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MiloYiannopoulos  from twitter
7 days ago by kcarruthers
Why UCLA's Bruin Republicans changed their mind about Milo Yiannopoulos. | The Weekly Standard
“When the Bruin Republicans announced their decision to invite Yiannopoulos, and that his talk would be called ‘10 Things I Hate About Mexico,’ I was distraught. Not because Yiannopoulos would be speaking on campus—it’s a free country and he has the right to say what he wants to, where he wants to, no matter how puerile or malicious he is.

“My objection was that I didn’t want my club hosting him.”
UCLA  MiloYiannopoulos  MarielaMuro  via:cbearden 
february 2018 by nfultz
Why UCLA's Bruin Republicans changed their mind about Milo Yiannopoulos. | The Weekly Standard
“When the Bruin Republicans announced their decision to invite Yiannopoulos, and that his talk would be called ‘10 Things I Hate About Mexico,’ I was distraught. Not because Yiannopoulos would be speaking on campus—it’s a free country and he has the right to say what he wants to, where he wants to, no matter how puerile or malicious he is.

“My objection was that I didn’t want my club hosting him.”
UCLA  MiloYiannopoulos  MarielaMuro 
february 2018 by cbearden
Open Letter to the Bruin Republicans who invited Milo Yiannopoulos to UCLA | The Weekly Standard
“There are other reasons not to associate yourselves with Yiannopoulos. Whether or not anyone notices, you want to be on the side of the person getting attacked for being a Jew (such as Ben Shapiro, who you have hosted before), not the person who mocks that Jew by dressing midgets in kippahs (and on a separate occasion debases ‘America the Beautiful’ by singing it to an audience of giggling Nazis as they throw sieg heils).”
UCLA  MiloYiannopoulos  GabrielRossman 
february 2018 by cbearden
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Adelaide  MiloYiannopoulos  from twitter
december 2017 by deejbah
Here's How Breitbart And Milo Smuggled White Nationalism Into The Mainstream
These documents chart the Breitbart alt-right universe. They reveal how the website — and, in particular, Yiannopoulos — links the Mercer family, the billionaires who fund Breitbart, to underpaid trolls who fill it with provocative content, and to extremists striving to create a white ethnostate.

They capture what Bannon calls his “killing machine” in action, as it dredges up the resentments of people around the world, sifts through these grievances for ideas and content, and propels them from the unsavory parts of the internet up to TrumpWorld, collecting advertisers’ checks all along the way.

And the cache of emails — some of the most newsworthy of which BuzzFeed News is now making public — expose the extent to which this machine depended on Yiannopoulos, who channeled voices both inside and outside the establishment into a clear narrative about the threat liberal discourse posed to America. The emails tell the story of Steve Bannon’s grand plan for Yiannopoulos, whom the Breitbart executive chairman transformed from a charismatic young editor into a conservative media star capable of magnetizing a new generation of reactionary anger. Often, the documents reveal, this anger came from a legion of secret sympathizers in Silicon Valley, Hollywood, academia, suburbia, and everywhere in between.
by:JosephBernstein  from:Buzzfeed  Breitbard  Nazi  fascism  MiloYiannopoulos  SteveBannon  DonaldTrump  USElection2016  geo:UnitedStates  politics  race 
october 2017 by owenblacker
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RT : Dallas Bartenders kicked out and Richard Spencer after 15 Neo-Nazis gave salutes, chanted "Trump.…
MiloYiannopoulos  from twitter
october 2017 by kitoconnell
Here's How Breitbart And Milo Smuggled Nazi and White Nationalist Ideas Into The Mainstream
In August, after a white nationalist rally in Charlottesville ended in murder, Steve Bannon insisted that "there's no room in American society" for neo-Nazis, neo-Confederates, and the KKK.

But an explosive cache of documents obtained by BuzzFeed News proves that there was plenty of room for those voices on his website.

During the 2016 presidential campaign, under Bannon’s leadership, Breitbart courted the alt-right — the insurgent, racist right-wing movement that helped sweep Donald Trump to power. The former White House chief strategist famously remarked that he wanted Breitbart to be “the platform for the alt-right.”

The Breitbart employee closest to the alt-right was Milo Yiannopoulos, the site’s former tech editor known best for his outrageous public provocations, such as last year’s Dangerous Faggot speaking tour and September’s canceled Free Speech Week in Berkeley. For more than a year, Yiannopoulos led the site in a coy dance around the movement’s nastier edges, writing stories that minimized the role of neo-Nazis and white nationalists while giving its politer voices “a fair hearing.” In March, Breitbart editor Alex Marlow insisted “we’re not a hate site.” Breitbart’s media relations staff repeatedly threatened to sue outlets that described Yiannopoulos as racist. And after the violent white supremacist protest in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August, Breitbart published an article explaining that when Bannon said the site welcomed the alt-right, he was merely referring to “computer gamers and blue-collar voters who hated the GOP brand.”

These new emails and documents, however, clearly show that Breitbart does more than tolerate the most hate-filled, racist voices of the alt-right. It thrives on them, fueling and being fueled by some of the most toxic beliefs on the political spectrum — and clearing the way for them to enter the American mainstream.

It’s a relationship illustrated most starkly by a previously unreleased April 2016 video in which Yiannopoulos sings “America the Beautiful” in a Dallas karaoke bar as admirers, including the white nationalist Richard Spencer, raise their arms in Nazi salutes.

These documents chart the Breitbart alt-right universe. They reveal how the website — and, in particular, Yiannopoulos — links the Mercer family, the billionaires who fund Breitbart, to underpaid trolls who fill it with provocative content, and to extremists striving to create a white ethnostate.

They capture what Bannon calls his “killing machine” in action, as it dredges up the resentments of people around the world, sifts through these grievances for ideas and content, and propels them from the unsavory parts of the internet up to TrumpWorld, collecting advertisers’ checks all along the way.

And the cache of emails — some of the most newsworthy of which BuzzFeed News is now making public — expose the extent to which this machine depended on Yiannopoulos, who channeled voices both inside and outside the establishment into a clear narrative about the threat liberal discourse posed to America. The emails tell the story of Steve Bannon’s grand plan for Yiannopoulos, whom the Breitbart executive chairman transformed from a charismatic young editor into a conservative media star capable of magnetizing a new generation of reactionary anger. Often, the documents reveal, this anger came from a legion of secret sympathizers in Silicon Valley, Hollywood, academia, suburbia, and everywhere in between.

"I have said in the past that I find humor in breaking taboos and laughing at things that people tell me are forbidden to joke about," Yiannopoulos wrote in a statement to BuzzFeed News. "But everyone who knows me also knows I'm not a racist. As someone of Jewish ancestry, I of course condemn racism in the strongest possible terms. I have stopped making jokes on these matters because I do not want any confusion on this subject. I disavow Richard Spencer and his entire sorry band of idiots. I have been and am a steadfast supporter of Jews and Israel. I disavow white nationalism and I disavow racism and I always have.”

He added that during his karaoke performance, his "severe myopia" made it impossible for him to see the Hitler salutes a few feet away.

Steve Bannon, the other Breitbart employees named in the story, and the Mercer family did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Like all the new media success stories, Breitbart’s alt-right platform depends on the participation of its audience. It combusts the often secret fury of those who reject liberal norms into news, and it doesn’t burn clean.

Now Bannon is back at the controls of the machine, which he has said he is “revving up.” The Mercers have funded Yiannopoulos's post-Breitbart venture. And these documents present the clearest look at what these people may have in store for America.


A year and a half ago, Milo Yiannopoulos set himself a difficult task: to define the alt-right. It was five months before Hillary Clinton named the alt-right in a campaign speech, 10 months before the alt-right’s great hope became president, and 17 months before Charlottesville clinched the alt-right as a stalking horse for violent white nationalism. The movement had just begun its explosive emergence into the country’s politics and culture.

At the time, Yiannopoulos, who would later describe himself as a “fellow traveler” of the alt-right, was the tech editor of Breitbart. In summer 2015, after spending a year gathering momentum through GamerGate — the opening salvo of the new culture wars — he convinced Breitbart upper management to give him his own section. And for four months, he helped Bannon wage what the Breitbart boss called in emails to staff “#war.” It was a war, fought story by story, against the perceived forces of liberal activism on every conceivable battleground in American life.

Yiannopoulos was a useful soldier whose very public identity as a gay man (one who has now married a black man) helped defend him, his anti-political correctness crusade, and his employer from charges of bigotry.

But now Yiannopoulos had a more complicated fight on his hands. The left — and worse, some on the right — had started to condemn the new conservative energy as reactionary and racist. Yiannopoulos had to take back “alt-right,” to redefine for Breitbart’s audience a poorly understood, leaderless movement, parts of which had already started to resist the term itself.

So he reached out to key constituents, who included a neo-Nazi and a white nationalist.

“Finally doing my big feature on the alt right,” Yiannopoulos wrote in a March 9, 2016, email to Andrew “Weev” Auernheimer, a hacker who is the system administrator of the neo-Nazi hub the Daily Stormer, and who would later ask his followers to disrupt the funeral of Charlottesville victim Heather Heyer. “Fancy braindumping some thoughts for me.”

“It’s time for me to do my big definitive guide to the alt right,” Yiannopoulos wrote four hours later to Curtis Yarvin, a software engineer who under the nom de plume Mencius Moldbug helped create the “neoreactionary” movement, which holds that Enlightenment democracy has failed and that a return to feudalism and authoritarian rule is in order. “Which is my whorish way of asking if you have anything you’d like to make sure I include.”

“Alt r feature, figured you’d have some thoughts,” Yiannopoulos wrote the same day to Devin Saucier, who helps edit the online white nationalist magazine American Renaissance under the pseudonym Henry Wolff, and who wrote a story in June 2017 called “Why I Am (Among Other Things) a White Nationalist.”

The three responded at length: Weev about the Daily Stormer and a podcast called The Daily Shoah, Yarvin in characteristically sweeping world-historical assertions (“It’s no secret that North America contains many distinct cultural/ethnic communities. This is not optimal, but with a competent king it’s not a huge problem either”), and Saucier with a list of thinkers, politicians, journalists, films (Dune, Mad Max, The Dark Knight), and musical genres (folk metal, martial industrial, ’80s synthpop) important to the movement. Yiannopoulos forwarded it all, along with the Wikipedia entries for “Alternative Right” and the esoteric far-right Italian philosopher Julius Evola — a major influence on 20th-century Italian fascists and Richard Spencer alike — to Allum Bokhari, his deputy and frequent ghostwriter, whom he had met during GamerGate. “Include a bit of everything,” he instructed Bokhari.

“Bannon, as you probably know, is sympathetic to much of it.”
“I think you’ll like what I’m cooking up,” Yiannopoulos wrote to Saucier, the American Renaissance editor.

“I look forward to it,” Saucier replied. “Bannon, as you probably know, is sympathetic to much of it.”

Five days later Bokhari returned a 3,000-word draft, a taxonomy of the movement titled “ALT-RIGHT BEHEMOTH.” It included a little bit of everything: the brains and their influences (Yarvin and Evola, etc.), the “natural conservatives” (people who think different ethnic groups should stay separate for scientific reasons), the “Meme team” (4chan and 8chan), and the actual hatemongers. Of the last group, Bokhari wrote: “There’s just not very many of them, no-one really likes them, and they’re unlikely to achieve anything significant in the alt-right.”

“Magnificent start,” Yiannopoulos responded.


Alamy; Getty Images (2); Gage Skidmore, Cardsplayer4life, Weev, BIM, Tracy White / Wikimedia; YouTube (2)
Over the next three days, Yiannopoulos passed the article back to Yarvin and the white nationalist Saucier, the latter of whom gave line-by-line annotations. He also sent it to Vox Day, a writer who was expelled from the board of the Science Fiction and Fantasy Writers of America for calling a black writer an “ignorant savage… [more]
MiloYiannopoulos  AltRight  Nazis  Breitbart  db  Media  Right 
october 2017 by walt74
Here's How Breitbart And Milo Smuggled White Nationalism Into The Mainstream
In an April 6 email, Allum Bokhari mentioned having had access to an account of Yiannopoulos’s with “a password that began with the word Kristall.” Kristallnacht, an infamous 1938 riot against German Jews carried out by the SA — the paramilitary organization that helped Hitler rise to power — is sometimes considered the beginning of the Holocaust. In a June 2016 email to an assistant, Yiannopoulos shared the password to his email, which began “LongKnives1290.” The Night of the Long Knives was the Nazi purge of the leadership of the SA. The purge famously included Ernst Röhm, the SA’s gay leader. 1290 is the year King Edward I expelled the Jews from England.
MiloYiannopoulos  nazis  whiteSupremacy  gamergate  SteveBannon  racism 
october 2017 by campylobacter
Milo, Ann Coulter, and "Free Speech Week" Add Up to the Right's Best Troll Yet
Opposing groups have duked it out over symbolic locations before. But typically when the combatants are extremist—as white nationalists and some antifascists are—those conflicts stay underground. White supremacists, for example, have been instigating fights at progressive punk and metal venues for decades. “Demonstrating strength and your ability to take over a space has been part of their recruitment strategy,” says Stanislas Vysotsky, a sociologist and criminologist at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater who studies antifascism. “But now that people are emboldened, it's happening aboveground.”

The first ripple of that tactical shift was the rise of Yiannopoulos-style extreme trolling. It's on the internet—and Twitter especially—that digitally savvy far right and its trolling icons figured out how to weaponize the First Amendment. Remember when Yiannopoulos got kicked off Twitter for inciting his followers to harass actress Leslie Jones? By shrugging off the harassment as something beyond his control, and making inflammatory statements like "Twitter just declared war on free speech," Yiannopoulos drafted the blueprint for trolls to come. Consider it the IRL corollary to Poe's Law: Yiannopoulos maintains that it's not his fault if people take him at his (deliberately provocative, hateful, and often violent) word, and it’s completely within their rights to say, well, anything.

And it works. That strategy has allowed the far-right to wield Berkeley's history of progressive activism against it. "They’re choosing the background that will get them the maximum amount of coverage," says Whitney Phillips, author of This Is Why We Can’t Have Nice Things: Mapping the Relationship Between Online Trolling and Internet Culture. "The university is getting tricked into sounding like they're not in favor of free expression." Every time Berkeley turns away a right-wing speaker out of concern for student safety or to avoid a riot, it reinforces the idea that the supposedly tolerant left are the real pro-censorship bullies here. That’s a PR masterstroke.


Before this, far-right trolling had two endgames: to raise visibility of trolls and their ideas, and to create chaos and confusion amongst the opposition. Yiannopoulos and Ann Coulter have added a third—the money guzzling fake out. They (poorly, vaguely) plan an inflammatory talk at Berkeley on social media, and then either don't show up (like Coulter) or say so little that preparations still feel like a waste (like Milo). And even if it wasn't intentional this time, it sure will be now.

They've already come up with a their boilerplate justification. "Security costs are high because the modern left is feral," says Mike Cernovich, a self-described "national security reporter" who spoke at the Free Speech Week press conference along with Yiannopoulos. "Refusing to speak would be to surrender to terrorists, which would be the most expensive bargain of all." Yiannopoulos posted a similar statement on his Facebook page, again blaming the "violent left."

That's deflection—and doubles down on the false equivalence between antifa and white nationalists—but it does highlight the legal bind they've trussed Berkeley into. State universities are required not to cancel speaking events unless there is a clear and present danger. That's why Yiannopoulos' first talk, back in February, only got canceled when people started setting things on fire. Local governments, being state-run institutions, also cannot levy high fees on private groups. UC Berkeley, then, bears the brunt of the cost of protecting its speakers and students, while the student group inviting provocateurs onto campus holds no financial obligation.

The amendment they're fighting over doesn't help much either. The First Amendment protects even hate speech, and is pretty laissez-faire when it comes to provocation. "Would you hold the speaker who provoked the violence liable?" says Leslie Kendrick, a constitutional lawyer at the University of Virginia. "The First Amendment's response is, 'Hardly ever.'" You can't claim censorship if your speech incites an imminent threat of violence, but that's got the same amount of wiggle room as that clear and present danger rule. (Which is to say, it's got lots.) If you dig back through the legal archives, you'll find cases that stipulate "fighting words"—statements objectively likely to start a ruckus—as unprotected speech, but Kendrick says that standard hasn't been applied by the Supreme Court in decades. And this new ploy insulates the far right from even that vague threat of regulation: nobody can legally argue that posing for photos and singing the Star Spangled Banner is a clear incitement.

So these one-time internet trolls can say—or not say, or sing—whatever they want, while forcing their political enemies to pay for it. Berkeley's already paid at least $1.4 million protecting provocateurs since February. The UC system at large has pledged to help, but the university was already running at a budget deficit and has already suggested it might have to cap its speaker budget if this trend continues.
And why wouldn't it? The far right's icons have already won the PR war, whether they are allowed to speak or not. Trolls haven’t just moved off Twitter and into the real world—they're headed straight for the bank.
Trolls  AltRight  MiloYiannopoulos  MikeCernovich  Berkeley  Protest 
october 2017 by nerdcore
Vice News: Milo Yiannopoulos Is Returning to Relevance (HBO)
In February, Milo Yiannopolous was invited to speak at the university’s campus - but never did - after a seething mob of opponents, hurling rocks and Molotov cocktails forced the university to cancel the event. But it’s the exact reaction right-wing provocateurs thrive on -- and now Milo is seizing the moment to return to relevance.
MiloYiannopoulos  dv 
august 2017 by walt74
MILO Meets James Damore, Author of the Google Memo
Google is known to hire the best and brightest in the world, but what happens when political correctness meets science? James Damore made history when he was fired from the tech giant after his memo on gender and STEM jobs was released to the public. The media attacked him as a sexist but MILO gets an in-depth interview with the man behind the memo and the science of the sexes.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H2J5E8sSdsI
MiloYiannopoulos  Googlememo  dv 
august 2017 by walt74

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