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How Social Science Might Be Misunderstanding Conservatives
If these insurgents are correct, it’s the Rigidity of the Right model, as it’s called, that’s the epicenter of misunderstanding. The RR model posits, as one summary puts it, that “a constellation of psychological attributes and evocable states — including dogmatism, closed-mindedness, intolerance of ambiguity, preference for order and structure, aversion to novelty and stimulation, valuing of conformity and obedience, and relatively strong concern with threat — leads to a preference for right-wing over left-wing political ideology.”

These have been very influential ideas in the public’s consciousness, generating a sizable body of news write-ups and explainers, including some I have written myself. The rigidity of the right model has given rise to a certain intuitive-feeling liberal consensus about the differences between “us,” the open and tolerant and relaxed liberals, and conservatives, who are, by comparison, close-minded and intolerant and scared of everything. And now that consensus is starting to feel a bit shaky. Or so argue the researchers trying to reform this corner of political psychology.
sociology  conservatism  from instapaper
5 days ago by ayjay
Climate Change & Doomsday: Notre Dame Professor Ignores Goods of Progress | National Review
Indeed, it is the very spread of this progress — the spread of the very things that Scranton decries as the instruments of our doom — that has contributed to longer life expectancies across the planet and a stunning 74 percent plunge in extreme poverty from 1990 to 2015. I wonder: Are the speculative projections of a dystopian future ever weighed against the very real relief from a dystopian present? Do the many millions of lives saved now matter when we calculate the “costs” of progress?
dystopia  culture  conservatism  idiocracy  capitalism 
5 days ago by since1968
David Davis and Boris Johnson both hit a Brexit dead end | News | The Times
"There was a time when Mr Davis thought this wouldn’t prove a problem. The EU, he thought, would be bounced by its own manufacturing businesses who would insist it accommodate UK requirements. But this hasn’t happened. So a blunter weapon is needed. We must threaten the EU with walking away from the negotiations altogether.

This pushes us further back on the decision chart. There are three earlier branches that have to be travelled down before the threat of walking away will work.

First, we would have to have made sufficient progress on preparing for life outside the EU before triggering Article 50, the formality that began two years of negotiations. The problem, of course, is that this is a decision in the past that we already haven’t made. Supporters of Brexit were insistent that we get on with leaving as soon as possible and regarded anyone asking awkward questions as an “enemy of the people”.

We are now not in a position to threaten no deal, because the disruption caused by leaving without a transition arrangement would be too great. And we can’t leave, for instance, without agreeing how our aircraft are going to land.

The huffing and puffing about threatening the EU with no deal is absurd — and yet understand the route to David Davis’s preferred outcome, and it is obvious that the threat of no deal is essential to it.

No deal also requires us to have travelled down another bit of the tree that we haven’t traversed. It requires there to be a Commons majority to sustain the threat and there isn’t one. The Brexit minister Steve Baker acknowledged this “arithmetic” in his resignation letter.

And in any case, all this would be dependent on the EU concluding that they would rather compromise than have no deal. And there is no sign whatsoever of them wishing to do this.

So as Mr Davis worked through his decision tree, taking account of decisions we have already made and ones we anticipate others making, he will have realised that there is no journey that ends up with the Brexit he and Boris are after. The best he might get is a dead end and an economically calamitous “no deal”.

So he and Boris have chosen their own dead end, a resignation that leads nowhere. It is fascinating that having rebelled against Mrs May’s proposal, the hard Brexiteers don’t now propose to get rid of her. It’s because they appreciate that getting rid of her won’t help them reach their goal.

But Mr Davis has gone one step further. He has laid the logic out in a chain. He realises that there is no pathway to their goal. So he has simply given up."

Finkelstein's theory is that No Deal must exist as a threat before the EU will take UK negotiators seriously and give them what they want.

In other words, the Brexiteers see the cliff as an essential part of the scheme: we must drive directly toward it at high speed, and at the last moment, the EU will call chicken and we will steer away. Or go over it with our shiny new EU-supplied wings safely affixed.

What could go wrong?
europe  opinion  uk  brexit  conservatism 
11 days ago by np
YouTube -- Freedomain Radio: 'Makers' Versus 'Takers'
'The battle for western civilization is defined as the battle between the economically productive 'makers' and the exploitative 'takers' – and our future hangs in the balance. Includes: the use of the state to externalize the forced transfer of health, the empathy & exploitation continuum and how this struggle causes people to root for failure in society.' -- "...What are you going to do? That's what I'm taking about: this existential panic. What if there is a revolt by the Producers? What if there is an Atlas Shrugged revolt by the Makers? That is what Donald Trump represents, that is why people hate and fear him. The Trump Derangement Syndrome is the anxiety of what will people do if the gravy train stops pulling in at their station."
rkselectiontheory  decadence  welfare  socialism  conservatism  StefanMolyneux 
15 days ago by adamcrowe
You’re Not My Type: Do Conservatives Have a Bias for Seeing Long-Term Mates? - Evolution and Human Behavior
Abstract
When choosing a mate, humans favour genetic traits (attractiveness, high sex drive) for short-term relationships and parental traits (warmth, high status) for long-term relationships. These preferences serve to maximise fitness of future offspring. But this model neglects the role of social norms in shaping evolved mating strategies. In conservative cultures, individuals are likely to face costs such as punishment for short-term mating. Here we show that conservatives over-perceive some mates’ suitability as long-term partners. Study 1 found that conservatives were less likely to use a short-term strategy that was distinctive from their long-term strategy. Study 2 showed that conservatives over-perceived hypothetical mates as long-term investing partners, despite their lack of commitment-compatible traits. Conservatism was measured at the regional- (India, USA, UK) and individual-level. Our results demonstrate how social norms may bias behaviour to reduce costs. We anticipate our findings to be a starting point for more sophisticated models, drawing on developments from evolutionary and social psychology.
marriage  conservatism  liberalism  relationships 
16 days ago by lukeneff
The White Man, Unburdened | Quinn Slobodian & Stuart Schrader
Murray thinks people everywhere distrust centralized government because Thai farmers distrusted paramilitary search teams
iq  thailand  vietnam  charles-murray  conservatism 
19 days ago by daniel.c.mccarthy

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