bourgeoisie   53

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What the Rich Won’t Tell You
And, as they try to be “normal,” these wealthy and affluent people deflect the stigma of wealth. If they can see themselves as hard workers and reasonable consumers, they can belong symbolically to the broad and legitimate American “middle,” while remaining materially at the top.

These efforts respond to widespread judgments of the individual behaviors of wealthy people as morally meritorious or not. Yet what’s crucial to see is that such judgments distract us from any possibility of thinking about redistribution. When we evaluate people’s moral worth on the basis of where and how they live and work, we reinforce the idea that what matters is what people do, not what they have. With every such judgment, we reproduce a system in which being astronomically wealthy is acceptable as long as wealthy people are morally good.
bourgeoisie  wealth 
may 2018 by oceanicbeloved
teen on Twitter: "please do not use words like “policeman” or “policewoman.” Use gender neutral terms like “tools of the capitalist bourgeoisie and enemy of t… https://t.co/lZiWDEjUll"
"please do not use words like ‘policeman' or ‘policewoman.' Use gender neutral terms like 'tools of the capitalist bourgeoisie and enemy of the people’"
police  twitter  bourgeoisie  policeman  policewoman  2018 
january 2018 by handcoding
The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie - Craig Murray
Only the Tories could produce a sex dossier like this one, in tremendous High Tory prose. They talk of “impregnation” and “fornication”. This provides some backing for its authenticity.

It is difficult to understand the provenance of this “sex list” of Tory MPs. What was the standing of the junior Tory researchers who allegedly compiled it, and at whose behest? Assuming this copy is genuine, we know that at least some of it is accurate because individuals like Mark Garnier have admitted the detail of the allegation. But I publish it as a matter of intense public interest at the moment, and I publish it as evidence that this is what is alleged. This list is already extremely widely available online. I am not in any sense endorsing or promoting as true any of the specific individual allegations, which may be groundless nonsense. I understand that in some cases these allegations are strongly denied.

Except for the Liam Fox and Adam Werritty bit, we all know that is true.

What is genuinely alarming about this list is the clear picture that emerges overall that the pool of MPs’ researchers, who are often young and are in a subservient position in this context, are viewed as fair game for MPs’ sexual predation. The list of 40 Tory MPs (NB Not 36) includes 23 who are accused of inappropriate behaviour towards researchers, secretaries and others in a dependent position. This is disgusting exploitation and may be justly compared to the Weinstein affair.

But some of the other allegations do not strike me as of genuine public interest. Personal sexual preferences between consenting adults are not my business, and I detect a definite whiff of homophobia in some of these details. If somebody likes to be peed on by three men, what has that got to do with his ability or integrity as an MP? Similarly the concern about extra-marital affairs seems to come from a bygone age. If the several citings of Kwesi Kwerteng are true, the man has truly appalling taste. Women appear to be dubiously targeted for mere promiscuity.

Tories are sleazebags. Who knew?

The post The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie appeared first on Craig Murray.

via The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie
IFTTT  The  Discreet  Charm  of  Bourgeoisie 
november 2017 by davidmarsden
What is to be done ? | Diagonal Thoughts
[via: http://stml.tumblr.com/post/155290210410 ]

"By Jean-Luc Godard

Written in January 1970 at the request of Simon Field and Peter Sainsbury for the magazine Afterimage, produced by Peter Whitehead. Published in Afterimage n°1, April 1970. Translated from French by Mo Teitelbaum.

1. We must make political films.

2. We must make films politically.

3. 1 and 2 are antagonist to each other and belong to two opposing conceptions of the world.

4. 1 belongs to the idealistic and metaphysical conception of the world.

5. 2 belongs to the Marxist and dialectical conception of the world.

6. Marxism struggles against idealism and the dialectical against the metaphysical.

7. This struggle is the struggle between the old and the new, between new ideas and old ones.

8. The social existence of men determines their thought.

9. The struggle between the old and the new is the struggle of classes.

10. To carry out 1 is to remain a being of the bourgeois class.

11. To carry out 2 is to take up a proletarian class position.

12. To carry out 1 is to make descriptions of situations.

13. To carry out 2 is to make concrete analysis of a concrete situation.

14. To carry out 1 is to make BRITISH SOUNDS.

15. To carry out 2 is to struggle for the showing of BRITISH SOUNDS on English television.

16. To carry out 1 is to understand the law of the objective world in order to explain the world.

17. To carry out 2 is to understand the law of the objective world in order to actively transform that world.

18. To carry out 1 is to describe the wretchedness of the world.

19. To carry out 2 is to show the people in struggle.

20. To carry out 2 is to destroy 1 with the weapons of criticism and self-criticism.

21. To carry out 1 is to give a complete view of events in the name of truth in itself.

22. To carry out 2 is not to fabricate over-complete images of the world in the name of relative truth.

23. To carry out 1 is to say how things are real. (Brecht)

24. To carry out 2 is to say how things really are. (Brecht)

25. To carry out 2 is to edit a film before shooting it, to make it during filming and to make it after the filming. (Dziga Vertov)

26. To carry out 1 is to distribute a film before producing it.

27. To carry out 2 is to produce a film before distributing it, to learn to produce it following the principle that:
it is production which commands distribution
it is politics which commands economy.

28. To carry out 1 is to film students who write: Unity – Students – Workers.

29. To carry out 2 is to know that unity is a struggle of opposites (Lenin) to know that two are in one.

30. To carry out 2 is to study the contradictions between the classes with images and sounds.

31. To carry out 2 is to study the contradictions between the relationships of production and the productive forces.

32. To carry out 2 is to dare to know where one is, and where one has come from, to know one’s place in the process of production in order then to change it.

33. To carry out 2 is to know the history of revolution struggles and be determined by them.

34. To carry out 2 is to produce scientific knowledge of revolution struggles and of their history.

35. To carry out 2 is to know that film making is a secondary activity, a small screw in the revolution.

36. To carry out 2 is to use images and sounds as teeth and lips to bite with.

37. To carry out 1 is only to open the eyes and the ears.

38. To carry out 2 is to read the reports of comrade Kiang Tsing.

39. To carry out 2 is to be militant.

——————————————————————————————————————————————————————-
Notes

14/15 British Sounds, Dziga Vertov Group’s third film, came out in 1969. The transcript of the film is available here.
23/24: “Realism doesn’t mean showing real things, but showing how things really are.” Godard also quoted this dictum by Brecht in the scenario of Les Carabiniers (1963).
25: A reference to Vertov’s text “Provisional Instructions to Kino-Eye Groups” (1926).
29: According to Lenin, “dialectics can be defined as the doctrine of the unity of opposites” (1961).
38: Kiang Tsing (or Jiang Qing) was Mao Zedong’s last wife, well known for her role in the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) and for forming the political alliance known as the “Gang of Four”. During the Cultural revolution, Joang Qing, who used to be a Shanghai movie star in the 1940s, created the “internal screenings” (or “internal reference material film”) system which allowed for some filmmakers and elite intellectuals to watch Western films in screenings that were closed to the general public. Godard pays homage to her in Vent d’Est (1970), refering to her text “Summary of the Forum on the Work in Literature And Art in the Armed Forces With Which Comrade Lm Piao Entrusted Comrade Chiang Ching”."
jean-lucgodard  manifestos  1970  politics  resistance  activism  simonfield  petersainsbury  filmmaking  idealism  marxism  metaphysical  bourgeoisie  proletariat  understanding  bertoltbrecht  production  kiangtsing  militantism  jiangqing  realism 
january 2017 by robertogreco
Acemoglu, Cantoni, Johnson
The Consequences of Radical Reform: The French Revolution
Daron Acemoglu, Davide Cantoni, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson
The American Economic Review
Vol. 101, No. 7 (DECEMBER 2011), pp. 3286-3307
Downloaded via iPhone to DBOX
commerce  urbanization  guilds  elites  republicanism  reform-legal  Rhineland  reform-political  Germany  economic_growth  political_economy  reform-economic  jstor  political_history  civil_code  French_Revolution  rule_of_law  institutional_economics  bourgeoisie  aristocracy  trade  article  downloaded  feudalism  economic_history 
september 2016 by dunnettreader
Down with the oligarchs | Caracas Chronicles
But OK, granted, yes, Caracas has long had a relatively small, very white, horribly unsympathetic stratum of high society whose main objection to chavismo has been pretty unspeakable in terms of rank snobbery and class hatred. I should know, I grew up among those people! The vast majority of them have left. Maybe 10 years ago they were making life plans around returning to power 12-de-abril style, but to my mind what’s really remarkable is that most of them have pretty much made their peace with permanent exile by now. Their kids grew up abroad: they never went to the big 15 años bashes, couldn’t point out Playa El Agua on a map. Venezuela’s become an abstraction to them. The better positioned ones have transmuted their elite education abroad into elite jobs abroad. They just ain’t going back.
venezuela  caracas  bourgeoisie 
november 2015 by alemacgo
Jonathan Louli, review - Emmanuel Fureix, François Jarrige, La modernité désenchantée - La Vie des idées - 10 juin 2015
Recensé : Emmanuel Fureix, François Jarrige, La modernité désenchantée, La Découverte 2015, 390 p., 25 €. -- Le XIXe siècle a longtemps été tenu pour le siècle du progrès. L’historiographie récente est plus attentive à ses contradictions et à ses aléas. Deux historiens proposent une histoire de l’histoire du XIXe siècle, illustrant la manière dont notre société se regarde elle-même. -- Ceci n’est pas un manuel sur le XIXe siècle, pourrait-on dire, en paraphrasant Magritte, à la première lecture de La modernité désenchantée. L’ouvrage des deux dix-neuvièmistes reconnus que sont E. Fureix et F. Jarrige est autrement plus ambitieux, et cherche à « esquisser un état des lieux (incomplet) de la façon dont les historiens d’aujourd’hui renouvellent les lectures du XIXe siècle, dans sa singularité » -- downloaded pdf to Note
books  reviews  French_language  intellectual_history  19thC  historiography  historiography-19thC  modernity  modernity-emergence  progress  cultural_history  cultural_change  cultural_critique  Enlightenment  Enlightenment_Project  Counter-Enlightenment  French_Revolution  Industrial_Revolution  science-and-religion  science-and-politics  French_politics  working_class  bourgeoisie  national_ID  downloaded 
october 2015 by dunnettreader
Neil Davidson - How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (2012) Kindle Price:$17.60 - 840 pages | Kindle eBooks @ Amazon.com.
Includes Scottish late transition from feudalism and a different angle on Scot and English historiography in 17thC re "feudal law", "ancient constitution", James I & VI etc than Pocock's version -- earlier books on 16thC-18thC Scotland look very interesting -- In this panoramic historical analysis, Davidson defends a renovated concept of bourgeois revolution. He shows how our globalized societies of the present are the result of a contested, turbulent history marked by often forceful revolutions directed against old social orders, from the Dutch Revolt to the English and American Civil Wars and beyond. -- Review *--* " What should our conception of a bourgeois revolution be, if it is to enlighten rather than to mislead ? Davidson’s instructive and provocative answer is given through a history both of a set of concepts and of those social settings in which they found application.His book is an impressive contribution both to the history of ideas and to political philosophy.” —ALASDAIR MACINTYRE. *--* “Davidson wends his way through the jagged terrain of a wide range of Marxist writings and debates to distill their lessons in what is unquestionably the most thorough discussion of the subject to date. If the paradox at the heart of the bourgeois revolutions was that the emergence of the modern bourgeois state had little to do with the agency of the bourgeoisie, then Davidson’s study is by far the most nuanced and illuminating discussion of this complex fact.” —JAIRUS BANAJI, Theory as History “[This] is a monumental work. ...easily the most comprehensive account yet of the ‘life and times’ of the concept of ‘bourgeois revolution.’ . . . He has also provided us with a refined set of theoretical tools for understanding the often complex interactions between political revolutions which overturn state institutions and social revolutions which involve a more thoroughgoing transformation of social relations.” —COLIN MOOERS, The Making of Bourgeois Europe
books  kindle-available  buy  16thC  17thC  18thC  19thC  20thC  political_history  social_history  intellectual_history  social_order  Europe-Early_Modern  revolutions  bourgeoisie  Marxist  Dutch_Revolt  English_Civil_War  Glorious_Revolution  Glorious_Revolution-Scotland  1707_Union  Jacobites  1745_rebellion  American_Revolution  French_Revolution  1848_revolutions  German_unification  Italian_unification  Russian_revolution  class_conflict  feudalism  ancient_constitution  aristocracy  Ancien_régime  liberalism  republics-Ancient_v_Modern  US_Civil_War  political_culture  political_economy  capitalism 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Neil Davidson - The Origins Of Scottish Nationhood (Pluto Critical History Series) (2000) 144 pages | pbk (9780745316086): : Books amazon.com
The traditional view of the Scottish nation holds that it first arose during the Wars of Independence from England in the 13thC & 14thC. Although Scotland was absorbed into Britain in 1707, Scottish identity is supposed to have remained alive through separate institutions of religion, education, and the legal system. Davidson argues otherwise. The Scottish nation did not exist before 1707. The Scottish national consciousness we know today was not preserved by institutions carried over from the pre-Union period, but arose after and as a result of the Union, for only then were the material obstacles to nationhood – most importantly the Highland/Lowland divide – overcome. This Scottish nation was constructed simultaneously with and as part of the British nation, and the 18thC Scottish bourgeoisie were at the forefront of constructing both. The majority of Scots entered the Industrial Revolution with a dual national consciousness, but only one nationalism, which was British. The Scottish nationalism which arose in Scotland during the 20thC is therefore not a revival of a pre-Union nationalism after 300 years, but an entirely new formation. -- Customer review - Davidson refutes Linda Colley's idealist thesis that Protestantism, Francophobia, monarchism and empire formed the British nation. The first three of these were ideas, present, yes, but not formative. Empire was external to Britain, and so it was never part of people's experience of becoming British or Scottish. Scotland was a full partner, not a junior partner in the British (not English) Empire, unlike Ireland. The experience of becoming the workshop of the world formed Britain as a nation, creating our culture and identity. Industry, making things, and organising in our Britain-wide trade unions (which Davidson barely mentions) made us British. -- not on kindle
books  amazon.com  find17thC  18thC  Scotland  British_history  1707_Union  national_ID  nationalism  bourgeoisie  Industrial_Revolution  British_Empire  British_Empire-constitutional_structure  Anglo-Irish_constitution  colonialism  imperialism  history_of_England  Kirk  legal_system  Highlands-Scotland  Lowland-Scotland  Scottish_Enlightenment  Scottish_politics  Britannia 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Neil Davidson - Discovering The Scottish Revolution 1692-1746 (2003) 400 pages : pbk 9780745320533: Amazon.com: Books
This major new work of historical scholarship offers a groundbreaking reassessment of Scottish politics and society in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century that is set to become a standard work on the subject. Neil Davidson argues that Scotland experienced a revolution during this period that has rarely been recognised in the existing historiography. Davidson explores the political and economic changes of these years, revealing how social and economic power was transferred from one class to another. He describes how Scotland was transformed from a backward and feudal economy to a new centre of emergent capitalism. He traces the economic and social crisis that led to Scotland's incorporation into the Union in 1707, but argues that the Union did not lead to the transformation of Scottish society. The decisive period was instead the aftermath of the last Jacobite revolt in 1746, whose failure was integral to the survival and consolidation of British, and ultimately global capitalism. 'His opinions are bound to cause controversy and discussion . . . a good thing as Scottish history desperately needs the airing and voicing of new approaches.' John R Young, Albion. 'What is so good about Neil Davidson's brave study is that he brings a Marxist perspective to bear on Scottish history in very clear and readable prose. Quotations and statistics drawn from uncannily wide reading will make this book of great value even to those who disagree with it.' Angus Calder, author of Revolutionary Empire and Revolving Culture: Notes from the Scottish Republic -- not on kindle
books  amazon.com  find  17thC  18thC  Scotland  British_history  Glorious_Revolution-Scotland  1707_Union  landed_interest  aristocracy  feudalism  capitalism  political_economy  political_culture  economic_culture  1745_rebellion  Marxist  change-social  social_order  revolutions  bourgeoisie  Scottish_Enlightenment  Scottish_politics 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
Alex Ross - The Naysayers: Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, and the critique of pop culture | The New Yorker - September 15 2014
Benjamin, whose dizzyingly varied career skirted the edges of the Frankfurt collective, receives the grand treatment in “Walter Benjamin: A Critical Life” (Harvard), by Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings, who earlier edited Harvard’s four-volume edition of Benjamin’s writings. The Frankfurt School never presented a united front.... One zone in which they clashed was that of mass culture. Benjamin saw the popular arena as a potential site of resistance, from which left-leaning artists like Charlie Chaplin could transmit subversive signals. Adorno and Horkheimer viewed pop culture as an instrument of economic and political control, enforcing conformity behind a permissive screen. The “culture industry,” as they called it, offered the “freedom to choose what is always the same.” A similar split appeared in attitudes toward traditional forms of culture: classical music, painting, literature. Benjamin, in his resonant sentence linking culture and barbarism, saw the treasures of bourgeois Europe as spoils in a victory procession, each work blemished by the suffering of nameless millions. -- Between them, Adorno and Benjamin were pioneers in thinking critically about pop culture—in taking that culture seriously as an object of scrutiny, whether in tones of delight, dismay, or passionate ambivalence. The worst that one Frankfurt School theorist could say of another was that his work was insufficiently dialectical. The word “dialectic,” as elaborated in the philosophy of Hegel, causes endless problems for people who are not German, and even for some who are. In a way, it is both a philosophical concept and a literary style. --It “mediates,” to use a favorite Frankfurt School word. And it gravitates toward doubt, demonstrating the “power of negative thinking,” as Herbert Marcuse once put it. Such twists and turns come naturally in the German language, whose sentences are themselves plotted in swerves, releasing their full meaning only with the final clinching action of the verb.-- Although Marx was central to their thought, they were nearly as skeptical of Communist ideology as they were of the bourgeois mind-set that Communism was intended to supplant. “At the very heart of Critical Theory was an aversion to closed philosophical systems,” Martin Jay writes, in his history “The Dialectical Imagination” (1973).
books  biography  intellectual_history  20thC  entre_deux_guerres  Germany  Frankfurt_School  critical_theory  Benjamin  Adorno  cultural_critique  mass_culture  high_culture  aesthetics  literary_history  lit_crit  art_history  music_history  cinema  dialectic  bourgeoisie  capitalism  culture_industries  EF-add 
september 2014 by dunnettreader
The Collected Liberty Matters Nos. 1-10 (Jan. 2013 – July 2014) - Online Library of Liberty
David M. Hart, The Collected Liberty Matters: Nos. 1-10 (Jan. 2013 – July 2014), ed. David M. Hart and Sheldon Richman (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2014). 08/23/2014. <http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/2629> -- This volume is a collection of the first ten “Liberty Matters” online discussion forums which began in January 2013 and have appeared every two months since. The discussions have focused on authors whose work is well represented in the Online Library of Liberty. A leading scholar is asked to write an interpretative essay about a chosen author, to which other invited scholars respond in a formal essay which is then followed by a free form discussion over the ensuing month. The topics have included “John Locke on Property”, “James Buchanan: An Assessment”, “Gustave de Molinari’s Legacy for Liberty”, “Bastiat and Political Economy”, “George Smith on the System of Liberty”, “Arthur Seldon and the Institute of Economic Affairs”, “Ludwig von Mises’s The Theory of Money and Credit at 101”, “Hugo Grotius on War and the State”, “Tocqueville’s New Science of Politics Revisited”, and “Deirdre McCloskey and Economists’ Ideas about Ideas”.
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august 2014 by dunnettreader

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