument. In ex- tension, we subject the argument to three sets of tests focused on economic develop- ment as the outcome, leveraging new measures of democracy and state institutional features for almost 180 polities with time series extending back to 1789. First, we run standard panel regressions with interactions between state capacity and democracy. Second, we employ coarsened exact matching, specifying and testing different rele- vant counter-factuals embedded in the stateness-first argument. Finally, we employ sequencing methods to identify historically common sequences of institutional change, and use these sequences as growth predictors. We do not find any evidence supporting the stateness-first argument in either of these tests.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  Power_materials  fear  rulers  Psychology  Violence_y_Power 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Regime Legitimation Strategies (RLS), 1900 to 2018
This paper introduces new expert-coded measures of regime legitimation strategies for 179 countries in the world from 1900 up until 2018. Sophisticated methods for the selection and aggregation of expert-coded data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project ensure the comparability of observations across time and space. Country experts have rated the extent to which the government promotes or references its performance, the person of the leader, rational-legality, and ideology in order to justify the regime in place. The item on ideology asked the experts to further categorize the ideology of the regime as nationalist, communist/socialist, conservative/restorative, religious, and/or separatist. Expanding on von Soest and Grauvogel (2017a, 2017b), our data is the first to capture legitimation claims across time, and for all regime types. The temporal aspect allows not only for tracking trends, but crucially for analyzing what happens following changes in legitimation claims or what happens with legitimation claims when other aspects of rule are transformed. By also measuring claims put forward by democratic regimes we are able to for the first-time document when changes from procedural to identity-based claims, such as the person of the leader or the ideology occur which may coincide with autocratization.
Latino  war  legitimacy  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  Psychology  Violence_y_Power 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Beyond the 'Failed State': Toward Conceptual Alternatives
The article advances conceptual alternatives to the ‘failed state.’ It provides reasons why the concept is deficient, showing especially how counterproductive it is to aggregate states as diverse as Colombia, Malawi, Somalia, Iraq, Haiti, and Tajikistan. I argue for distinguishing among capacity gaps, security gaps, and legitimacy gaps that states experience. Importantly, I show that these gaps often do not coincide in a given country, and that the logical responses to each of the three gaps diverge in significant ways. I offer brief case examples of the logic of response to the gaps and of the tensions that must be managed among them.The article advances the debate over an important and under- theorized emergent concept in global politics.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  development  Psychology 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Democracy Political Power and Authority
A exercises power over B because both actors share consensus on the rules of the game. Nor is it correct to claim that such an exercise of power over B is contrary to B’s interests—Lukes’ definition of power (2005: 37). Part of, if not the entire reason for B conceding defeat to A is precisely that both A and B share a common interest in, and understanding of, the democratic process, which trumps their interest in winning. Structural reproduction is the common good of democracy as a set of institutional procedures for containing conflict.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  authority  fear  Violence_y_Power  consciousness 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
EVERYDAY MAKERS AND EXPERT CITIZENS Building Political not Social Capital
"Since the elitist myth of the governing class seeks to eliminate the people in connection with the destiny of society, this myth explodes when it is confronted with the fact that without the people, the rulers are as free spirits wandering lonely, dejected and unemployed in an empty world. But without rulers dominating their existence, the people, on the contrary, find that very freedom that calls forth their most creative efforts. Elitism places blind faith in an appropriate governing class. The democratic ideal incorporates a tempered trust in the wisdom and creative genius of the people" (Easton, 1947:418)
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  Violence_y_Power 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
A Companion to Cultural Geography
Drawing from a range of contemporary political and social theory, John Agnew (chapter 15) charts the varied approaches that have developed to both understand- ing and, at times, dismissing nationalism. He surveys the strengths and limitations of territorial, diasporic, ethnic, religious, gendered, and landscape-based interpre- tations of the idea and practices of nationalism. Audrey Kobayashi approaches the concept of “race” as both a way of life deeply embedded in the European colonial past and lived out in the present as a taken-for-granted reality and as an analytical concept (chapter 16). The chapter begins with a review of the concept of “race” as it is understood in contemporary antiracist geography, then moves to a brief analy- sis of how the production of antiracist geography has developed in three contem- porary Western and Northern contexts. Nancy Duncan and Stephen Legg (chapter 17) review the reasons why class has remained relatively neglected by cultural geo- graphers, in spite of the tremendous interest shown in subjectivity and identity formation. They argue that while there are some good reasons why older notions of class in geography have been seen as unhelpful in understanding questions of identity, there is also no inherent reason why this should be so. In fact, they suggest, certain reworked Marxian and other dynamic and relational notions of class could contribute greatly to cultural analysis.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  authority  Violence_y_Power  Culture 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
PEASANTS, POWER AND ETHNICITY A BOTTOM_UP PERSPECTIVE ON RWANDA_S POLITICAL TRANSITION
This article analyses over 400 life trajectories of ordinary peasants in order to complement top-down studies of the Rwandan political transition. Changes and differences according to the ethnicity of the respondents shed light on the Hutu–Tutsi bi-polarity which underlies the transition and reveal a reversal in perceived ethnic dominance accompanying the de- cisive moment in the political transition: the overthrow of the Hutu- dominated regime by the Tutsi-led RPF. This suggests that the experience of the nature of governance and the (perceived) proximity to power lies at the heart of ethnic awareness. The nature of governance at the periphery of society is explored, and the article demonstrates that the instrumental stance on ethnic identity adopted by the post-genocide regime is not only erroneous but counter-productive. Adjusting the socio-political environ- ment in which identities thrive is more important than a direct focus on identity constructs when developing policies to prevent ethnically structured violence.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  Ethnic_Politics  Violence_y_Power  resistance 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Governance, Consumers, and Citizens - Book Intro
Governance is, rather, an ongoing activity that involves the creation and recreation of meanings. Of course people inherit ideas and are influenced by their social context, but they also play an active role in creating, modulating, or rejecting the beliefs that then inform their actions. So, processes of governance do not naturally reflect or respond to external conditions: people do not just act out social facts about themselves, be it their class, gender, or status; nor do they adopt beliefs and actions in a passive reflection of some social discourse. Rather, culture and indi- vidual agency are integral to any adequate account of governance.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  Violence_y_Power  marketing 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Politics of Evasion
“The melting of all that is solid” 60
The state, Latham contends, may not be as unique as first thought as a producer of both permanence and temporariness. Institutions such as private property and forces associated with globalization also exhibit this duality. Consideration is given to the relationship between these broader global – and historical - contexts and the state. Mr V suggests that more fluid and transitory contexts explored by postmoderns may, counter-intuitively, open up the possibility of restoring a progressive, just state. Latham reminds Mr V that within those broader contexts is located the basis for hyper-security and the neoliberal state.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  authority  Violence_y_Power 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Post-Foundational Political Thought - Taking on the Political Book
[Use this to establish the pre-existence of community and power before the construction of the state]..."the political assumes the role of something which is of an entirely different nature: the principle of autonomy of politics, or the moment of institution of society. As differentiated from politics, the notion of the political cannot be assimilated to social differences, to repetition, tradition, sedimentation, or bureaucracy. Like other figures of contingency and groundlessness, such as the event, anta- gonism, truth, the real, or freedom, the political dwells, as it were, on society’s non-ground, which makes itself felt in the differential play of the political difference. But society’s absent ground is not ‘merely’ absent. It (re-)appears and is supplemented by the moment which we may call, with reference to J. G. A. Pocock’s ‘Machiavellian moment’ (1975), the moment of the political.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy  authority  Violence_y_Power  social 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Foucault's Overarching Concept of Power as Governmentality
Power is typically seen as a form of domination, which is operative when agents pursue their interests in conflict with others. Foucault Challenges the prevailing and reductionist conception of power in terms of domination, conflict, and interests. He proposes instead an overarching approach to power as the ability to make a difference. To provide this concept with analytical purchase it has to be viewed as relative to context, which situates and identifies power relations in relation to each other. It is in this light Foucault's reference to power as a complex strategical situation should be seen, where power is immanent in the structuring of context. This refers among other things to the governing of self and others, meaning that it deals with the nature and scope of the political power of authority broadly considered.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy  authority  Violence_y_Power 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
State fragility: Towards a Multi-dimensional Empirical Typology
The paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, we argue the case for a differentiated view of state fragility and for moving from a uni-dimensional to a multi-dimensional concept. We then provide a brief review of the current debate on fragile states in order to derive the main categories that constitute fragility. Thirdly, we present the approach adopted in this paper. Here, we describe how we conceptualise and measure our three dimensions of fragility. Fourthly, based on statistical data, we present empirical results that identify seven groups of states that are characterised by specific constellations of our dimensions. We then present possible policy implications for each group. In our conclusion, we discuss strengths and limitations of the classification exercise presented here and some ways forward.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  rulers  fear  legitimacy  Violence_y_Power 
july 2019 by Jibarosoy
Power in everyday life | PNAS
How does power manifest itself in everyday life? Using experience-sampling methodology, we investigated the prevalence, sources, and correlates of power in people’s natural environments. Participants experienced power-relevant situations regularly, though not frequently. High power was not restricted to a limited few: almost half of the sample reported experiencing high-power positions. Positional power and subjective feelings of power were strongly related but had unique relations with several individual difference measures and independent effects on participants’ affect, cognition, and interpersonal relations. Subjective feelings of power resulted more from within-participant situational fluctuation, such as the social roles participants held at different times, than from stable differences between people. Our data supported some theoretical predictions about power’s effects on affect, cognition, and interpersonal relations, but qualified others, particularly highlighting the role of responsibility in power’s effects. Although the power literature has focused on high power, we found stronger effects of low power than high power.
Latino  war  Power_materials  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  resistance  Power_in_America  Violence_y_Power  Pol.11  Pol.12 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Politics of the Governed: Reflections on Popular Politics Book
Homi Bhabha, describing the location of the nation in tempo- rality, pointed out a few years ago how the narrative of the nation tended to be split into a double time and hence an inevitable ambiv- alence: in one, the people were an object of national pedagogy because they were always in the making, in a process of historical progress, not yet fully developed to fulfill the nation’s destiny; but in the other, the unity of the people, their permanent identification with the na- tion, had to be continually signified, repeated, and performed.4 I will illustrate some of the instances of this ambivalence and argue that they are an inevitable aspect of modern politics itself. To disavow them is either wishful piety or an endorsement of the existing structure of dominance within the nation.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power  nations  rulers  government 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Imagining Violence: 'The Power' of Feminist Fantasy | by Elaine Showalter | NYR Daily | The New York Review of Books
It can’t be a coincidence that one of the novels getting international attention this year is about women hurting men. In Naomi Alderman’s bestseller The Power (2017; first published in the UK, 2016), adolescent girls discover they have a devastating electrostatic force in their hands that they can use to shock, torture, and kill. It comes from a striated muscle near their collarbones that alarmed scientists call a skein, and that they can observe through MRI scans of newborn baby girls. The teenagers can help older women activate their Power, too.

Beginning in Saudi Arabia, and moving to other countries, women seize political control, and take violent revenge on the men who have enslaved and abused them. They use the Power to defend and liberate themselves, and it changes their view of themselves. “If you were able to live your life as if you were able to cause hurt when you needed to,” Alderman told NPR, “your life would be so different, even if you never ever had to do it. That makes you less afraid all the time.” A girl electrocutes the foster-father who has been regularly raping her: “He spasms and pops out of her. He is juddering and fitting… He falls to the floor with a loud thump.”
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy  sexism  Violence_y_Power  writing  Literature_and_books 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
10 Everyday Acts of Resistance That Changed the World by Steve Crawshaw and John Jackson — YES! Magazine
Throughout history both recent and distant, ordinary people have found innovative and inspiring ways to challenge violent regimes and confront abuses of power: bringing down dictators, changing unjust laws, or simply giving individuals a renewed sense of their own humanity in the face of those who deny it.

The people here treat the impossible as full of possibilities that haven’t been realized yet. Some have achieved the change they were struggling for. For others, it’s yet to come.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  resistance  Violence_y_Power 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Our Enemy, The State by Nock - Book
It is unfortunately none too well understood that, just as the State has no money of its own, so it has no power of its own. All the power it has is what society gives it, plus what it confiscates from time to time on one pretext or another; there is no other source from which State power can be drawn. Therefore every assumption of State power, whether by gift or seizure, leaves society with so much less power. There is never, nor can there be, any strengthening of State power without a corresponding and roughly equivalent depletion of social power.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy  Violence_y_Power 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Progressive Conversion of Social Power into State Power | Mises Institute
It is unfortunately none too well understood that, just as the State has no money of its own, so it has no power of its own. All the power it has is what society gives it, plus what it confiscates from time to time on one pretext or another; there is no other source from which State power can be drawn. Therefore every assumption of State power, whether by gift or seizure, leaves society with so much less power. There is never, nor can there be, any strengthening of State power without a corresponding and roughly equivalent depletion of social power.

Moreover, it follows that with any exercise of State power, not only the exercise of social power in the same direction, but the disposition to exercise it in that direction, tends to dwindle. Mayor Gaynor astonished the whole of New York when he pointed out to a correspondent who had been complaining about the inefficiency of the police, that any citizen has the right to arrest a malefactor and bring him before a magistrate. "The law of England and of this country," he wrote, "has been very careful to confer no more right in that respect upon policemen and constables than it confers on every citizen." State exercise of that right through a police force had gone on so steadily that not only were citizens indisposed to exercise it, but probably not one in ten thousand knew he had it.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  capitalism  Leadership  fear  legitimacy 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Everyday Forms of State Power and the Kurds in the Early Turkish Republic
This article analyzes the exercise of state authority in Kurdish areas in the early Turkish Republic and discusses the state's ineffectiveness in dominating these areas. It argues that the mere existence of a highly ambitious social-engineering project, increased state presence in the region, and military power does not mean high levels of state capacity. Based on primary documents, this article discusses the problems of autonomy, coherence, and implementation that the Turkish state encountered in its nation-building project. It shows how the state's ideological rigidities and its shortage of resources and dedicated personnel undermined its capacity to control and shape the Kurdish areas. While the state attempted to regulate citizens' private lives in Kurdish areas, the local society also tried to mold state employees in accordance with its own interests. A blurred boundary between the state and society was one of the unintended consequences of increased state presence ih everyday life
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  Violence_y_Power  resistance 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Why Foucault's work on power is more important than ever | Aeon Essays
Foucault’s skeptical supposition thus allowed him to conduct careful enquiries into the actual functions of power. What these studies reveal is that power, which easily frightens us, turns out to be all the more cunning because its basic forms of operation can change in response to our ongoing efforts to free ourselves from its grip. To take just one example, Foucault wrote about the way in which a classically sovereign space such as the judicial court came to accept into its proceedings the testimony of medical and psychiatric experts whose authority and power were exercised without recourse to sovereign violence. An expert diagnosis of ‘insanity’ today or ‘perversity’ 100 years ago could come to mitigate or augment a judicial decision.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power  philosophy  political_theory  legitimacy  fear  resistance  Leadership 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Meaning and measure of state legitimacy: Results for 72 countries
This article presents a quantitative measurement of the political legitimacy of states in the late 1990s and early 2000s for 72 states containing 5.1 billion people, or 83 per cent of the world’s population. First, the concept of state legitimacy is defined and justified. The definition includes the subjects, objects and sub-types of legitimacy. A strategy to achieve replicable cross-national measurements of legitimacy is then outlined and imple- mented, including a discussion of data sources and three alternative aggregation methods. The results are briefly examined and tested, and the uncertainties of quantitative measures discussed. Finally, the role of supplementary qualitative measurement is considered.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  rulers  fear  legitimacy  Violence_y_Power 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Right to Rule: How States Win and Lose Legitimacy
Politics is the “master science” as Aristotle described it, not because it explains all socio-economic phenomena but because it sets the ground rules and priortizes the claims of all socio-economic phenomena. Thus, an acceptance of the socio-economic order requires an acceptance of the state that maintains it (Beetham 1991). We can think of the taxation variable as capturing consent to the economic system, and the voting variable as consent to the political system. It is in these consent measures that the constitutive approach to measurement really matters. For without the background conceptualization of legitimacy as requiring acts of consent we might well dismiss most consent indicators as data unrelated to the “attitude” of legitimacy.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  rulers  legitimacy  fear  Violence_y_Power 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Legitimating Identities The Self-Presentations of Rulers and Subjects - Book
Legitimation is not only a circus for the mass of sub- jects, but also a private theatre for rulers, where they see their own identity portrayed, confirmed, and justified. The near and dear, inasmuch as they are part of the community of rulers, will send cards, but nobody else will. The larger part of the population will not even know that the ceremonies are occurring. Rulers appear to need to legitimate their power, to demonstrate constantly by rituals both spiritual and secular their unique prestige, as persons autho- rised in a manner that ordinary subjects are not, as persons set apart to exercise the powers and privileges of government.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  rulers  legitimacy  Violence_y_Power 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Rebels and Legitimacy; An Introduction
This introduction to the double special issue on the theme of rebels and legitimacy aims to set out the parameters for the discussion. It looks at legitimacy as a concept and at legitimation as a process. To date most of the literature on legitimacy has focused on the state. However, rebel groups such as insurgents, terrorists, warlords and guerrillas have all had claims, and continue to claim, legitimacy as well. How and when are these rebels seen as legitimate actors? Existing suggestions of rebel legitimacy focus heavily on state models of social order and the social contract. This first contribution discusses how to conceptualize legitimacy and how to make it operational. A two-pronged approach, borrowing heavily from Max Weber, is proposed. Legitimacy is investigated based on beliefs and belief systems about what is considered legitimate. This is combined with practices whereby legitimacy is enacted, copied and emulated by the population the rebels claim to represent.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy  resistance 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Making of a YouTube Radical - The New York Times
Mr. Cain, 26, recently swore off the alt-right nearly five years after discovering it, and has become a vocal critic of the movement. He is scarred by his experience of being radicalized by what he calls a “decentralized cult” of far-right YouTube personalities, who convinced him that Western civilization was under threat from Muslim immigrants and cultural Marxists, that innate I.Q. differences explained racial disparities, and that feminism was a dangerous ideology.

“I just kept falling deeper and deeper into this, and it appealed to me because it made me feel a sense of belonging,” he said. “I was brainwashed.”
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear  terrorism  revolution  Psychology 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Legitimacy, Civil Society, and State Crime
This article will borrow concepts from the disciplines of political science and international relations and attempt to integrate them into a criminological frame?
work. A key concept is that of legitimacy, along with the closely related concept of hegemony, which connects legitimacy to economic interests. A state's legiti? macy must be considered in the context of the state's relationship to civil society
and to other states, as well as of class relations within the state. This will lead us to an examination of recent work in international relations theory on the processes
by which human rights become institutionalized.
When we discuss "the state" in this context, we use the term in a traditional
Marxist sense to refer to a "public power" comprising personnel organized and equipped for the use of force...
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy  criminal 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Legitimacy, Trust and Compliance: An Empirical Test of Procedural Justice Theory using the European Social Survey
This chapter presents findings from a large-scale empirical test of procedural justice theory, which we (and colleagues) designed using the fifth European Social Survey. The chapter first of all locates concerns about institutional legitimacy within a broader framework of ‘compliance theories’. It then sets out its definitional stall in an attempt to clarify what is meant by the ‘slippery’ concept of legitimacy and how the term is used in different contexts. Then, in testing various hypotheses on procedural justice, we employ a tripartite definition of empirical (i.e. perceived) legitimacy. We define empirical legitimacy as the recognition and justification of the right to exercise power and influence, with influence mostly of the normative (rather than instrumental) variety, and importantly our tripartite notions of consent, moral alignment and legality accord with some well-established social psychological mechanisms of identification and internalisation.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Political legitimacy, Justice, and Consent
What is it for a state, constitution or set of governmental institutions to have political legitimacy? This paper raises some doubts about two broadly liberal answers to this question, which can be labelled ‘Kan- tian’ and ‘libertarian’. The argument focuses in particular on the rela- tionship between legitimacy and principles of justice and on the place of consent. By contrast with these views, I suggest that, without endorsing the kind of voluntarist theory, according to which political legitimacy is simply created by individual consent, an adequate under- standing of political legitimacy should take much more account than most philosophical theories tend to do of the attitudes and beliefs of citizens and the social and political context in which they have sal- iency. This also involves acknowledging the limits of theory in deter- mining criteria of political legitimacy.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Why Donald Trump Will Hate the Presidency | Essay | Zócalo Public Square
Strength, Arendt explains, is a function of the instruments one can literally possess and hold, whether these are the muscles one has or the instruments one wields. Strength helps an individual act. Power, though, is something entirely different; Arendt defines it as the human ability not just to act, but to act with others. And as such, power can arise only from within a broad, plural, group of people encompassing differences both big and small.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
WORKING IN THE SHADOWS: A CROSS- NATIONAL ANALYSIS OF EVERYDAY RESISTANCE
Our findings suggest that everyday resistance to material dominance is more likely to burgeon in societies at earlier stages of development with more dependence on agricultural economy and burdened by inefficient institutions, lower levels of social trust, high latent anti-authority attitudes, and low levels of public display of contention. When it comes to the causal drivers of everyday resistance, the results indicate that a certain institutional set-up of loose executive institutions, supportive legal institutions, and fragmented horizontal social structure, form an opportunity structure for everyday resistance to grow. Within this institutional arrangement, resisters tend to base their opposition on de jure more than de facto material domination, while being fueled by latent anti- authority attitudes. Interestingly, the scale of everyday resistance is likely to expand under repressive regimes without being independent from different forms of public display of contention.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  resistance 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Dispersed resistance: unpacking the spectrum and properties of glaring and everyday resistance: Journal of Political Power: Vol 11, No 2
Revisiting James C. Scott’s classification of forms of resistance, this paper argues that (hidden, subtle) everyday resistance is only one of many types of small-scale or individual resistance practices. We propose the concept of ‘dispersed resistance’, which might be ‘everyday’ and subtle, or loud and extraordinary. In addition, drawing on Foucault’s works, we suggest at least two ways of conceptualizing dispersed resistance: as ‘productive’ resistance (related to disciplinary power and biopower) and ‘counter-repressive’ resistance (related to repressive and sovereign power). Finally, since power-relations are often composed by an assemblage of repression, discipline and biopower, resistance practices assemble too.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  resistance 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Sovereign power, disciplinary power and biopower: resisting what power with what resistance?: Journal of Political Power: Vol 7, No 1
This article links Foucaultian power forms with its corresponding resistance. If resistance is a reaction to power, then the characteristics of the power strategy/relation affect the kinds of resistance that subsequently prevail. Accordingly, it becomes interesting to discuss what kinds of resistance emanate from what kinds of power. We discuss this relationship between power and resistance by drawing on Foucault’s ‘triangle’: (I) sovereign power; (II) disciplinary power; and (III) biopower. Thus, deviating from Foucaultian studies’ preoccupation with ‘power’, we utilise Foucault in order to focus on ‘resistance’. And by connecting to empirical examples from within the emerging field of resistance studies we argue that the peculiarities of power decide how resistance can be conducted.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  Power_materials  fear 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
"Everyday Resistance": Explorations of a a Concept and its Theories
The existence of mundane or non-dramatic resistance shows that resistance could be understood as a continuum between public confrontations and hidden subversion. It also suggests a possibility to understand from where open rebellions come, and why sometimes and in some places they don’t occur, despite “objective” conditions. Furthermore, everyday resistance suggests that resistance is integrated into social life and is a part of normality; not as dramatic or strange as assumed – even if it is still unclear how common it is.4 It is thus a concept that brings new clarity to “resistance”; a recurrent social phenomenon that has often been ignored, feared, demonized or romanticized.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_materials 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Power in everyday life
How does power manifest itself in everyday life? Using experience-sampling methodology, we investigated the prevalence, sources, and correlates of power in people’s natural environments. Participants experienced power-relevant situations regularly, though not frequently. High power was not restricted to a limited few: almost half of the sample reported experiencing high-power positions. Positional power and subjective feelings of power were strongly related but had unique relations with several individual difference measures and independent effects on participants’ affect, cognition, and interpersonal relations. Subjective feelings of power resulted more from within-participant situational fluctuation, such as the social roles participants held at different times, than from stable differences between people. Our data supported some theoretical predictions about power’s effects on affect, cognition, and interpersonal relations, but qualified others, particularly highlighting the role of responsibility in power’s effects. Although the power literature has focused on high power, we found stronger effects of low power than high power.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  legitimacy  fear 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
How Power Shapes our World – Thought Economics
To understand the story of humanity is to bear witness to the story of its greatest paradox; power. This phenomenon creates the constraints in which we operate, yet is responsible for the structures that bind our society together.
The exercise and accumulation of power is endemic to humanity. In the 20th century alone, this phenomenon has been responsible for over 200 million deaths through war and oppression, and has concentrated over 50% of the world’s wealth into the hands of just 1% of the world’s population meaning that billions of our global family have been subjected to hunger, thirst and disease. Power has also enabled social movements that have brought rights, freedoms and opportunity to many billions more.
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  Leadership  fear  legitimacy 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
What can you learn from Machiavelli? | Yale Insights
Borgia’s way of dealing with his minister is a prime example of what Machiavelli praises as political virtue, because in this instance Borgia demonstrates a knowledge of the inner essence of the people, or of what the people need and expect in a ruler. The spectacle of punishment on the one hand leaves the people “satisfied,” because iniquities, cruelties, and injustices were indeed committed against the people by the minister, but on the other hand it also leaves them “stupefied,” in the sense that it reminds everyone of an awesome power operating behind the scenes. 
If we look at the symbolism of the minister’s punishment, we find that the spectacle is brilliantly staged. It is almost as if Borgia is declaring, in a sort of ritualistic language, that here one of my ministers, one of my representatives, has done violence to the body politic, and therefore he will have his just punishment, that is to say he will be cut in half, because that is what he did to our state—he divided it. 
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Power_materials  Leadership  fear 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Hegel on Sovereignty and Monarchy
Hegel is not a democrat. He is a monarchist. But he wants monarchy because he does not want strong government. He wants to deemphasize power. He develops an idealist conception of sovereignty that allows for a monarch less powerful than a president—one whose task is to expresses the unity of the state and realize the rationality inherent in it. A monarch needs to be a conduit through which reason is expressed and actualized, not a power that might obstruct this process.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_materials 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Legitimacy and Theory of Political Consciousness: Evaluating Political Act of Aggression | OMICS International
The western principles for a legitimate power relation is not only vital for current political relations, including the ability to secure and to develop peace, but also to recognize and address the illegitimate state and their instruments. Given this premise, we can normatively and empirically assess ‘political acts of aggression’, or state’s coercion which are arguably an instrument of every political power. Indeed, such contribution referring mostly to the modern authoritarian/totalitarian states in the Middle East and North Africa which have been used coercion or political aggression in their power relations.1 Moreover, it is important to distinguish legitimate and illegitimate political acts of aggression. The difference will be examined through examples of acts of aggression in politics, carried out especially from top-down approach.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  Leadership  fear  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
The challenge of Trump’s presidency is legitimacy, not power - Vox
This kind of legitimacy issue is not entirely new. When presidents have pushed at the boundaries of their accepted authority, they’ve needed to draw on core concepts, like electoral mandates, to reframe what they’re doing. And the Nixon parallels that we keep hearing about have a strong legitimacy component. Abuse of power is partly about what’s being done, but a great deal of it is about the reasons — self-serving and anti-democratic — behind the actions.

The situation the country finds itself in now inverts the usual question of presidential power: Do the ends justify the means? Can presidential action that pushes against. or past, accepted boundaries be justified if it addresses a pressing problem? Who gets to decide?
Latino  war  state  Power_materials  fear  Leadership  legitimacy  Trump 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
Power, Authority & Legitimacy Theory - Politics Revision
Good summary of power, authority, and legitimacy theory...from Hobbes to Dahl to Lukes to Marx
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  authority  Power_materials  fear  Leadership 
june 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Problems Are Everlasting, the Bard Indispensable - VoegelinView
According to Carson Holloway, Macbeth’s tragedy is to be more like Iago, whose attack on Othello was motivated by his concern for reputation.  “At both the beginning and end of his tragic career, Macbeth loves his honor more than he loves himself, and fears disgrace more than he fears evil.”  The irony is that the tyrannical pride that overwhelms Macbeth is truly a trick of the devil by which the love of honor for itself negates the possibility of receiving it. Tyrants fear not merely the many who might wish to be ruled by another, but also the brave and the wise who might do or arrange to do something about the tyrant. The end result is that they must eliminate the only people from whom they could actually gain true honor or true friendship. Holloway focuses very closely on the demonic character of Macbeth’s path; not that he is himself a demon, but one who has been tricked by them into forging a path of public and spiritual ruin that is seemingly total. Holloway notes that Macbeth alone among the great Shakespearean tragic figures has no one to speak a kind word after his death. Holloway speculates that a word of pity in his lifetime might have changed him, but the rest of his analysis leads one to think that such a change would be, if not impossible, unlikely.
Latino  war  legitimacy  state  Leadership  fear  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power  shakespeare 
may 2019 by Jibarosoy
Short Stories and Political Philosophy: Power, Prose, and Persuasion - VoegelinView
While we hope to illustrate the congruity and utility of reading short stories alongside political philosophy over the course of this volume, one may ask: What is the preliminary evidence to support these claims? Consider, first, the contention that the broad concerns of political philosophy and the short story as a literary device are shared and even homologous. Generally speaking, political philosophy is comprised of at least three central, and often intertwined, threads of intellectual thought and related research programs. The first strand draws specifically on the field’s philosophical orientation by engaging in “the search for certainty and truth, not merely by the pursuit of methodological purity or self-critical understanding,” and by attempting to identify reliable if not “unshakeable” knowledge about political phenomena.[9] A second, cognate tradition of political philosophy focuses on specifically normative questions, especially debating and proposing “forms of the good life” (for individuals, communities, and states), identifying “what is morally proper” behavior, and providing “yardsticks for public conduct.”[10] The third strand relates to the history of political thought, especially by placing the different thinkers who have contributed to the first two projects into a “sequenced story” or conversation.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  fiction  writing  Leadership  Power_materials 
may 2019 by Jibarosoy
Legitimation in Non-Democracies: Concepts, Theories and Empirical Evidence across Regime Subtypes
Legitimation aims to secure active consent, compliance with the regime's rules, passive obedience, or toleration and resignation within the population. There are at least two major challenges to incorporating legitimation into the study of non-democratic regimes. First is the objection that legitimation is mere 'window dressing.' On this account, there is nothing substantive in the legitimation efforts of autocracies because they are epiphenomenal to the violence, coercion, or co-optation the regime is able to deploy. Second, even if it is agreed that legitimation is important to the maintenance of non-democratic rule, it is often argued that the conceptual and methodological difficulties associated with analysing it are insurmountable. These are important challenges to meet because understanding how, why, and with what effect non-democratic regimes aim to secure legitimation can illuminate numerous aspects of autocratic rule.
Latino  war  state  Leadership  legitimacy  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power  authority 
may 2019 by Jibarosoy
Regime Legitimation Expert Survey (RLES)
We present a data set on authoritarian regimes’ claims to legitimacy that is based on leading experts’ assessments of 98 states for the period 1991–2010. The experts assessed these regimes on the basis of six conceptually distinguishable but interlinked claims to legitimacy – namely (1) foundational myth, (2) ideology, (3) personalism, (4) international engagement, (5) procedural mechanisms and (6) performance. For the survey, we contacted approximately 800 renowned international and local experts. They were selected on the basis of their publication records, their local expertise and their work for high-quality country-based indices, research institutes, and/or high-profile think tanks. 273 online questionnaires were completed. We collected expert assessments for the most recent non-democratic regime (as of 2013, the year of assessment). The survey comprised questions covering the strength of a regime’s six legitimation strategies, based on a six-point scale ranging from 0-5. In addition, the dataset includes information regarding the number of experts per country and the experts’ average confidence in answering the questions on the respective country.
Latino  war  state  Leadership  fear  Power_materials  legitimacy  database 
may 2019 by Jibarosoy
How do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countrires
The analysis using the new Regime Legitimation Expert Survey (RLES) demonstrates that non‐democratic rulers in post‐Soviet countries use specific combinations of legitimating claims to stay in power. Most notably, rulers claim to be the guardians of citizens’ socio‐ economic well‐being. Second, despite recurrent infringements on political and civil rights, they maintain that their power is rule‐based and embodies the will of the people, as they have been given popular electoral mandates. Third, they couple these elements with input‐ based legitimation strategies that focus on nationalist ideologies, the personal capabilities and charismatic aura of the rulers, and the regime’s foundational myth. Overall, the reli‐ ance on these input‐based strategies is lower in the western post‐Soviet Eurasian countries and very pronounced among the authoritarian rulers of Central Asia
Latino  war  legitimacy  state  fear  Leadership  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power 
may 2019 by Jibarosoy
Reports of U.S. Democracy's Death Have Been Greatly Exaggerated | Essay | Zócalo Public Square
Before I looked at conscription I looked at taxation. Of Rule and Revenue (published in 1988) started with trying to understand why tax systems look so different across countries and across eras. I started in ancient Rome and ended in contemporary Australia. I thought my answer was going to have to do with economic transaction costs. But it turns out that the major issue was political transaction costs. That is, no ruler can really force everyone to pay up. They can’t have a fed under every bed, and it doesn’t matter how much they use the military or the police. They need to get what I call “quasi-voluntary compliance,” where people feel like they have some obligation to pay but they will do so only under certain conditions. Those conditions include the trustworthiness or reliability of the government. There has to be some confidence that the government is trying to keep its promises. There has to be some belief that the process by which the policy was made is fair according to the norms of the place, which can vary a lot. And people have to believe that government will enforce the rules against those who don’t comply; no one wants to be a sucker, one of the few paying taxes or signing up for military service in a full-blown war.
Latino  war  state  legitimacy  fear  Leadership  Trump  Power_materials  democracy 
may 2019 by Jibarosoy
Friedrich Hayek on Economic Nationalism and Central Planning | National Review
Historically, the primary conservative argument against top-down planning wasn’t so much that politicians and bureaucrats aren’t smart enough to run the economy from some Washington-based control room, but that it simply can’t be done. Policymakers suffer from what Hayek called “the knowledge problem.” The market is too complex, with too many variables on the ground, for anyone to manage things from above.
Latino  war  fear  state  Leadership  Power_in_America  Power_materials  capitalism  Economics 
may 2019 by Jibarosoy
A President of the People or a President of His People? - The New York Times
The old-fashioned idea that a president, once reaching office, should at least pretend to be the leader of all the people these days seems so, well, old-fashioned. Mr. Trump does not bother with the pretense. He is speaking to his people, not the people. He has become, or so it often seems, the president of the United Base of America.

Mr. Trump travels nearly five times as often to states that were in his column in 2016 as to those that supported Hillary Clinton. He has given nearly four times as many interviews to Fox News as to all the other major networks combined. His social media advertising is aimed disproportionately at older Americans who were the superstructure of his victory in the Electoral College in 2016. His messaging is permeated with divisive language that galvanizes core supporters more than it persuades anyone on the fence, much less on the other side.
Latino  war  state  Leadership  president  Trump  Power_materials 
april 2019 by Jibarosoy
How a comedian called out Jared Kushner to his face — and it worked
Saudi Arabia’s human rights violations have continued unabated despite the increased scrutiny facing that country. The government has already executed more than 100 people in the first four months of 2019 and is on track to kill more than 300 people this year, according to the Detroit Free Press. The most recent was Mujtaba al-Sweikat, a Saudi Arabian man who was arrested when he was 17-years-old in 2012 as he prepared to begin his studies at Western Michigan University. He was arrested for allegedly attending a pro-democracy rally during the Arab Spring movement, and was beheaded by the Saudi government on Tuesday.
Latino  war  Leadership  state  Trump  Violence_y_Power  Power_materials 
april 2019 by Jibarosoy
Donald Trump Is Weak and Afraid—The Mueller Report Proves It | Time
The Mueller report stands as a monument to reality. It plainly and clearly makes the case that Donald Trump is not the man his supporters think he is. He’s not bold. He’s afraid. They attributed to him a primitive form of loyalty, where he was good to people who were good to him. Instead, he’d harm his own son to win a single news cycle. His foolish hiring decisions have come back to haunt him time and again.

President Trump is weak — too weak even to commit the acts of obstruction he desired. As the Mueller report stated, Trump’s attempts to influence the investigation “were mostly unsuccessful,” but it’s “largely because the persons who surrounded the President declined to carry out orders or accede to his requests.” He’s not strong. He’s not wise. He’s not honorable. And sometimes, when his subordinates disregard is orders, he’s not even truly the president. Regardless of his potential criminality, there is nothing revealed in the report that is admirable — or alpha — about Donald Trump.
latino  fear  Trump  Leadership  state  rulers  Power_in_America  Pol._147  Pol._120  Pol.11  Pol.12 
april 2019 by Jibarosoy
Opinion | Uber but for Xi Jinping - The New York Times
Xuexi Qiangguo — “study and make the nation great” — has become ubiquitous in China, an instant messenger, news aggregator and social network all in one. Introduced by the Publicity Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in January, the first and second characters in the name, when combined — xuexi — mean “study/learn”; the same character, xi, also happens to be the character in President Xi Jinping’s last name. The app’s name, thus, can also be read as “study Xi and make the nation great.” And they are, by the tens of millions.
Latino  war  Leadership  state  Power_materials  fear  Violence_y_Power 
april 2019 by Jibarosoy
The Faces of American Power, Nearly as White as the Oscar Nominees - The New York Times
We reviewed 503 of the most powerful people in American culture, government, education and business, and found that just 44 are minorities. Any list of the powerful is subjective, but the people here have an outsize influence on the nation’s rules and culture.
Pol.11  Pol.12  Pol._120  Power_in_America  data  pol.185  Leadership 
april 2019 by Jibarosoy
1 Samuel 8 - NIV Bible - When Samuel grew old, he appointed his sons as...
And the LORD told him: “Listen to all that the people are saying to you; it is not you they have rejected, but they have rejected me as their king. 8 As they have done from the day I brought them up out of Egypt until this day, forsaking me and serving other gods, so they are doing to you. 9 Now listen to them; but warn them solemnly and let them know what the king who will reign over them will claim as his rights.” 10 Samuel told all the words of the LORD to the people who were asking him for a king. 11 He said, “This is what the king who will reign over you will claim as his rights: He will take your sons and make them serve with his chariots and horses, and they will run in front of his chariots.
Latino  war  royalty  state  Leadership  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power 
march 2019 by Jibarosoy
Opinion | If Stalin Had a Smartphone - The New York Times
As George Orwell and Aldous Huxley understood, if you want to be a good totalitarian, it isn’t enough to control behavior. To have total power you have to be able to control people’s minds. With modern information technology, the state can shape the intimate information pond in which we swim.

I don’t want to pretend that everything will be easy for the Stalin of the 21st century. Modern technology makes it easier to control people, but it also creates a mind-set in which people get much angrier about being controlled.

When people have a smartphone in their hand, they feel that they should have a voice, that they should be broadcasting, that they should have agency and dignity. When they discover they are caught in an information web that is subtly dominating them, they react. When they realize that ersatz information webs can’t really create the closeness and community they crave, they react.
Latino  war  Leadership  fear  state  Violence_y_Power  Power_materials  Psychology  manipulation 
march 2019 by Jibarosoy
Philosopher of the month: Thomas Hobbes | OUPblog
There would be no restriction on the power exercised by the head of state, hence the name Leviathan, because to do so would imply that there was some other law by which his actions could be assessed, and this would imply another law-giver with power to enforce that other law. It is the function of the sovereign to rule in such a way as to maximize the amount of liberty that every person has, compatible with the security of the state. Despite debate over Hobbes’s view of human nature and the formation of a social contract when trust is at a minimum, Leviathan changed political philosophy in a fundamental way. There have been many interpretations of his work but few, if any, clear refutations of his analysis. Hobbes’s reputation as high today as it has ever been.
pol.505  philosophy  state  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power  SON  Leadership 
february 2019 by Jibarosoy
Philosopher of the month: Friedrich Nietzsche | OUPblog
Nietzsche was greatly concerned with basic problems in contemporary Western culture and society, which he believed were growing more acute, and for which he considered it imperative to try to find new solutions. His examination of unconscious drives found “will to power” to be a fundamental element of human nature, and metaphysically, in all of nature. The one who escapes all this, Nietzsche’s “Übermensch,” describes a person who has mastered passion, risen above irrational flux, and endowed her or his character with creative style. One of Nietzsche’s best-known ideas, “the death of God,” speaks to the unfeasibility of belief in God in late modernity, and the resulting consequences. The fundamental problem of how to overcome nihilism and affirm life without illusions was central to Nietzsche’s thought, and his skepticism of the notions of truth and fact anticipated many of the central tenets of postmodernism.

For more on Nietzsche’s life and work, browse our interactive timeline below.
pol.505  philosophy  Society  state  Religion  Leadership  Power_materials  Violence_y_Power 
february 2019 by Jibarosoy
Philosopher of the Month: Plato [infographic] | OUPblog
Plato wrote many philosophical works. Most of these are in dialogue form between two or more characters, usually with Socrates as a leading protagonist. The dialogues are incentives for philosophical discussions and debates; the characters engage in cross examination, asking questions and analysing each other’s ideas and presumptions. The early dialogues hold a central place in his writing as they provide a portrait of Socrates and reveal the full range of his philosophy.

Like his mentor Socrates, Plato believed that it is vital to question received dogma and traditional moral beliefs and to distinguish truth from opinions. He also insisted on the importance of virtue and wisdom as a basis for happiness in our lives. Among Plato’s masterpieces are The Republic, an extended dialogue in which he outlines his view of an ideal state and develops a comparison between justice and order in the soul; Symposium, and Phaedrus which contain profound ideas on the true nature of love; and Phaedo, which explores the nature of the soul and immortality.

We’ve created the infographic below to highlight more from the life and work of Plato.
philosophy  pol.505  state  Leadership  teaching_pol_theory 
february 2019 by Jibarosoy
What Can Hunter-Gatherers Teach Us About Servant-Leadership? | Richard Leider
The hunter-gatherer is in all of us. For 90% of human history we were almost exclusively hunter-gatherers. Living in our technology-dependent world does not mean that we have totally severed our hunter-gather roots – the skills and intelligence learned from all those millennia of survival. One does not erase the souls of one’s ancestors. Even if we no longer actively use those skills for daily survival, the untapped intelligence remains within us. Could it be that we could recapture the things we have forgotten and need to relearn today?

The Hadzabe don’t recognize any leaders or any one person as having more power or influence then others. And even though they have clearly defined gender roles, men and women in their society participate equally in decision-making. Their traditional economy supports this equality because all people from an early age have the skills and knowledge to get what they need each day. To be a Hadza means that if someone asks, they have no option but to share. It is considered bad to hoard or accumulate more than what one needs. Everyone shares. Everyone serves. Everyone leads.
SON  state  Leadership  Pol.11  Pol.12  Violence_y_Power  Power_materials  teaching_pol_theory  pol.505 
february 2019 by Jibarosoy
Peter Gronn: Early human society hunted, gathered – and worked without 'leaders' | The Independent
There may have been nominal or incipient chiefs and leaders, "sometimes women but usually men" and usually adult heads of households, but these were kept in line by a strict regime of scorn, ridicule, criticism, irony, intimidation, ostracism, disobedience, desertion, expulsion and even killing. A wise hunter with pretentions to lead, therefore would learn to sit quietly with the other men, and "[allow] the blood on his arrow shaft to speak for him". At best, we have evidence here of a rudimentary division of leadership labour. In practice a headman or an informal leader might step forward to make decisions only "as long as the band welcomes him to do so", with bands having a series of such individuals "who come forward when their particular expertise is needed".
SON  state  Leadership  Pol.11  Pol.12  pol.505  Violence_y_Power  Psychology  anthropology 
february 2019 by Jibarosoy
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