whiteness   1545

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National SEED Project - 'White Privilege and Male Privilege' and 'Some Notes for Facilitators
I can, if I wish, arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time.
I can avoid spending time with people whom I was trained to mistrust and who have learned to mistrust my kind or me.
If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live.
I can be reasonably sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me.
I can go shopping alone most of the time, fairly well assured that I will not be followed or harassed by store detectives.
I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely and positively represented.
When I am told about our national heritage or about "civilization," I am shown that people of my color made it what it is.
I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of their race.
If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege.
I can be fairly sure of having my voice heard in a group in which I am the only member of my race.
I can be casual about whether or not to listen to another woman's voice in a group in which she is the only member of her race.
I can go into a book shop and count on finding the writing of my race represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods that fit with my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser's shop and find someone who can deal with my hair.
Whether I use checks, credit cards, or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work against the appearance that I am financially reliable.
I could arrange to protect our young children most of the time from people who might not like them.
I did not have to educate our children to be aware of systemic racism for their own daily physical protection.
I can be pretty sure that my children's teachers and employers will tolerate them if they fit school and workplace norms; my chief worries about them do not concern others' attitudes toward their race.
I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this down to my color.
I can swear, or dress in secondhand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race.
I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial.
I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race.
I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.
I can remain oblivious to the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world's majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion.
I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider.
I can be reasonably sure that if I ask to talk to "the person in charge," I will be facing a person of my race.
If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven't been singled out because of my race.
I can easily buy posters, postcards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys, and children's magazines featuring people of my race.
I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied in, rather than isolated, out of place, outnumbered, un­heard, held at a distance, or feared.
I can be pretty sure that an argument with a colleague of another race is more likely to jeopardize her chances for advancement than to jeopardize mine.
I can be fairly sure that if I argue for the promotion of a person of another race, or a program centering on race, this is not likely to cost me heavily within my present setting, even if my colleagues disagree with me.
If I declare there is a racial issue at hand, or there isn't a racial issue at hand, my race will lend me more credibility for either position than a person of color will have.
I can choose to ignore developments in minority writing and minority activist programs, or disparage them, or learn from them, but in any case, I can find ways to be more or less protected from negative consequences of any of these choices.
My culture gives me little fear about ignoring the perspectives and powers of people of other races.
I am not made acutely aware that my shape, bearing, or body odor will be taken as a reflection on my race.
I can worry about racism without being seen as self-interested or self-seeking.
I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having my co-workers on the job suspect that I got it because of my race.
If my day, week, or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it has racial overtones.
I can be pretty sure of finding people who would be willing to talk with me and advise me about my next steps, professionally.
I can think over many options, social, political, imaginative, or professional, without asking whether a person of my race would be accepted or allowed to do what I want to do.
I can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect on my race.
I can choose public accommodation without fearing that people of my race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen.
I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not work against me.
I can arrange my activities so that I will never have to experience feelings of rejection owing to my race.
If I have low credibility as a leader, I can be sure that my race is not the problem.
I can easily find academic courses and institutions that give attention only to people of my race.
I can expect figurative language and imagery in all of the arts to testify to experiences of my race.
I can choose blemish cover or bandages in "flesh" color and have them more or less match my skin.
race  whiteness  racism  privilege 
8 days ago by StJohnBosco
A New New White Man: Toni Morrison’s “Playing in the Dark” Turns 25 - Los Angeles Review of Books
Playing in the Dark offers a reminder in the first year of the Trump administration that whiteness cannot be treated in isolation from other racial categories. Instead, it must be recognized as something formed within a larger racial order.

Playing in the Dark offers a reminder in the first year of the Trump administration that whiteness cannot be treated in isolation from other racial categories. Instead, it must be recognized as something formed within a larger racial order. The Trump era has brought to the surface a new form of whiteness in which white men are recentered in American culture through an alleged decentering, in which whiteness is reconceived as a minoritized culture besieged by immigration and globalization. We are witnessing, it seems, the emergence of a new new white man, one who embraces his whiteness as a beleaguered identity but who refuses to see it as, in Morrison’s words, “a way of talking about and a way of policing matters of class, sexual license, and repression.” White men have been emboldened to talk about their whiteness but as a source of individual alienation rather than structural advantage.
Whiteness  Literature  Morrison 
11 days ago by EMPD
Now You See It - Dangerous Objects - Medium
Now You See It
Dangerous Objects
Dec 8, 2016 · 12 min read
Helvetica, Modernism and the Status Quo of Design
“You can’t be neutral on a moving train.” — Howard Zinn
“Well, white supremacy’s greatest trick is that it has convinced people that, if it exists at all, it exists always in other people, never in us.” —Junot Diaz
modernism  whiteness  neutrality  universality 
18 days ago by asfaltics
What's Missing from white fragility: Robin DiAngelo’s workshop, and the idea that changed how white progressives talk about themselves.
Among all this work lies the suggestion that nonreciprocal expertise about white behavior, white history, white ethnics, and white sociality has always been mandatory for nonwhites in America. As the Ex-Colored Man claims in the 1912 novel by James Weldon Johnson, “the colored people of this country know and understand the white people better than the white people know and understand them.” Or, as Du Bois eerily conveys in his 1920 essay “The Souls of White Folk”: “Of them I am singularly clairvoyant. I see in and through them. … I see these souls undressed and from the back and side. I see the working of their entrails. I know their thoughts and they know that I know.” More recently, sociologist Tressie McMillan Cottom has shared the credo of “know our whites.” As she writes in her 2019 essay collection Thick, “If you truly know your whites disappointment rarely darkens your door.”

By contrast, I consider DiAngelo’s inclusion of seemingly incongruous grievances a strength. Etiquette is never beside the point. As DiAngelo has said, neither White Fragility nor her workshops intend to convert the gleefully racist; she speaks to the well-intended whose banal blusters make racial stress routine. I am piqued, however, by Sanneh’s skepticism regarding the place of people of color in DiAngelo’s pedagogy as native specialists to whom white people should always defer. With whiteness on view, white people become the “flawed, complicated characters” of their own stories, he writes, while “people of color seem good, wise, and perhaps rather simple.” At the least, to me, her categorization of all nonwhites as authority figures demonstrates DiAngelo’s awareness, if not anxiety, that her material confirms much of what people of color have long known to be true.

For whiteness studies to push past the amiability of white-on-white education, Ahmed argues, all involved must perform something of an ethical piqué manège. The maneuver requires not one turn but several, the dancer traveling in a circle as her body rotates like a top and her head controls all. It is not difficult so much as prone to misdirection: Lose focus and the whole thing unravels in a mess of vertigo. To address whiteness properly, white people must “turn towards and away” from whiteness, “turning towards their role and responsibility in these histories of racism” as they “turn away from themselves, and towards others.” Right now we are stuck in the first turn, moving ever so slowly, head craned in the mirror, enthralled by ourselves, enthralled by whiteness. But we must move on to the next turn, and the next, and the next. We must focus on where we need to go and learn to change our footing.
Whiteness  Race 
4 weeks ago by EMPD
The State of White Women by Erynn Brook | Nice White Ladies
We are fortunate that women of colour have been blazing this path for us. They’ve spoken of the mask for years, of performing whiteness, of dual identities. They have learned how to play at Nice White Lady, they’ve always known it was a lie. They have pages upon pages of resources for us to learn from.

People of colour talk about whiteness all the time. Believe it or not, white people do not talk about whiteness. We need to get with the program. Whiteness is not real, it is an idea that is killing us. Whiteness is what causes white supremacy and Nazi ideology. Whiteness is what makes us afraid to take the bus late at night. Whiteness is what puts people like Donald Trump in the White House. Whiteness is not you, personally. It’s an idea that has been ingrained into your psyche. It’s something you’ve learned, something you’ve been sold, something you bought into. And it is so prevalent in our society that when it was shattered you realized that no matter how hard you tried you couldn’t ever have it all.

But you also realized that you had nothing else. Unlike people of colour, you never developed that other identity outside of whiteness.
whiteness  racialjustice  solidarity 
6 weeks ago by kme
Vol. 9.1 - A History of Black Feminism in the U.S.
Black Women who participated in the feminist movement during the 1960s often met with racism. It generally took the form of exclusion: black women were not invited to participate on conference panels which were not specifically about black or Third World women. They were not equally, or even proportionately, represented on the faculty of Women's Studies Departments, nor were there classes devoted specifically to the study of black women's history. In most women's movement writings, the experiences of white, middle class women were described as universal "women's experiences," largely ignoring the differences of black and white women's experiences due to race and class. In addition to this, well-known black women were often treated as tokens; their work was accepted as representing "the" black experience and was rarely ever criticized or challenged.

Part of the overwhelming frustration black women felt within the Women's Movement was at white feminists' unwillingness to admit to their racism. This unwillingness comes from the sentiment that those who are oppressed can not oppress others. White women, who were (and still are) without question sexually oppressed by white men, believed that because of this oppression they were unable to assume the dominant role in the perpetuation of white racism; however, they have absorbed, supported and advocated racist ideology and have acted individually as racist oppressors.
black  women  whiteness  feminism  history 
8 weeks ago by UnchartedWorlds

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