repression   2541

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lettered: Warm Thoughts (Star Trek: The Original Series, Spock/Kirk, post-Amok Time)
Kirk contracts a condition that makes him feel perpetually cold. Spock has to perform mind melds to convince Kirk he’s warm.
fic  startrek  startrek:tos  kirk/spock  h/c  repression  denial  pining  mindmeld  via:exclamations 
11 days ago by elise.grey
The Book of Life -- Why We Need to Feel Heard
'The habit of not having one’s feelings properly acknowledged begins in childhood. Parents, even the most loving ones, frequently stumble in this domain. It’s not that they don’t theoretically care intensely for their children, it’s that they don’t appreciate that true care involves regularly reflecting a child’s moods back to him or herself – rather than subtly pushing the moods away or denying that they exist. -- ... There is one reason why we don’t acknowledge as we might: fear. The feelings we push away are all, in some shape or other, emotionally inconvenient, or troubling or upsetting: we love our child so much, we don’t want to imagine that they might be sad or worried, lost or having a terribly difficult time at school. Furthermore, we may operate with a background view that acknowledging a difficult feeling will make it far worse than it is. It will mean fostering it unduly or giving way to it entirely. We fear that if we give a bit of unbiased mirroring to our child, we might be encouraging them to grow cataclysmically depressive, unfeasibly timid or manically resistant to authority. What we’re missing is that most of us, once we’ve been heard, become far less – rather than far more – inclined to insist on the feelings we’re beset by. The angry person gets less rather than more enraged once the depth of their frustration has been recognised; the rebellious child grows more, not less inclined, to buckle down and do their homework once their feelings that they want to burn the school down, break the headmaster’s glasses and abscond to a desert island have been listened to and identified with for fifty-five seconds. Feelings get less strong, not more tyrannous, as soon as they’ve been given an airing. We become bullies when no one’s listened, never because they listened too much.'
psychology  repression  parenting 
17 days ago by adamcrowe
How Assad Won the Syrian Civil War Before It Began – Political Violence at a Glance, Sep 2018

Most analysts emphasize how Assad benefited from extensive international support from Russia and Iran, as well as non-state militias like Hezbollah. They also credit Assad’s deft deployment of a divide-and-rule strategy, in which he sought modus vivendis with some opponents—ISIS and Kurdish rebel groups carving out autonomous spaces far from Damascus—while unleashing the full weight of his military strength on moderate Western-backed rebel factions. Yet the most important factor in Assad’s victory was neither his international support nor his wartime strategies; rather, Assad triumphed because Syria’s armed domestic opposition was hopelessly fragmented from the beginning to the closing stages of the conflict.

By early 2013, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) had compiled an index of 1,000 independent armed groups operating in Syria. These eventually coalesced into five or six major coalitions, but even then Syria’s rebel movement was the most fragmented in a dataset I constructed by a significant margin. Indeed, the Syrian rebel movement is likely the most fragmented in history.

What explains this dubious achievement? My research points to a set of social and political policies employed by the Assad regime to control Syrian society in the thirty years prior to the Arab Spring uprising. After the Assad regime crushed a rebellion by Muslim Brotherhood-linked Islamists in 1982, it sought to demobilize both its religious and secular opponents by dismantling the Muslim Brotherhood, coopting potential opponents, infiltrating and splintering opposition groups, and sponsoring small Salafi militant networks.

In short, Syrian state policy atomized civil society in the decades prior to 2011. When Syrians rose in rebellion for a second time in 2011, they did so from scattered pockets of opposition, not from a single cross-cutting social base like the Muslim Brotherhood. This, in turn, led to today’s intensely fragmented civil war.
Mar15  Syria  authoritarian_regime  repression  Muslim_Brotherhood  Salafis  civil_society 
6 weeks ago by elizrael
Recent protests in Sudan are much more than bread riots - The Washington Post, Dec 28, 2018
It is no coincidence that the protests began in Atbara, a town known for its powerful railroad workers union. Sudan has a history of successful revolutions against military regimes, most notably in 1964 and in 1985, in which trade unions and student movements played a pivotal role. The current regime came to power on the heels of the 1985 popular uprising that overthrew Jafaar Nimeiri’s military government and spent much of the 1990s systematically dismantling any opposition. Dissidents were detained and tortured. Unions were turned pro-regime through infiltration and co-optation tactics. Party members were strategically positioned within local governing structures throughout the country. And efforts to organize armed resistance, most notably in the south and Darfur, were met with brutal and sustained counterinsurgency operations.

But the absence of formal trade unions and independent local governing structures did not prevent people from forming alternative grass-roots structures for mobilizing against political repression. Youth movements and independent farmer and worker formations have multiplied over the last decade as people lost faith in established opposition parties and politics. Most notably, from 2012 to 2014, students and the urban poor held a variety of creative protests before being repressed by the regime.

The regime imposed these austerity measures cautiously and somewhat unevenly, targeting areas outside the capital of Khartoum as it assumed people in small towns were less capable of mobilizing. This is why protests began in Atbara before spreading to other towns and eventually the heavily fortified Khartoum metropolitan area. And it is in these smaller towns that workers, farmers, teachers, small business owners, youth and others have united to demand radical change in response to not only Sudan’s deepening economic crisis but also a political system that has marginalized them for decades.
protests  Sudan  repression  subsidies 
6 weeks ago by elizrael
Syrian rebels in Idlib target those who might surrender as government assault looms - The Washington Post, Sep 7, 2018
Seeking to extinguish this possibility in Idlib, rebel groups have embarked on their wave of ­arrests, accusing those they ­detain of secret communications with government representatives. Many have been taken to secret prisons and tortured, groups documenting the arrests say.

“The HTS [has] more than one punishment prison and secret prisons in general, and they’re throwing civilians and activists in them constantly,” said a medic who recounted the arrest of several colleagues. “The strata of doctors is an educated one in this society. They refused extremist and backward thinking,” he said.
Mar15  Idlib  repression  JabhatAl-Nusra  arrest 
8 weeks ago by elizrael
Syria: Kurdish-led Administration Jails Rivals | Human Rights Watch, Sep 10, 2018
Denied Access to Family, Due Process

Human Rights Watch spoke with two former detainees and the relatives of two others, one of whom is still disappeared, in person in al-Hasakeh governorate and by phone. All said the detainees were denied access to their families and lawyers. Some were never brought before a judge, and others were held for lengthy periods before being brought to court. Those interviewed said they believed that the arrests were based on the individuals’ political affiliation or opinion.
PYD  Mar15  Rojava  human_rights  PrisonerRights  dissident  repression  kidnapping 
8 weeks ago by elizrael
'Islamic State' in south Syria: An inside look at its internal security apparatus :: Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi, Aug 20, 2018
To conclude, I would note that my experiences here should put to rest the idea promulgated by some that Israel supported or tolerated JKBW. On the contrary, JKBW was greatly concerned that Israel was trying to undermine it, and the fact is that Israel did support efforts aimed at countering JKBW, including some support provided for certain rebels to fight JKBW. JKBW survived despite those efforts to undermine it, not because Israel somehow wanted JKBW to persist, but rather because the rebels simply proved to be ineffective and Israel understandably did not want to intervene with ground troops.
Israel  ISIS  Daraa  repression  Mar15  arrest 
8 weeks ago by elizrael
Who needs democracy when you have data? - MIT Technology Review, Aug 2018
But police are increasingly stopping petitioners from ever reaching Beijing. “Now trains require national IDs to purchase tickets, which makes it easy for the authorities to identify potential ‘troublemakers’ such as those who have protested against the government in the past,” says Maya Wang, senior China researcher for Human Rights Watch. “Several petitioners told us they have been stopped at train platforms.” The bloggers, activists, and lawyers are also being systematically silenced or imprisoned, as if data can give the government the same information without any of the fiddly problems of freedom.
surveillance  China  authoritarian_regime  Muslims  repression 
8 weeks ago by elizrael
An update on the Douma Four |, Oct 5, 2018
There are those who still fear Jaysh al-Islam among the recently displaced, who spoke of the cruelty of their criminality and their power to harm. And there are those still afraid of speaking about the Douma Four case, and other cases, or those who could speak if guaranteed protection.

I was able to form a clearer picture of Jaysh al-Islam’s structure, which is made up of security, shari’a, administrative, and financial components. The core nucleus of it is part-religious, part-intelligence agency, in which religion plays the role of a common language and a means of justifying acts ranging from incitement to threats to corruption all the way to torture, rape, and assassination. There are million-dollar commercial projects in Istanbul and other Turkish cities involving Jaysh al-Islam leaders, who are able to move freely between northern Syria and various Turkish cities. Land worth millions has been purchased in parts of northern Syria by this security/religious organization.

The makeup of the organization is profoundly criminal and corrupt. To outward appearances, it looks like a hard-line religious group intervening in the details of people’s daily lives and imposing an austere regime on the community it rules and dominates, especially in Douma. In its highest internal circles, however, it amounts to a degenerate religious gang, debased in its morality, savage in its cruelty, corrupt of conscience, worshipping money and obsessed with sex, its leadership living in luxury and utmost privilege while the people of Douma and Ghouta were starving.

On top of that, the group’s members also connive against one another, most of them distrusting most others, each one holding things against their fellows, including videos, in order to protect themselves.

And it appears that a high proportion of Douma locals chose to remain in the city at the time of the displacement, just to be rid of Jaysh al-Islam, even if it meant living under the regime’s boot.
Damascus  JayshAl-Islam  repression  authoritarian_regime  Mar15 
8 weeks ago by elizrael
Why Ethnic Cleavages Create Barriers to Civil Resistance – Political Violence at a Glance, Oct 29, 2018
One reason this might be the case is that the campaigns mentioned above are, in fact, exceptional. In a recently published article at the Journal of Global Security Studies, I gather data on the ethnic composition of violent and nonviolent campaigns between 1945 and 2006. The contrasts are striking. While nonviolent campaigns are on average more diverse than violent ones in terms of the number of ethnic groups that participate, they primarily draw participants from “privileged” ethnic groups—those that already occupy significant positions of executive power in government. 65 percent of nonviolent campaigns were initiated by members of an ethnic group ranked by the Ethnic Power Relations dataset as having one of the three highest levels of political power, while only 25 percent were initiated by an ethnic group “excluded” from political power.

Violent campaigns look nearly the opposite: only 31 percent were initiated by a privileged group while 52 percent were initiated by excluded groups. The difference is seen not just in the demographic composition of the movements themselves, but also in the political claims they make. Only 20 percent of nonviolent campaigns feature political claims involving ethnic grievances, while 57 percent of violent campaigns do so. I also find that excluded ethnic groups are less than one third as likely to initiate a civil resistance campaign as high-status groups.

Why might this be the case? I argue that the strategic logic of civil resistance (see here, here, and here) presents obstacles for small, marginalized ethnic groups that larger, more privileged groups don’t face. Specifically, ethnic groups that are excluded from power anticipate that they will struggle to generate mass mobilization and to win over defections from the regime and, as a result, are more likely to be repressed with impunity.
civil_war  resistance  protests  poli-sci  repression 
8 weeks ago by elizrael
هجمات أمنية مستمرة في الرقة.. إجراءات "قسد" غير كافية؟ - عنب بلدي - Sep 23, 2018
ويصف الشاب تجربته في العمل مع “قسد” بأنها “صورية وغير ناجحة”، مضيفًا أن “الكثير من العرب الذين كانوا يعملون مع قسد إما استقالوا من وظائفهم أو تسربوا منها، ومن بقي منهم بقي لأجل الراتب فقط”.

ويتابع الشاب، “كثيرون غاضبون من تصرفات قسد، وخاصة من زيادة حملات التفتيش في الشوارع، ومداهمة المنازل وهو أمر مرفوض عرفًا في المنطقة، ويزيد من نقمة المجتمع المحلي”.
SDF  PYD  Mar15  localGovt  repression  protest  FreedomOfMovement  Raqqa  Arabs  discrimination 
november 2018 by elizrael

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