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FOAF Vocabulary Specification 0.99
This specification describes the FOAF language, defined as a dictionary of named properties and classes using W3C's RDF technology.
foaf  friend-of-a-friend  social-network  alt-internet  offbeat-internet 
14 days ago by ff3366
FOAF-a-Matic
FOAF-a-matic is a simple Javascript application that allows you to create a FOAF ("Friend-of-A-Friend") description of yourself.
foaf  friend-of-a-friend  social-network  alt-internet  offbeat-internet 
14 days ago by ff3366
RSS Generator - FetchRSS
This service allows you to create RSS feed out of almost any web page. Your only task is to provide us with target URL and point on desired blocks in our visual RSS builder.

Creating RSS feed from social networks is even simpler. Just enter a URL you want to get RSS from and get your XML file URL immediately.
This URL can be a link to any user or page from major social networks like Facebook, Twitter and so on.
RSS  Facebook  social-network  web  tool 
23 days ago by moftasa
Introduction | Mastodon Glitch Edition
Welcome to the documentation site for glitch-soc! glitch-soc is a friendly fork of the open-source social media software Mastodon, with the aim of providing additional features at the risk of potentially less stable software. You can browse our source code and contribute to the project on Github.
social-network  mastodon  software 
5 weeks ago by basus
Social Media Is Warping Democracy - The Atlantic

For example, in “Federalist No. 10,” James Madison wrote about his fear of the power of “faction,” by which he meant strong partisanship or group interest that “inflamed [men] with mutual animosity” and made them forget about the common good. He thought that the vastness of the United States might offer some protection from the ravages of factionalism, because it would be hard for anyone to spread outrage over such a large distance. Madison presumed that factious or divisive leaders “may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States.” The Constitution included mechanisms to slow things down, let passions cool, and encourage reflection and deliberation.

Social media pushes people of all ages toward a focus on the scandal, joke, or conflict of the day, but the effect may be particularly profound for younger generations, who have had less opportunity to acquire older ideas and information before plugging themselves into the social-media stream.

citizens are now more connected to one another, in ways that increase public performance and foster moral grandstanding, on platforms that have been designed to make outrage contagious, all while focusing people’s minds on immediate conflicts and untested ideas, untethered from traditions, knowledge, and values that previously exerted a stabilizing effect. This, we believe, is why many Americans—and citizens of many other countries, too—experience democracy as a place where everything is going haywire.
social-network  psychology  history  constitution  usa  research  policy  society  instability 
6 weeks ago by aries1988
The way out
There have been many articles written in the last month about the role of social networks. Some even reach the obvious conclusion: that the top social networks are too big. This interview on Slate was fairly representative, covering monopolies and centralized power.

But these articles always stop short before hitting on a solution. They always wrap up saying “it’s tough to solve this”.

I think there are 4 parts to finding our way out of this mess with massive social networks:
programming  social-network 
6 weeks ago by basus
What Happened to Tagging? | JSTOR Daily
On the surface, that might seem like a win: Instead of painstakingly curating my own incoming news, I can effortlessly find an endless supply of interesting, worthwhile content that the algorithm finds for me. The problem, of course, is that the algorithm isn’t neutral: It’s the embodiment of Facebook and Twitter’s technology, data analysis, and most crucial, business model. By relying on the algorithm, instead of on tags and RSS, I’m letting an army of web developers, business strategists, data scientists, and advertisers determine what gets my attention. I’m leaving myself vulnerable to misinformation, and manipulation, and giving up my power of self-determination.
web2.0  nostalgia  social-network  tagging  digital 
8 weeks ago by aries1988
回应赵皓阳:知识错漏为你补上,品性问题还需你自己努力|广场|端传媒 Initium Media

最近名为赵皓阳的作者写了一篇题为《香港这座城市还有救吗》的文章,在中国内地广为流传。作者在浸会大学读过一年制的研究生,他形容香港学生“幼稚病”、跟“用爱发电”的台湾人一样“蠢”,批评香港学生会“假民主”,港生不懂殖民历史,香港基础教育质量比不过内地,学生质素“不足以在一个大市场中与大陆青年竞争”。同时,他认为香港社运是民众被蛊惑,“受西方价值观冲击”,上街游行可以获得“虚伪的满足感”,其实是用肉身在供养资本家。他表示,除了他,香港无人意识到地产问题才是香港真正的威胁。

从文章看来,赵的知识体系用一句话就可以概括:“所有问题的根源都是资本家吸血普通人”。如果要再复杂一点,那么不是“教育出了问题”,就是“年轻人太蠢被煽惑”,三板斧来回使用。而政治体制在他眼中有如不存在。

赵先生此文的问题不是他知识太匮乏,而是品性太差。用他的话来讲,他不是“蠢”,是“坏”。这种“坏”意在撩拨内地已有的“仇港”情绪,用虚构故事和错误事实制造中港矛盾。不仅如此,赵还在文章里流露出对精英阶层深深的向往(尽管他本人并不在列),和对普通人追求更好生活的鄙夷。这种“社会达尔文主义”思想的传播,从源头上试图抹去普通人抗争及争取权利的合法性。用赵先生的理论来讲,他所做的事,是在替权力和资本压榨普通人。知识问题我们可以为他补上,品性问题还需要他自己努力。

1985至1988年是台湾反公害运动和环保运动快速兴起的时期,当时的环保和反核人士中也有不少是民主运动的支持者,因此环保及反核力量也被视为对威权政府的挑战。这些挑战国民党的“党外人士”在1986年组成“民进党”,环保和反核是为党纲。

台湾公民社会不断针对能源转型进行不同论述、攻防,并无台湾人如同赵文所述“相信真的用爱可以发电”。当赵文指出,“更惊讶的是,这在台湾还真普遍有人买账,还真很多人觉得用爱发电这个概念好”时,其实台湾读者也很惊讶赵文有这种惊讶——这样理解一个口号,不是曲解,就是愚痴。

香港地产霸权的问题来自殖民时代的政商结构,而中国在香港回归后仍拒绝改革香港的殖民地式官商勾结政经结构,特首选举制度、立法会中的“功能组别”的设计,都是维持这一结构的具体表现,商界向来偏建制、支持政府决策,垄断的庞大资本力量与政治权力结合,成为最难打破的天花板。

中国恰恰是香港“双轨”土地制度的学习者。和土地私有的地方不同,香港土地所有权归政府所有(港英遗留)。港府通过售卖​​土地在规定期限的“使用权”予土地开发者或使用者,也就是内地所熟悉的“卖地”。

这是公民与政府之间一个复杂、多元的博弈过程。市民运用了民间宣传、网络联署、和平游行示威、非暴力不合作运动等多元方式,一起向政府表达民意。当然,香港相对成熟的公民社会也助力不少,这次不少教会和牧师、专业组织、行业协会也参与其中,人们尝试用各种新的方式进行连结。这不是乱,是人们在互动、连结、组织、发声。

如果有人看到这里还是不屑一顾,大概是觉得这些绝食行动看上去都没有“出事”,绝食者依然“安全”。这么想的人,请扪心自问自己的良心和人性去了哪里。牺牲当然不是一件必然的事,任何人也没有资格要求别人牺牲,抗争是表达反对观点的形式,而不是满足变态看客的一场好戏。

从写法上,这篇文章确实具备如今内地舆论场上常见的爆款文特点:一个耸动的标题、“我有一个朋友”式难辨真伪的举例、东拼西凑的数据和口语化的语言。这些都和备受争议的“咪蒙体”如出一辙。文章的文字粗劣,经不起推敲,但能在第一时间把握住大众的情绪。

内地大众本来就因为信息差无法了解到香港反送中游行的全貌,相关新闻只能在互联网的角落中流窜,在这样的时机,突然出现一篇洋洋洒洒几千字分析香港局势的文章,且作者传递的观点其实与自己曾接触过的观点相似,颇能给人一种恍然大悟之感,自然在墙内赚得了顶级流量。

赵先生的思路既把经济发展列为重中之重,又堵死普通人选举、游行的权利,这与中国执政者的思路如出一辙。1989年之后,“发展才是硬道理”成为被宣扬的价值观,经济发展成了政权合法性的来源。按照这个思路,经济发展最后落到普通人身上,只剩下一个选项:努力赚钱。

努力赚钱当然没有错,但背景是赵先生所讲的房地产资本家吸血,这意味著如赵先生所说年轻人(无论是香港的还是内地的)再努力也买不起房。那么努力赚钱为的是什么呢,为的是给资本家打工。赵先生的这套思路和价值观绕了一圈,就是为了忽悠普通人。
explained  debate  china  today  social-network  thinking  hongkong  youth  propaganda  buzz  2019  from instapaper
june 2019 by aries1988

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