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Why Your iPhone Selfies Don't Look Like Your Face - The Atlantic
The global economy is wired up to your face. And it is willing to move heaven and Earth to let you see what you want to see.
iphone  photography  surveillance  technology  beauty  identity  app  apple  google  mobile 
14 hours ago by allaboutgeorge
SOVEREIGNTY IN THE NETWORKED WORLD
By Michael R. Nelson

Director, Technology Policy, Office of Plans and Policy, Federal Communications Commission
sovereign  identity 
17 hours ago by zryb
Visa Free Travel - Henley & Partners
The Henley Passport Index is a ranking of all the passports of the world according to the number of countries their holders can travel to visa-free.
sovereign  identity 
17 hours ago by zryb
Between Obama and Coates
At its core, post-racialism is a reactionary fantasy. Obama’s version of it presumed that since the victories of the modern Civil Rights Movement had swept aside the formal racial impediments to black equality, lingering inequality had less to do with extant prejudice than slow economic growth, racism’s historic legacy, and the cultural deficiencies of poor African Americans themselves. Despite rhetorical nods at deindustrialization, however, President Obama — like Presidents Johnson, Carter, and Clinton before him — was little concerned with the effects of structural economic inequality. Thus, rather than demonstrating liberals’ historic failure to appreciate the distinctiveness of black poverty, as Coates claims, post-racialism is in step with postwar liberalism’s tendency to treat racial inequities as if they exist in a world apart from the economic processes that generate them. Coates’s conceptualization of racism as the engine of history not only blinds him to this fact, but his commitment to racial ontology is every bit as conservative and counterproductive as the post-racialism he despises.

Whether the culprit is African Americans’ cultural pathologies or whites’ ingrained contempt for blacks, each of these frameworks divorces what we tend to think of as racial inequality from the political economy. Both Obama and Coates abstract African American poverty from the economic and social policies that have, indeed, impacted blacks disproportionately — including the decline of the trade union movement and the retrenchment of the public sector — even if their impetuses often have little or nothing to do with race. Rather than providing policy prescriptions that might redress the material sources of racial disparities, then, the race reductionism that informed Obama’s post-racialism and informs Coates’s reparations agenda aids and abets a liberal politics that has been complicit in decades-long wage stagnation and the widening material gulf that separates the nation’s haves from its have-nots, whatever their race.

But if Coates merits recognition for introducing the ill effects of specific policies to a popular audience, his insistence that race is a force that operates independently from political economy leads him to the erroneous conclusion that modern liberalism’s failures are owed to a refusal to acknowledge that racism is a distinct evil that warrants its own solutions. Contrary to Coates’s characterization of US history, postwar liberalism was actually typified by a tendency to divorce race from class. Coates’s fundamental claim is, therefore, incorrect.

Though Coates claims that A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin — the organizers of the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom — gave up their demands for race-specific remedies to black poverty when confronted with the Johnson administration’s preference for class-oriented anti-poverty measures, Coates’s characterization actually misrepresents both sides. 11 Simply put, the black organizers of 1963 rally identified social-democratic policies as essential to redressing racial disparities in employment, income, housing, and wealth, while the liberal white president opted for prescriptions that presumed the distinctiveness of black poverty and ignored the structural transformation of the economy. Indeed, even as Randolph declared his support for a fair employment practices act at the March on Washington, he stated plainly that antidiscrimination alone would do African Americans little good in the face of “profit-geared automation” that was destroying “the jobs of millions of workers black and white.” Randolph and Rustin thus identified public works, full-employment policies, and a minimum-wage hike as essential to closing the racial economic gap.

The Johnson administration’s decision to divorce black poverty from political economy — its failure to consider the effects of automation, deindustrialization, and the decline in the number of low-skilled unionized jobs on blacks — ensured that most African Americans would not benefit fully from the legislative victories of the Civil Rights Movement. Indeed, if one considers the Great Society’s failure to eliminate “Negro poverty” in the context of the US economy’s postindustrial footing, then the inadequacies of the Johnson administration’s analysis are as transparent as Randolph and Rustin’s prescience.
racism  race  neoliberalism  race_reductionism  class  identity 
yesterday by jstenner
An Official Welcome - The New York Times [California Today]
"I’m a California native — born at U.C.L.A. Medical Center. But when I was 2, my dad got a good job in Kansas City, so my parents packed up and left the place where they grew up for the Midwest.

Now, I understand it for the smart career move that it was. For the 10 years we lived outside the Golden State, though, I only ever wanted to go back.

Whenever we’d fly into LAX to visit my grandparents and my cousins, it felt like coming home for reasons I couldn’t really articulate.

Part of it was that in Kansas, I never quite forgot that I looked different from my tawny-headed classmates, who sometimes asked if I was Chinese. That was hurtful only because it underscored that I’d never be like them at an age when I just wanted to fit in.

My mom is Japanese-American and my dad is of Russian Jewish descent. And in California, I felt like I could be just another face in the crowd — whether we were at an udon restaurant with my mom’s parents in Gardena or the West Hollywood comedy club where my paternal grandmother worked.

I share this because it captures the peculiar magic of California for me.

[image: "Out on one of my favorite assignments: Squid fishing off the Orange County coast in 2013. [photo by] Don Leach"]

We eventually moved back, to the Mission Viejo area. Then I went to college at U.C. Berkeley and worked in Bakersfield, Orange County and Los Angeles as a reporter. During that time, I learned California is a place that’s impossible to explain, to encapsulate in any one way.

But it’s a place where almost anyone can feel at home.

And that’s what I want California Today to help you feel. I want you to look forward to opening the newsletter every morning, knowing that you’ll start the day understanding your state a little better, even if it’s boundless.

To achieve this, we’ll be rethinking the newsletter from greeting to kicker. You’ll notice us trying different formats and features."
california  multiculturalism  identity  kansas  orangecounty  californiatoday  2018  jillcowan  missionviejo  experience  home  place  ethnicity  inclusivity  acceptance 
yesterday by robertogreco
[pdf] ELROI: A License Plate For Your Satellite, Feb 2018, arXiv
Palmer & Holmes
Abstract
Space object identification is vital for operating spacecraft, space traffic control, and space situational awareness, but initial determination, maintenance, and recovery of identity are all difficult, expensive, and error-prone, especially for small objects like CubeSats. Attaching a beacon or license plate with a unique identification number to a space object before launch would greatly simplify the task, but radio beacons are power-hungry and can cause interference. This paper describes a new concept for a satellite license plate, the Extremely Low Resource Optical Identifier or ELROI. ELROI is a milliwatt-scale self-powered autonomous optical beacon that can be attached to any space object to transmit a persistent identification signal to ground stations. A system appropriate for a LEO CubeSat or other small space object can fit in a package with the area of a postage stamp and a few millimeters thick, and requires no power, data, or control from the host object. The concept has been validated with ground tests, and the first flight test unit is scheduled for launch in 2018. The unique identification number of a LEO satellite can be determined unambiguously in a single orbital pass over a low-cost ground station.
satellite  identity  tracking  arXiv 
yesterday by pierredv
Advertising ID Consortium
The Advertising ID Consortium provides an open identity solution that
provides privacy-conscious, people-based interoperability for the
advertising ecosystem.
mediashift  universal  id  identifier  identity  guid 
2 days ago by kpieper876
Consumerism - YouTube
self-interested individual
selfish economic interest - Adam Smith
Consumerism  Consumer  hyper  individualism  identity  Adam  Smith  Capitalism  self-exploitation  economic  history 
3 days ago by asterisk2a

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