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How the Patriarchy Protects Itself – Power Trip – Medium
Taken together, the entire affair looked explosive, maybe even desperate. But this kind of display is entirely predictable when power is threatened. “Once you’ve chosen a power-assertion strategy, your only options are to double down and keep doing it or quit,” Smiler says. There’s a third option, building consensus, but it’s expected only of women, he adds. “We expect men to respond angrily when challenged and women to be more thoughtful.”
Although his volatility was decried in op-eds and ridiculed on late-night TV, Kavanaugh has emerged largely unscathed where it matters most: Almost all of the Republican majority in the Senate remains on board with his confirmation. And a recent national survey showed that 54 percent of Republicans said they would support Kavanaugh’s confirmation even if the sexual assault allegations against him are proved.
Power_in_America  Violence_y_Power  chauvinism  Latino  war  Leadership  Pol._147  Pol.11 
october 2018 by Jibarosoy
Molly Ringwald Revisits “The Breakfast Club” in the Age of #MeToo | The New Yorker
"John’s movies convey the anger and fear of isolation that adolescents feel, and seeing that others might feel the same way is a balm for the trauma that teen-agers experience. Whether that’s enough to make up for the impropriety of the films is hard to say—even criticizing them makes me feel like I’m divesting a generation of some of its fondest memories, or being ungrateful since they helped to establish my career. And yet embracing them entirely feels hypocritical. And yet, and yet. . . . 

How are we meant to feel about art that we both love and oppose? What if we are in the unusual position of having helped create it? Erasing history is a dangerous road when it comes to art—change is essential, but so, too, is remembering the past, in all of its transgression and barbarism, so that we may properly gauge how far we have come, and also how far we still need to go.

While researching this piece, I came across an article that was published in Seventeen magazine, in 1986, for which I interviewed John. (It was the only time I did so.) He talked about the artists who inspired him when he was younger—Bob Dylan, John Lennon—and how, as soon as they “got comfortable” in their art, they moved on. I pointed out that he had already done a lot of movies about suburbia, and asked him whether he felt that he should move on as his idols had. “I think it’s wise for people to concern themselves with the things they know about,” he said. He added, “I’d feel extremely self-conscious writing about something I don’t know.”

I’m not sure that John was ever really comfortable or satisfied. He often told me that he didn’t think he was a good enough writer for prose, and although he loved to write, he notoriously hated to revise. I was set to make one more Hughes film, when I was twenty, but felt that it needed rewriting. Hughes refused, and the film was never made, though there could have been other circumstances I was not aware of.

In the interview, I asked him if he thought teen-agers were looked at differently than when he was that age. “Definitely,” he said. “My generation had to be taken seriously because we were stopping things and burning things. We were able to initiate change, because we had such vast numbers. We were part of the Baby Boom, and when we moved, everything moved with us. But now, there are fewer teens, and they aren’t taken as seriously as we were. You make a teen-age movie, and critics say, ‘How dare you?’ There’s just a general lack of respect for young people now.”

John wanted people to take teens seriously, and people did. The films are still taught in schools because good teachers want their students to know that what they feel and say is important; that if they talk, adults and peers will listen. I think that it’s ultimately the greatest value of the films, and why I hope they will endure. The conversations about them will change, and they should. It’s up to the following generations to figure out how to continue those conversations and make them their own—to keep talking, in schools, in activism and art—and trust that we care."
mollyringwald  thebreakfastclub  #MeToo  2018  film  1980s  teens  youth  identity  sexism  harassment  johnhughes  chauvinism  nationallampoon  writing  homophobia  tedmann  sexuality  sixteencandles  prettyinpink  change  harveyweinstein  adolescence  havilandmorris  insecurity  sexualharassment  misogyny  racism  stereotypes  outsiders  invisibility 
april 2018 by robertogreco
What the left can learn from Bannon
August 2017 | Financial Times | Gillian Tett.

I had a chance to chat with Steve Bannon, Donald Trump’s chief strategist until he was ousted last week. I met him inside his so-called war room at the White House and, like most visitors, I was struck by the battle plans that lined his den: white posters laying out his goals, listed by priority and ticked off (or not).....But Bannon was different: he had four small TVs covering a range of news, and at the centre was a fifth, single big screen. That was not tuned to Fox but to CNN, a channel Trump has repeatedly criticised and dismissed as showing “fake news”. The reason? Bannon apparently likes to “watch the enemy”; not for him the cosy option of staying inside the rightwing echo chamber......Bannon is one of the most fascinating figures I’ve met....Never mind the fact that he is whip-smart and widely read, what is also striking is that he seems to have a quasi-anthropological understanding of the power of symbols and ways of defining identity, which he manipulates to advance his goals. No, I don’t like his promotion of economic nationalism. And I recoil with horror from the alt-right movement and its racist ideology......But the consistency of his beliefs is undoubtedly powerful, particularly given that most politicians seem to lack principle or passion these days. And I admire the fact that he has a clear sense of strategy and wants to watch and analyse the entire ecosystem, even if parts of it, such as CNN, represent everything he loathes......Nor was I surprised when Bannon told Financial Times reporters that he loves reading the FT (there are numerous photos of him carrying the paper under his arm). .......while much of the mainstream establishment wrings its hands, they should also ask themselves if they can learn some useful lessons from Bannon. I am not for a moment suggesting that the establishment embrace his views. But Bannon’s decision to monitor the entire media ecosystem is striking. As I have written in previous columns, the American media these days tend to be tribal. Some liberal media consumers, for example, were trapped in such an intellectual echo chamber that they barely knew about the impact of the alt-right before they saw footage of the neo-Nazi demonstrations in Charlottesville, Virginia.If Bannon’s critics want to fight back, they badly need to get out of their cocoon, and start clicking on to Breitbart News, watching Fox, reading message groups on Reddit and listening to rightwing radio hosts such as Glenn Beck. If that is too hard, they could take a look at the conservative commentaries on mindingthecampus.com, a website that explores the culture wars being waged at universities.....if you don’t like what is happening today, you do at least need to understand it.
Stephen_Bannon  Gillian_Tett  Breitbart  bigotry  Donald_Trump  chauvinism  Fox_News  Fox_TV  economic_nationalism  echo_chambers  alt-right  discomforts  right-wing 
august 2017 by jerryking
Recoil Operation – The New Inquiry
"Gun violence is an undeniable problem in the United States, but as with so many social issues, our perception of it is constrained by a deeply ingrained chauvinism, an American exceptionalism that is both self-righteous and hypocritical. “Gun violence” is our embarrassment, as a “developed nation,” as civilized, advanced, and wealthy. And so we divide the rest of the world between two categories. There are states with fewer gun deaths than ours, with whom we imagine ourselves as being on a parallel plane of sophistication, and whose superior track record shames us. And there are the squalid, undeveloped hellholes with more gun deaths than ours. We might make billions destabilizing their regimes and flooding their borders with weapons, but our complicity in that violence is not what shames us. Our shame is the fear that “we” might somehow be like “them.”"



"For her part, Hillary Clinton has called for a renewed Assault Weapons Ban, to keep “weapons of war off our streets.” She has also backed a lawsuit by the families of Sandy Hook shooting victims against Remington Arms, whom, the suit alleges, marketed the AR-variant used in the massacre “in a militaristic fashion.” Of course, in her role as Secretary of State, Senator Clinton approved the sale of thousands of assault rifles to our “partners” in Iraq and Afghanistan, including a 2011 contract of $4.2 million for Remington specifically. The outrage is over whose “streets” such weapons wind up on, and where the “militarism” of the arms industry comes to roost.

All of this means that connections between America’s implication in violence abroad and violence at home are foreclosed from the get-go; the more troubling answers to the question of how “a weapon used in Vietnam and streets of Fallujah” ended up in an elementary school Connecticut are easily deferred when blame can be tidily left at the door of a single manufacturer. But we shouldn’t be surprised. The American capacity to wash our hands of blood while simultaneously pointing fingers is nonpareil; when it comes to small arms, our exceptionalism is so much NIMBYism. Not on “our” streets – but yes, by all means, on yours.

* * *

One of the basic things any firearm must do is manage the energy generated when a bullet is fired.

A cartridge’s primer is struck, propellant ignites, and a bullet flies forward down the barrel. Per Newton’s Third Law, this controlled detonation and forward momentum entails a correlative momentum in the opposite direction, the felt force experienced as recoil. Mitigating this recoil is vital to maintaining a shooter’s accuracy, and is thus an important part of firearms design.

Rifles like the AR-15 offer extremely high velocity coupled with comparatively low recoil. Explosive forward motion is ingeniously harnessed, contained, leveraged. Rounds are sent rushing out and forward, again and again, and “kick” is minimized.

In its perfection of these mechanics, the AR-15 embodies a quintessentially American fantasy for engaging the world: maximum impact, minimum pushback, all bundled up in sleek aesthetics and sold at a hefty profit margin. America’s rifle is thus an overdetermined object: the symbol of the violence we visit on others, and which we thrive on exporting. We are accustomed to standing on one side of it, the right side; we expect to have our finger on the trigger, or to be standing behind the counter and taking a check in return. Only when we imagine being on the wrong end of our own icon, when we envision the AR coming home to America, to do to us what it is has done to others abroad, only then, do we recoil."
us  capitalism  society  policy  chauvinism  exceptionalism  2016  ptrickblacnhfield  via:javierarbona  guns  violence 
july 2016 by robertogreco
graydon2 | The EntitleMen: techno-libertarian right wing sockpuppets of silicon valley
Even seemingly thoughtful libertarians fall into lazy equivocating to avoid confronting the blatant inequality that arises spontaneously in individualist structures: cartels, profiteering, insider trading, abuse of market power, market failures, extortion, fraud, nepotism, violence, child labour, discrimination, slavery, and on and on. To pursue an "individualist" world without addressing these problems through some policy instruments is right wing because it accepts inequality and exploitation as inevitable (if not actually "good"). It's accepting that an unequal world is the world we all deserve, or at least the best we can get.
libertarian  siliconvalley  men  chauvinism  entitlement  mra  from instapaper
november 2014 by strawjack
The end of our illusions about Russia - The Globe and Mail
Jeffrey Simpson

The Globe and Mail

Published Wednesday, Mar. 26 2014,

"Russia can neither be ignored nor ostracized, no matter how chauvinistic its behaviour, nor should it necessarily be feared. Russian chauvinism has always been one-part nationalism, one part awareness of internal weakness, which is why Russia’s historical relations with the countries of Western Europe have oscillated between co-operation and confrontation."....What Russia wanted, and still wants, is a sphere of uncontested influence. When the West, possessed of a post-Cold War triumphalism, would not grant that sphere, as Vladimir Putin and his cronies defined it, Russia rebelled.
Russia  Ukraine  Vladimir_Putin  Jeffrey_Simpson  post-Cold_War  triumphalism  chauvinism 
march 2014 by jerryking
But I'm A Nice Guy on Vimeo
"A quick editorial cartoon about the intersection of self-pity, entitlement, rape, territoriality, misogyny and fear of women."
scott_benson  feminism  misandry  men  women  fear  hate  video  vimeo  vimeo.com  cartoon  animation  rights  response  matrix  satire  op-ed  rape  privilege  misogyny  nice  2013  2010s  chauvinism  patriarchy  matriarchy 
march 2014 by cluebucket

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