governing_class   16

Blaydes
We document a divergence in the duration of rule for monarchs in Western Europe and the Islamic world beginning in the medieval period. While leadership tenures in the two regions were similar in the 8th century, Christian kings became increasingly long lived compared to Muslim sultans. We argue that forms of executive constraint that emerged under feudal institutions in Western Europe were associated with increased political stability and find empirical support for this argument. While feudal institutions served as the basis for military recruitment by European monarchs, Muslim sultans relied on mamlukism—or the use of military slaves imported from non-Muslim lands. Dependence on mamluk armies limited the bargaining strength of local notables vis-à-vis the sultan, hindering the development of a productively adversarial relationship between ruler and local elites. We argue that Muslim societies' reliance on mamluks, rather than local elites, as the basis for military leadership, may explain why the Glorious Revolution occurred in England, not Egypt. - downloaded via iphone to dbox
governance-participation  Sultans  Islamic_empires  Europe  military_history  medieval_history  political_participation  article  political_history  political_culture  feudalism  militarization-society  Mamluks  bibliography  Europe-Medieval  monarchy  Great_Divergence  governing_class  government-forms  elites-political_influence  downloaded  state-building  jstor 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
Karaman
Theoretical work on taxation and state-building borrows heavily from early modern European experience. While a number of European states increased centralized tax revenues during this period, for others revenues stagnated or even declined and these variations have motivated alternative arguments for the determinants of fiscal and state capacity. This study reviews the arguments concerning the three determinants that have received most attention, namely warfare, economic structure, and political regime, and tests them by making use of a new and comprehensive tax revenue dataset. Our main finding is that these three determinants worked in interaction with each other. Specifically, when under pressure of war, it was representative regimes in more urbanized-commercial economies and authoritarian regimes in more rural-agrarian economies that tended to better aggregate domestic interests towards state-building. - Downloaded via iphone
tax_collection  taxes  state-building  nation-state  urban_politics  competition-interstate  political_culture  political_participation  agriculture-surplus  Absolutism  government_finance  fiscal-military_state  agriculture  Europe-Early_Modern  economic_history  article  bibliography  political_sociology  central_government  19thC  financial_instiutions  downloaded  18thC  15thC  urban_elites  military_history  political_economy  17thC  governing_class  constitutional_regime  local_government  fiscal_policy  16thC  government-forms  jstor  Crown_finance  financial_system 
july 2017 by dunnettreader
RB Outhwaite - The Rise and Fall of the English Ecclesiastical Courts, 1500–1860 (2007) | Cambridge University Press
The first history of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in England that covers the period up to the removal of principal subjects inherited from the Middle Ages. Probate, marriage and divorce, tithes, defamation, and disciplinary prosecutions involving the laity are all covered. All disappeared from the church's courts during the mid-nineteenth century, and were taken over by the royal courts. The book traces the steps and reasons - large and small - by which this occurred.
Downloaded 1st 10 pgs Ch 1 via Air
1. The ecclesiastical courts: structures and procedures
2. The business of the courts, 1500–1640
3. Tithe causes
4. Wills and testamentary causes
5. Defamation
6. Matrimonial litigation and marriage licenses
7. Office causes
8. The roots of expansion and critical voices
9. Charting decline, 1640–1830
10. Explaining decline
11. The Bills of 1733–1734
12. Snips and repairs: small steps to reform, 1753–1813
13. Royal commissions and early fruits, 1815–1832
14. Reform frustrated
15. Reforms thick and fast, 1854–1860.
books  downloaded  legal_history  church_history  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  British_history  Church_of_England  legal_system  church_courts  religion-established  family  marriage  jurisprudence  jurisdiction  inheritance  property  trusts  dispute_resolution  reform-social  reform-legal  morality-Christian  local_government  local_politics  discipline  punishment  authority  hierarchy  governing_class  governance-church  ecclesiology 
september 2016 by dunnettreader
Jack A. Goldstone - More Social Movements or Fewer? Beyond Political Opportunity Structures to Relational Fields | JSTOR: Theory and Society, Vol. 33, No. 3/4, (Jun. - Aug., 2004), pp. 333-365
Theory and Society - Special Issue: Current Routes to the Study of Contentious Politics and Social Change -- If social movements are an attempt by "outsiders" to gain leverage within politics, then one might expect the global spread of democracy to reduce social movement activity. This article argues the reverse. Granted, many past social movements, such as women's rights and civil rights, were efforts to empower the disenfranchised. However, this is not typical. Rather, social movements and protest tactics are more often part of a portfolio of efforts by politically active leaders and groups to influence politics. Indeed, as representative governance spreads, with the conviction by all parties that governments should respond to popular choice, then social movements and protest will also spread, as a normal element of democratic politics. Social movements should therefore not be seen as simply a matter of repressed forces fighting states; instead they need to be situated in a dynamic relational field in which the ongoing actions and interests of state actors, allied and counter-movement groups, and the public at large all influence social movement emergence, activity, and outcomes. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  social_theory  political_sociology  contention  social_movements  change-social  power  power-asymmetric  democracy  political_participation  government-forms  governing_class  elites  grassroots  representative_institutions  reform-political  reform-social  reform-economic  franchise  accountability  interest_groups  voice  civil_liberties  women-rights  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
october 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Citizenship and Dignity (2012) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 12-74 -- Theories of dignity have to navigate between two conceptions: the egalitarian idea of human dignity and the old idea of dignitas, connected with hierarchy, rank, and office. One possible way of bridging the gap between the two is to talk of the dignity of the citizen. In modern republics and democracies, the dignity of the citizen extends to a large sector of the population and connotes something about the general quality of the relation between the government and the governed. This chapter first explores Immanuel Kant’s account of the dignity of the citizen, and then it pursues the implications of the dignity of the citizen for modern society and modern theories of human dignity. Though the dignity of the citizen and human dignity are not the same concept, they are congruent in many respects and the former casts considerable light on the latter — in particular on the connection between dignity and responsibility and dignity and transparency in social and political relations. -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 25 -- Keywords: citizenship, contractarianism, dignity, human dignity, Kant, responsibilities, transparency -- downloaded pdf to Note
paper  SSRN  intellectual_history  18thC  Enlightenment  modernity  moral_philosophy  philosophy_of_law  social_theory  democracy  republicanism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  citizenship  citizens  dignity  Kant  Kant-politics  Kant-ethics  egalitarian  rank  social_order  social_contract  responsibility  office  commonwealth  common_good  fiduciaries  accountability  governing_class  transparency  inequality  political_participation  political_nation  political_economy  political_culture  governmentality  power-asymmetric  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Jeremy Waldron - Accountability: Fundamental to Democracy (2014, updated March 2015) :: SSRN
NYU School of Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 14-13 -- This paper defends a new and aggressive version of the agency model of accountability. It argues that officials and representatives in a democracy have an obligation to make available to citizens full information about what they have been doing. It is not permissible for them to sit back and see if the citizens can find out for themselves what they have been doing, any more than such a posture would be admissible in a commercial agent such as a realtor or an accountant. The paper also does several other things: (1) it develops a contrast between agent-accountability and forensic-accountability; (2) it distinguishes between political uses of "agency" and political uses of "trust" in political theory; (3) it develops a layered account of the principals in the democratic relation of agent-accountability, rejecting the reidentification of "the people"; (4) it develops an account of the relation between accountability and elections, emphasizing that elections play an important role in the fair settlement among principals as to how they should deal with their agents; (5) it shows that Burkeian representation is not incompatible with agent-accountability; and (6) it uses the notion of agent-accountability to illuminate the distinction between non-democratic and democratic republics. -- Number of Pages in PDF File: 32 -- Keywords: accountability, agency, Burke, democracy, elections, representation, republic, transparency, trust
paper  SSRN  political_philosophy  philosophy_of_law  legal_system  constitutionalism  democracy  accountability  transparency  agents  representative_institutions  common_good  national_interest  elections  fiduciaries  trust  trusts  government-forms  governing_class  government_officials  office  Burke  downloaded  EF-add 
july 2014 by dunnettreader
Simon Targett - Government and Ideology during the Age of Whig Supremacy: The Political Argument of Sir Robert Walpole's Newspaper Propagandists | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 37, No. 2 (Jun., 1994), pp. 289-317
Contrary to received historical wisdom, Sir Robert Walpole, the pragmatist par excellence, was diverted by political ideas. Thus he invested time and an unprecedented amount of money in political newspapers. This article investigates the primary pro-government newspapers and, as well as identifying the leading circle of political writers sponsored by Walpole, addresses the varied and complex arguments that appeared in their `leading essay' each week for twenty years. After identifying some common but misleading historical representations of Walpolean political thought, the article examines the treatment of three broad philosophical questions - human nature, the origin, nature and extent of government, and political morality - so demonstrating that Walpole's spokesmen were not narrowly pragmatic. Subsequently, the article focuses upon the careful pro-government response to the common charges that Walpole corrupted the political system and betrayed traditional whig values. In doing so, the article highlights the skills of some underrated eighteenth-century political writers and, more importantly, emphasizes the union of government and ideology in Walpolean political thinking. -- very useful references -- Downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  18thC  1720s  1730s  1740s  British_history  British_politics  political_philosophy  moral_philosophy  human_nature  mixed_government  English_constitution  Parliament  Parliamentary_supremacy  partisanship  elections  franchise  political_culture  corruption  government_officials  governing_class  political_economy  political_press  Walpole  Hervey  Whigs-oligarchy  Whigs-opposition  Tories  Craftsman  Bolingbroke  bibliography  downloaded  EF-add 
june 2014 by dunnettreader
A bygone age … The unraveling … Faith in institutions by Nicholas Lemann | The Washington Monthly
First, we had too much faith in the ability of people like us, smart and well-intentioned upper-middle-class (defined by family background, not by what the Monthly paid) Washington liberals, to determine what was and wasn’t a genuine social need. Our scorn for interest group liberalism led us to undervalue the process of people organizing themselves and pushing the political system to give them what they wanted from it. Second, we failed to anticipate the way that eliminating all those structures that struck us as outdated—the government bureaucracies, the seniority system in Congress, the old-line interest groups—would almost inevitably wind up working to the advantage of elites more than of the ordinary people on whose behalf we imagined ourselves to be advocating. The frictionless, disintermediated, networked world in which we live today is great for people with money and high-demand skills, not so great for everybody else. It’s a cruel irony of the Monthly’s history that our preferred label for ourselves, neoliberal, has come to denote political regimes maximally friendly to the financial markets. I’ve come to see the merits of the liberal structures I scorned in my younger days.
US_history  20thC  intellectual_history  US_politics  liberalism  neoliberalism  democracy  governing_class  Congress  elections  trust  right-wing  interest_groups  bureaucracy  campaign_finance  elites  plutocracy 
april 2014 by dunnettreader
Daniel I. O'Neill - Burke on Democracy as the Death of Western Civilization | JSTOR: Polity, Vol. 36, No. 2 (Jan., 2004), pp. 201-225
This essay concerns Edmund Burke's view of the civilizing process. It begins by developing Burke's revision of Scottish Enlightenment historiography from the perspective of his own earlier treatise on aesthetics. Here, the argument is that Burke saw Western civilization as guaranteed by two institutions, the "sublime" church and the "beautiful" nobility, that jointly produced the requisite level of "habitual social discipline" in the masses necessary for the "natural aristocracy" to govern. The article's central argument is that Burke saw the Revolutionaries' destruction of these two institutions, and especially their subsequent attempt to replace them with political democracy undergirded by policies of social and cultural democratization, as marking the literal end of Western civilization itself. -- downloaded pdf to Note
article  jstor  intellectual_history  political_philosophy  18thC  British_politics  French_Revolution  counter-revolution  Burke  Western_civ  aesthetics  sublime  Church_of_England  religion-established  religious_culture  nobility  aristocracy  aristocracy-natural  domination  hierarchy  social_order  deference  political_culture  governing_class  elites  democracy  political_participation  morality-conventional  moral_sentiments  Scottish_Enlightenment  civilizing_process  manners  politeness  downloaded  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Marilyn Silverman and P. H. Gulliver - 'Common Sense' and 'Governmentality': Local Government in Southeastern Ireland, 1850-1922 | JSTOR: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Mar., 2006), pp. 109-127
Early paradigms in political anthropology identified formal government councils as a subject for cross-cultural comparison (structural functionalism) or as a political resource for goal-orientated actors (transactionalism). Recent concerns with power and regulation can also profit from a focus on local-level government councils by using them to explore the conceptual and empirical linkages between 'common sense' and 'governmentality'. In this article, as a point of entry, we highlight a key moment in the history of Britain's colonial and hegemonic project in Ireland, namely the orderly administrative transition from colony to state which occurred in Ireland after 1919. By constructing a historical narrative of a local government council in the southeast after 1850, and of its material and discursive bases, we show how the actions and ideologies of elite farmers were implicated in this orderly administrative transition and, therefore, how the concepts of governmentality, hegemony, and common sense might be linked. -- interesting discussion of 2nd half of 20thC shift from stucturalist-functionalist to transactionalism to seeing power everywhere but with different focus (Gramsci materialist and production of internally contradictory common sense) and Foucault (more discourse and self formation) with different views of verticality of power. With everything becoming political economic, loss of interest in governmental units that had been central to comparative stucturalist-functionalist system analysis.
article  jstor  social_theory  methodology  lit_survey  structuralist  poststructuralist  historical_change  agency  anthropology  philosophy_of_social_science  levels_of_analyis  Gramsci  Foucault  governmentality  local_government  government_officials  governing_class  political_culture  political_economy  hegemony  Ireland  19thC  20thC  UK_Government  UK_government-colonies  local_politics  bibliography  EF-add 
february 2014 by dunnettreader
Neal Garnham - Local Elite Creation in Early Hanoverian Ireland: The Case of the County Grand Jury | JSTOR: The Historical Journal, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Sep., 1999), pp. 623-642
The years immediately after the Glorious Revolution saw the Irish parliament establish itself as an active legislative body. Local government in the country then received something of a fillip, both through legislative action in Dublin, and by reason of the extended period of social and political stability that followed the end of Queen Anne's reign. This essay seeks to outline the responsibilities and functions of the grand jury in Ireland, and thus to establish its position as perhaps the most important component in the governance of provincial Ireland. Further to this it attempts to analyse the social composition of juries through a study of the methods of selection, and the attendant qualification criteria. The available evidence suggests that despite its extensive power and influence, membership of the grand jury was not completely monopolized by the land-owning Anglican elite. Rather, service on the grand jury reached some way down the social scale, and could be undertaken by men from outside the established church. Over time, however, jurors came to be selected from a diminishing pool of candidates: a practice which led to the creation of a largely homogeneous local administrative elite. -- didn't download
article  jstor  political_history  political_culture  18thC  Ireland  local_government  landowners-Ireland-Anglo_elite  Whigs-oligarchy  governing_class  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader
Nicholas Cooper - Rank, Manners and Display: The Gentlemanly House, 1500-1750 | JSTOR: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Sixth Series, Vol. 12 (2002), pp. 291-310
In the early modern period the amenities of the upper-class house provided for approved modes of polite behaviour, while the initial, piecemeal display of antique ornament in the sixteenth century expressed the status and the education of the governing class. In the seventeenth century a more classically correct architecture would spread in a climate of opinion in which approved behaviour was increasingly internalised and external display less favoured. The revolution of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was in superseding architectural languages that had lent themselves to the expression of status with a national style that did not. -- didn't download
article  jstor  cultural_history  British_history  16thC  17thC  18thC  elites  country_house  architecture  status  politeness  privacy  display  governing_class  EF-add 
january 2014 by dunnettreader

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