male-variability   17

Young Men Are Playing Video Games Instead of Getting Jobs. That's OK. (For Now.) -
This is like a reversal of the industrious revolution studied in my JEBO paper: new consumption technologies are money cheap but time pricey
participation has changed along an understudied margin of labor supply. I find that “in-and-outs”—men who temporarily leave the labor force—represent a growing fraction of prime age men across multiple data sources and are responsible for roughly one third of the decline in the participation rate since 1977. In-and-outs take short, infrequent breaks out of the labor force in between jobs, but they are otherwise continuously attached to the labor force. Leading explanations for the growing share of permanent labor force dropouts, such as disability, do not apply to in-and-outs. Instead, reduced-form evidence and a structural model of household labor supply both indicate that the rise of in-and-outs reflects a shift in labor supply, largely due to the increasing earnings of men’s partners and the growth of men living with their parents.

Pointer from Tyler Cowen. My thoughts:

1. When we think of labor force participation declining, we think of, say, John Smith, deciding to never work again. What this paper is saying is that the statistics reflect something different. One month Smith takes a break, then next month he gets a job and Tom Jones takes a break.

2. I think we have always had a large number of workers who are not fully employed year round. That is, there have always been a lot of workers who take breaks between jobs. This is common in construction work, for example.

3. I don’t know if this matters for the phenomenon at hand, but we used to have inventory recessions. In those cases, workers would be out of a job for a while, but they would still be in the labor force, because they were waiting to be recalled by the firm that had laid them off.

4. It seems to me that this is an important paper. Re-read the last sentence in the quoted excerpt.

Job outlook growing worse for young American men:
As one might imagine, the absence of a job, quality education, or spouse has not bred otherwise productive citizens. Multiple studies have found that young men have replaced what would otherwise be working hours with leisure time at a near 1-1 ratio. Erik Hurst, an economist at the University of Chicago, found that young men spent a startling 75 percent of this leisure time playing video games, with many spending more than 30 hours a week gaming and over 5 million Americans spending more than 45 hours per week.

Higher suicide rates, violent crime, and drug addiction among young men have followed. Suicide rates in the United States are at a 30-year high, with men more than three and a half times more likely to take their own lives than women. Around the United States, violent crimes, homicide in particular, has increased in two-thirds of American cities, with overwhelming young male perpetrators driving the increase. A 2015 Brookings Institute study estimated that nearly half of working-age American men who are out of the labor force are using painkillers, daily.

These problems have been “invisible” for too long.

As video games get better, young men work less and play more:

Why Are Prime-Age Men Vanishing from the Labor Force?:

Prime-Age Men May Never Return to U.S. Workforce, Fed Paper Says:
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june 2017 by nhaliday
Male Bias in Distributions of Additive Genetic, Residual, and Phenotypic Variances of Shared Traits
To explore the correlation between additive genetic variance dimorphism and phenotypic dimorphism, we conducted a literature search. We targeted traits expressed in both sexes and excluded sex-limited traits. The mean difference between the sexes in additive genetic variance was not significantly different from 0. However, the distribution of the sexual difference in additive genetic variance had a significant male-biased skew. This pattern persists even after removing traits explicitly related to reproduction. Furthermore, male traits had more residual and phenotypic variance than homologous female traits (as measured by both the mean and the skew), and this difference was not necessarily due to the difference between sexual traits and nonsexual traits. We found _no evidence that sex chromosome system could explain sex differences in additive genetic, nonadditive genetic, or phenotypic variances_.
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december 2016 by nhaliday
Debunking Myths about Gender and Mathematics Performance
some discussion:
should read this at some point, quite a bit of country-country variation
Greg, could you say something about this paper?


As far as this question goes, I’m from Missouri.
rec-math  education  gender  math  regularizer  oly  study  analysis  critique  male-variability  multi  biodet  pro-rata  gender-diff  poast  west-hunter  scitariat  aphorism  moments  iq  psychometrics 
november 2016 by nhaliday
Y-chromosome crash | West Hunter
there probably wasn't vast reproductive inequality ("17 to 1! woah") in the Bronze Age, and there wouldn't have to be to explain observed genetic patterns

comment on TFR gradients in Malthusian conditions:
“By contrast, the average number of surviving children for the majority of men was probably somewhere between zero and one – despite that they were having sex and babies.”

Fuck me, that’s obviously ridiculous. In real life, take a peasant village in England: if your model were correct, you’d have surname turnover every couple of generations. But that didn’t happen.

Here’s a model that’s at least in the ballpark: there was some class differential in fitness. The poorest, landless laborers, had a TFR below replacement, but not by a tremendous amount: 1.6? Most peasants were close to break-even, upper farmers did better than break-even, Other groups were mostly too small in number or too urban (population sinks) to matter. Overall TFR was of course break-even over the moderately long haul, in a sloppy way, with occasional epidemics and crop failures.
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november 2016 by nhaliday
PLOS Genetics: Natural Selection Reduced Diversity on Human Y Chromosomes
The human Y chromosome exhibits surprisingly low levels of genetic diversity. This could result from neutral processes if the effective population size of males is reduced relative to females due to a higher variance in the number of offspring from males than from females. Alternatively, selection acting on new mutations, and affecting linked neutral sites, could reduce variability on the Y chromosome. Here, using genome-wide analyses of X, Y, autosomal and mitochondrial DNA, in combination with extensive population genetic simulations, we show that low observed Y chromosome variability is not consistent with a purely neutral model.
study  gender  genetics  sapiens  pop-structure  male-variability  genomics 
october 2016 by nhaliday

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