freedman   48

Does capitalism need saving from itself? | Financial Times
Gillian Tett on why bosses are buying into the idea of a purpose beyond profit
economics  politics  freedman  capitalism  reform  capital  shareholder  investor 
5 weeks ago by iaeon
Chongqing’s Number One Noodle Obsessive | Josh Freedman
Two and a half days, 25 bowls of noodles, one esophagus on fire.
2016  november  21st  roads&kingdoms  josh  freedman  food  china  noodles 
november 2016 by pnjman
Estelle Freedman - When Feminists Take On Judges Over Rape
Californians can resort to this mechanism because, in 1911, during the Progressive Era, the state’s voters passed a measure allowing the recall of judges (at the same time, they added an amendment to the state Constitution giving women the right to vote). Two years later, newly enfranchised women in San Francisco flexed their political muscles by petitioning for the recall of a police court justice, Charles Weller. women’s clubs in San Francisco took action. They had been instrumental in a recent campaign to expand statutory rape protection to girls under 18. A Women’s Political League gathered enough signatures to force a recall election. The group accused Judge Weller of abusing judicial power “by extending undue and unreasonable leniency to persons charged with the commission of heinous and vicious offenses.” Its slogan was “All’s Well That Ends Weller.” Voters agreed, and they replaced the judge with the reformers’ candidate.
Estelle  Freedman  CA  Criminal  Justice  Rape  Stanford  CA  History  SF  History  1911 
june 2016 by dbourn
Manufacturing Consent: Estelle B. Freedman’s “Redefining Rape” - Los Angeles Review of Books
IN SEPTEMBER 2011, the FBI released its 82nd annual Uniform Crime Report (UCR). Up to this point, the agency had only counted one very specific type of rape in the UCR: rapes of females by vaginal intercourse committed by males through the use of force. It did not count rape of men or boys. It did not count rapes of transgender people. It did not count assaults involving forced anal or oral sex. Frequently, it did not count rapes in which victims were unconscious or unable to consent because of physical or mental disabilities, or assaults in which drugs or alcohol were used to inhibit the victim’s capacity to resist.
This was because, since 1929, the FBI had counted in the UCR only “forcible rapes,” defined as “the carnal knowledge of a female, forcibly and against her will.” That definition, which has its origin in British common law, doesn’t square with how most Americans think of rape today. But the distinction between “forcible rape” and regular rape became a topic of national conversation in 2011 when House Republicans introduced the No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act. Even though federal funding of abortion is already illegal, with the exception of victims of rape or incest, H.R.3 sought to further limit that coverage to victims of “forcible rape” alone....

Capitalizing on the media attention to the HR3 debacle, Ms. and our publisher, the Feminist Majority Foundation, launched the “Rape is Rape” campaign, petitioning the FBI to update the archaic “forcible rape” definition to a more inclusive one. The campaign consisted of a series of reports on the definition as well as a Change.org petition — the most popular in the site’s history at the time — which earned over 160,000 signatures. Within eight months, the public pressure coupled with the lobbying efforts of a number of feminist organizations in Washington forced the FBI to do what it hadn’t done in 84 years: change the definition of rape....

From the beginning, many women of color took issue with SlutWalk, pointing out, among other things, the racial privilege required to reclaim the word. Many objections were described in “An Open Letter From Black Women to the SlutWalk,” first published on the website Black Women’s Blueprint in September 2011 and subsequently reprinted on the Huffington Post and elsewhere:

As Black women and girls we find no space in SlutWalk, no space for participation and to unequivocally denounce rape and sexual assault as we have experienced it. … Much of this is tied to our particular history. In the United States, where slavery constructed Black female sexualities, Jim Crow kidnappings, rape and lynchings, gender misrepresentations, and more recently, where the Black female immigrant struggle combine, “slut” has different associations for Black women. We do not recognize ourselves nor do we see our lived experiences reflected within SlutWalk and especially not in its brand and its label. … Although we understand the valid impetus behind the use of the word “slut” as language to frame and brand an anti-rape movement, we are gravely concerned.

Perhaps more than any other recent cultural phenomenon, SlutWalk revealed the utter ignorance on the part of many young white feminists of the history of rape as a tool of white supremacy. It is that history, the one that was explained over and over again by women of color in criticisms of SlutWalk, that Freedman lays out in her Redefining Rape. For anyone not already familiar with how we got here, this book is an excellent place to start....

Despite his opposition to the practice of lynching, President [Theodore] Roosevelt attributed it to “the perpetuation, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape” in his 1906 State of the Union address....

Freedman cites both the Rape is Rape campaign and SlutWalk briefly in her closing chapter as examples of contemporary anti-rape efforts. She doesn’t, however, mention the many powerful racial critiques that SlutWalk generated, even though they refer to so much of what was elaborated in the book. It’s clear that much progress has been made in the ongoing efforts against sexual violence — preliminary crime data for 2013 shows an increase in the number of rapes counted by many police departments last year thanks to the FBI’s new definition: the penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim. But the high note that Freedman ends on may obscure the reality of persistent racism in feminist activist spaces. As the recent trending Twitter hashtag #solidarityisforwhitewomen and the conversations it inspired have demonstrated, the feminist movement is still influenced by the forces of white supremacy discussed throughout Redefining Rape.
books  Estelle  Freedman  race  US  history  rape  racism  women  women's  suffrage  PLAY  video  racial  stereotypes  profiling  law  crime  Native  American  Indian  George  Armstrong  Custer  Theodore  Roosevelt  legal  definition 
april 2016 by Michael.Massing
Redefining Rape: Estelle Freedman on the History of Sexual Violence | NOTCHES
African-American women had a much higher barrier to being seen as chaste. Under slavery they had been available to white men because they were owned, and white women and men denied they were assaults by attributing them to a lack of morality on the part of the victims. If they are understood as promiscuous they were always available because they don’t have any virtue to defend.

That legacy continued after freedom, and it became part of the establishment of white supremacy, either through the direct sexual terrorizing of women during Reconstruction and afterwards, or through white men claiming access to black women and, despite formal legal grounds to charge rape, making it impossible for them to do so. Sometimes black women did bring charges against white men, but usually the only successful cases involved the rape of girls or really young women (whether by black or white men). But for adult black women, the assumption that they did not have any virtue to defend was a way of reinforcing white supremacy: not only by making black women available sexually but also by denying their male kin — their fathers, their husbands, their brothers — from defending these women. Black women and their families were defamed very easily. All of this contributed to the denial of citizenship to black men and black women: black men who were treated like rapists and black women who were deemed to be immoral did not deserve citizenship because they didn’t have the self- control considered necessary to be self-sovereign, to be a citizen, to contribute to rational discourse, to be expected to follow the law. Rape myths thus helped justify disenfranchisement and segregation.
books  Estelle  Freedman  race  US  history  rape  racism  women  women's  suffrage  PLAY  video  racial  stereotypes  profiling 
april 2016 by Michael.Massing
Redefining Rape — Estelle B. Freedman | Harvard University Press
Rape has never had a universally accepted definition, and the uproar over “legitimate rape” during the 2012 U.S. elections confirms that it remains a word in flux. Redefining Rape tells the story of the forces that have shaped the meaning of sexual violence in the United States, through the experiences of accusers, assailants, and advocates for change. In this ambitious new history, Estelle Freedman demonstrates that our definition of rape has depended heavily on dynamics of political power and social privilege.

The long-dominant view of rape in America envisioned a brutal attack on a chaste white woman by a male stranger, usually an African American. From the early nineteenth century, advocates for women’s rights and racial justice challenged this narrow definition and the sexual and political power of white men that it sustained. Between the 1870s and the 1930s, at the height of racial segregation and lynching, and amid the campaign for woman suffrage, women’s rights supporters and African American activists tried to expand understandings of rape in order to gain legal protection from coercive sexual relations, assaults by white men on black women, street harassment, and the sexual abuse of children. By redefining rape, they sought to redraw the very boundaries of citizenship.

Freedman narrates the victories, defeats, and limitations of these and other reform efforts. The modern civil rights and feminist movements, she points out, continue to grapple with both the insights and the dilemmas of these first campaigns to redefine rape in American law and culture.
books  Estelle  Freedman  race  US  history  rape  racism  women  women's  suffrage  PLAY  video 
april 2016 by Michael.Massing

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