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Evil Pres of kills kids; world looks other way...if run,starve to death because he burns their fields
Sudan  Bashir  from twitter_favs
june 2016 by mikekellogg
In Sudan, the Janjaweed Rides Again
Bashir has made a militia notorious for its atrocities into his personal army.
sudan  bashir  darfur  janjaweed 
july 2014 by arabist
Sudan's reshuffle: Out with the old, in with the... | The Economist, Dec 12, 2013
WHEN Sudan’s security forces shot dead more than 200 anti-government protestors in the streets of Khartoum on September 23rd, it was not only human rights groups and fellow demonstrators who were shocked. The brutal reaction sent a wave of disgust through Sudan’s political establishment. Senior politicians left the ruling National Congress Party (NCP), the military made it known they were unimpressed and government figures nervously tried to distance themselves from the bloodshed, suggesting “armed groups” were responsible.

On December 8th President Omar al-Bashir announced the outcome of a reshuffle, long-promised as a sop to dissent. He had pledged to bring fresh faces to his aging government, which has been in power for almost 25 years. He has failed to do so. “The newly appointed ministers belong to the old crew of losers who have not achieved anything since they came to power in 1989,” Dr El-Tayib Zein El-Abdin, a professor at Khartoum University, told a local radio station.

Mr Bashir’s reshuffle appears to be aimed at giving a superficial show of change while shoring up his own rule. He swept away members of his inner cabinet. Ali Osman Taha, a senior Islamist and number two in the government, is a clever lawyer, who helped shape Sharia law in Sudan in the early 1980s and brokered peace with rebels in the south, leading to the creation of South Sudan. He has a significant base of support in both the NCP and Islamists. Another to go was Nafie ali Nafi, Mr Bashir’s presidential assistant and another aspiring heir. As a former spy chief he is said to retain significant influence in the seat of real power in this country—the dark and ever present state security organ, the National Intelligence and Security Service.
NCP  Bashir  Sudan  internal_struggle  economy  subsidies 
december 2013 by elizrael
Sarah Palin speaks out on Martin Bashir resignation – New York Daily News
New York Daily NewsSarah Palin said she is ready to move on after the personal, on air attack launched by MSNBC host Martin Bashir, when he suggested someone defecate in the mouth of the conservative talking head. Bashir resigned from the cable network on Wednesday …Martin Bashir quits at MSNBC over Palin slurFox NewsMartin Bashir […]
IFTTT  Zennie62  Entertainment  Bynes  Leaves  Daily  News  Google  Martin  Bashir  MSNBC  New  york  Source  Wednesday  Da 
december 2013 by zennie62
President Bashir’s final war | StillSUDAN, Sep 28, 2013
The government judged the mainstream opposition organisationally incapable of investing in the popular discontent and thought the nightly raid sufficient to stifle the initiative of newer associations of activists styled after Egyptian models. The security apparatus was unprepared however for the eventuality that Bashir spelled out but could not comprehend: class riots. True to the presidential proclamation, the spread of demonstrations in Khartoum since Monday maps materially to the class divide, the geography of impoverishment that encircles the capital. Omdurman’s Um Badda, al-Samrab in Khartoum North and al-Kalakla in Khartoum, to name examples from the three towns that make up the Sudanese capital, flared up in a show of anger that is by all measures the greatest urban challenge to the regime since its inception. In the same press conference, president Bashir, now in silent mode, revealed that sixty percent of the country’s police force had deserted the service because of law wages.
protests  class  Sudan  subsidies  NCP  Bashir 
october 2013 by elizrael
Riots in Sudan: Bashir bashing | The Economist, Oct 1, 2013
The regime, which says that it has been fighting “terrorist action” but that it respects the rights of peaceful protesters, says 33 people have died. That number is higher than in any street protests during the regime’s 24-year rule. But Amnesty International, a human-rights group, says at least 50 are dead, and doctors, some of whom have since been reported arrested, put the death toll at over 200.

The numbers might have mattered less had the bullets been able to discern the class of the protester. In the poor suburbs of Omdurman, west of Khartoum and in other cities outside the capital, scores of people were reported killed. But state violence against Sudan’s poor is sadly nothing new. A single bullet, however, that hit a 26-year-old pharmacist in the chest during a protest in Buri, a wealthy neighbourhood in central Khartoum, sent shock waves through the heart of Mr Bashir’s regime.

Saleh Sanhouri was one of several young protesters from the capital’s more affluent families to have died. His handsome face has already become an iconic Facebook image for the student would-be revolutionaries of the Khartoum’s disenfranchised intelligentsia. Many of them knew him. More significantly, his family was known in government circles, too.

On the night of Mr Sanhouri’s funeral the president received a petition from 31 members of his own National Congress Party (NCP) and leading Islamists, one of whom is also a high profile general. They told him his “legitimacy” had never been so much in question. They wanted those responsible for the shootings to be prosecuted and the victims’ families to be compensated for their loss. Mr Bashir can ignore the intelligentsia, who hold no power. But their anger combined with this letter is more troubling for him. The president straddles an artful coalition including the NCP, the Islamists, the military, security forces and tribal leaders. This letter had representatives with feet in three of those camps.

Yet happily for Mr Bashir, while the voices of dissent may be growing, they share no common vision. The Twitter-based student activists who enthusiastically chant the word “Freedom” on the streets, would be odd bed-fellows for the opposition coming from within the regime, that of serious Islamists. Meanwhile, Sudan’s traditional opposition parties, all led by ageing men, have a reputation for weakness, disorganisation and little clear vision at all. For the moment it may be that Mr Bashir’s greatest strength—apart from his disturbing panoply of weaponry—is that there is no obvious alternative to him.
protests  Sudan  NCP  Bashir  opposition  class  subsidies  inflation  hunger 
october 2013 by elizrael
The Many Arabics of Politics | Muftah, April 4, 2013
By using this linguistic register, the speaker conveys his intention to address not only the nation, but also the Arab world as a whole.

Among contemporary Arab leaders, Bashar al-Assad of Syria stands alone in using Fuṣḥā as if it were a spoken language. This is partly because Assad never addresses the people without an audience, but rather always speaks before Parliament. It is also a reflection of Ba’thist ideology, which promotes Fuṣḥā as the means of communication for all Arabs and invests it with political, as well as social, weight.

Of course, Fuṣḥā also masks differences within Syria: people from coastal and mountainous areas such as the Alawite heartland have a strong accent (although it carries no religious meaning), and speaking in Fuṣḥā is a handy way of ignoring these regional differences.

The use of Fuṣḥā can, however, backfire dreadfully. Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, the former president of Tunisia, gave his first speech in response to popular unrest on December 28, 2010, in stiflingly literary Arabic, with full inflections and no emotion (although there is an amusing moment half-way through when a phone rings in the background for nearly a whole minute). That he recognized the alienating effect this had on listeners is clear in his attempt to tone down the formality of his subsequent speeches, although in vain.

In contrast, throughout the Egyptian uprising Hosni Mubarak consistently delivered his speeches using the same register as Ben Ali. Even his final, paternal address made no attempt to connect with the people by using colloquial Egyptian Arabic. His apology, (“asaftu kulla l-asaf”, literally, “I am sorry all the sorriness”) used literary forms, which sound beautiful in poetry, but bizarre in a modern political context.
language  Arabic  class  populism  Qaddadi  Bashir  Assad 
june 2013 by elizrael
Libya leader, in Khartoum, thanks Sudan for weapons | Reuters, Nov 25, 2011
Sudanese weapons and ammunition sent through Egypt helped Libya's former rebels oust Muammar Gaddafi and take control of the North African country, the head of Libya's interim ruling council said on Friday.
Sudan  Bashir  TNC  Libya  Feb17 
november 2011 by elizrael
Springtime in Sudan - By David Ottaway | Foreign Policy, Nov 22, 2011
The anniversary of the 1964 "October Revolution," normally a cause for national celebration in Sudan, received no official attention last month. President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, a military leader in power for 22 years who has been indicted by the International Criminal Court on genocide charges, banned all attempts to celebrate the occasion -- and for good reason.

Uprisings in the Arab world have so far toppled three long-ruling dictators in North Africa, two of them also army leaders, and have emboldened Bashir's many opponents. As I witnessed during a trip to Sudan last month, they are now gearing up to push for an end to his regime -- whether through negotiations, as happened in the case of General Abboud, or by arms, as proved necessary to oust Muammar al-Qaddafi in neighboring Libya.

On Nov. 12, JEM joined the guerrillas fighting in South Kordofan and Blue Nile to form the Sudan Revolutionary Front, which has the declared mission of marching on Khartoum to overthrow Bashir.

Since South Sudan's secession in July, Bashir has tried to protect himself from internal and external enemies by enticing various opposition parties to form what he calls a "broad-based government" prior to writing a new constitution, which is likely to further emphasize the Islamic and Arab character of his regime. This has provoked fears among the approximately 500,000 to one million African and Christian remnants in the north that the regime will discriminate against them even more than it does today. So far, however, there have been no takers to Bashir's offer, leaving him dependent on the army and Islamists who brought him to power in 1989.
Sudan  regime_change  Bashir  youth  economy  oil  military  rebels 
november 2011 by elizrael
An Old Regime in New Sudan: Politics After Secession | Jadaliyya, Aug 24, 2011
Opposition leaders like to say that the South’s secession represents a crushing blow to Bashir’s legitimacy. It seems silly, however, to suppose Bashir has any legitimacy left to crush. What he does have is a fractious coalition of military, security, and business interests, as well as some smattering of religious support, which rarely works in concert and has lately shown signs of falling apart

Bashir has been eager to win the support of at least one of the major opposition parties, and to that end has promised in recent months to inaugurate a government of national unity. But those factions that currently keep him in office are jealous of their influence and act aggressively whenever he moves to reconcile with the opposition leaders.
NCP  Sudan  internal_struggle  Bashir  UmmaParty  HasanAl-Turabi  regime_change 
august 2011 by elizrael
Half a million displaced as Khartoum moves to crush Sudan's Nuba people | The Observer, June 18, 2011
On Thursday the Nuba leader, Abdelaziz Adam al-Hilu, told African Union (AU) mediators frantically crafting a ceasefire agreement that more than 3,000 people have disappeared – either killed or their whereabouts unknown – "because they are Nuba or belong to the SPLA". He said 400,000-500,000 have been displaced, in a population of approximately 2.5 million, and more than 50 towns had been bombed.

Food, he said, was being used as a weapon, with no flow of goods to rural areas since May. Kadugli airport has been closed to humanitarian flights. Relief coming by road has been turned away.
Nuba  Kordofan  Sudan  massacre  WarCrimes  UNMIS  elections  fraud  NCP  Bashir 
june 2011 by elizrael
Trouble in Khartoum - By Rebecca Hamilton | Foreign Policy, June 17, 2011
The Sudanese government is presently bombing the northern border state of Southern Kordofan, and the United Nations estimates that more than 100,000 people have been displaced as a consequence of Khartoum's seizure of the contested Abyei region last month.

Northern opposition parties blame NCP policies for the loss of the south, which is where most of Sudan's oil lies. Moreover, well-connected Sudanese say there is dissatisfaction within the army, in addition to the armed insurgencies and political discontent in peripheral areas across northern Sudan.

Much of the current fighting may be strategic posturing as final deals are being hashed out over the division of wealth and territory between north and south in advance of July 9. But the ominous developments over the past three weeks are perhaps best understood as being driven by the NCP playing to its fiercely nationalistic domestic audience inside northern Sudan.
protests  subsidies  SouthSudan  Sudan  economy  oil  Abyei  Kordofan  Darfur  ethnicCleansing  IDPs  JEM  violence  militia  external_enemy  Bashir  NCP 
june 2011 by elizrael
North Sudan may fragment without democracy: ICG - AFP, May 4, 2011
Sudan's failure to reform its ruling party and talk with the opposition is aggravating division and alienating marginal areas like Darfur that could cause the north to fragment, a think-tank said Wednesday.

"President Bashir and his close associates are concerned their party may disintegrate. Worried about a possible coup, they have come to rely increasingly on personal and tribal loyalty to remain in power," said ICG Sudan expert Fouad Hikmat.

The sacking last week of Salah Gosh, Bashir's once-powerful security adviser and one of the NCP pragmatists pushing for dialogue with the opposition, reflects the deep divisions within the party, which could indeed lead to its collapse or a coup, the ICG said.

"Bashir, Nafie and the security hardliners have concluded that the opposition parties are very weak and reject their call for a more inclusive constitutional conference to draft a permanent constitution after the south secedes in July," the ICG said.
NCP  Sudan  opposition  Bashir 
may 2011 by elizrael

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