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Familiennachzug  Rassismus  from twitter_favs
6 days ago by bjoerngrau
How colonial violence came home: the ugly truth of the first world war | News | The Guardian
we should recall what Hannah Arendt pointed out in The Origins of Totalitarianism – one of the west’s first major reckonings with Europe’s grievous 20th-century experience of wars, racism and genocide. Arendt observes that it was Europeans who initially reordered “humanity into master and slave races” during their conquest and exploitation of much of Asia, Africa and America.

This debasing hierarchy of races was established because the promise of equality and liberty at home required imperial expansion abroad in order to be even partially fulfilled. We tend to forget that imperialism, with its promise of land, food and raw materials, was widely seen in the late 19th century as crucial to national progress and prosperity. Racism was – and is – more than an ugly prejudice, something to be eradicated through legal and social proscription. It involved real attempts to solve, through exclusion and degradation, the problems of establishing political order, and pacifying the disaffected, in societies roiled by rapid social and economic change.

But in order to grasp the current homecoming of white supremacism in the west, we need an even deeper history – one that shows how whiteness became in the late 19th century the assurance of individual identity and dignity, as well as the basis of military and diplomatic alliances.

Such a history would show that the global racial order in the century preceding 1914 was one in which it was entirely natural for “uncivilised” peoples to be exterminated, terrorised, imprisoned, ostracised or radically re-engineered. Moreover, this entrenched system was not something incidental to the first world war, with no connections to the vicious way it was fought or to the brutalisation that made possible the horrors of the Holocaust. Rather, the extreme, lawless and often gratuitous violence of modern imperialism eventually boomeranged on its originators

In this new history, Europe’s long peace is revealed as a time of unlimited wars in Asia, Africa and the Americas. These colonies emerge as the crucible where the sinister tactics of Europe’s brutal 20th-century wars – racial extermination, forced population transfers, contempt for civilian lives – were first forged. Contemporary historians of German colonialism (an expanding field of study) try to trace the Holocaust back to the mini-genocides Germans committed in their African colonies in the 1900s, where some key ideologies, such as Lebensraum, were also nurtured. But it is too easy to conclude, especially from an Anglo-American perspective, that Germany broke from the norms of civilisation to set a new standard of barbarity, strong-arming the rest of the world into an age of extremes. For there were deep continuities in the imperialist practices and racial assumptions of European and American powers.

Indeed, the mentalities of the western powers converged to a remarkable degree during the high noon of “whiteness” – what Du Bois, answering his own question about this highly desirable condition, memorably defined as “the ownership of the Earth for ever and ever”. For example, the German colonisation of south-west Africa, which was meant to solve the problem of overpopulation, was often assisted by the British, and all major western powers amicably sliced and shared the Chinese melon in the late 19th century. Any tensions that arose between those dividing the booty of Asia and Africa were defused largely peacefully

This is because colonies had, by the late 19th century, come to be widely seen as indispensable relief-valves for domestic socio-economic pressures. Cecil Rhodes put the case for them with exemplary clarity in 1895 after an encounter with angry unemployed men in London’s East End. Imperialism, he declared, was a “solution for the social problem, ie in order to save the 40 million inhabitants of the United Kingdom from a bloody civil war, we colonial statesmen must acquire new lands to settle the surplus population, to provide new markets for the goods produced in the factories and mines”. In Rhodes’ view, “if you want to avoid civil war, you must become imperialists”.

Rhodes’ scramble for Africa’s gold fields helped trigger the second Boer war, during which the British, interning Afrikaner women and children, brought the term “concentration camp” into ordinary parlance.

ruling classes everywhere tried harder to “imperialise the nation”, as Arendt wrote. This project to “organise the nation for the looting of foreign territories and the permanent degradation of alien peoples” was quickly advanced through the newly established tabloid press. The Daily Mail, right from its inception in 1896, stoked vulgar pride in being white, British and superior to the brutish natives – just as it does today.

Marlow, the narrator of Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (1899), is clear-sighted about them: “All Europe contributed to the making of Kurtz,” he says.

In 1920, a year after condemning Germany for its crimes against Africans, the British devised aerial bombing as routine policy in their new Iraqi possession – the forerunner to today’s decade-long bombing and drone campaigns in west and south Asia. “The Arab and Kurd now know what real bombing means,” a 1924 report by a Royal Air Force officer put it. “They now know that within 45 minutes a full-sized village … can be practically wiped out and a third of its inhabitants killed or injured.” This officer was Arthur “Bomber” Harris, who in the second world war unleashed the firestorms of Hamburg and Dresden, and whose pioneering efforts in Iraq helped German theorising in the 1930s about der totale krieg (the total war)

Germany’s own militarism, commonly blamed for causing Europe’s death spiral between 1914 and 1918, seems less extraordinary when we consider that from the 1880s, many Germans in politics, business and academia, and such powerful lobby groups as the Pan-German League (Max Weber was briefly a member), had exhorted their rulers to achieve the imperial status of Britain and France. Furthermore, all Germany’s military engagements from 1871 to 1914 occurred outside Europe. These included punitive expeditions in the African colonies and one ambitious foray in 1900 in China, where Germany joined seven other European powers in a retaliatory expedition against young Chinese who had rebelled against western domination of the Middle Kingdom

The crushing of the “Yellow Peril” (a phrase coined in the 1890s) was more or less complete by the time the Germans arrived. Nevertheless, between October 1900 and spring 1901 the Germans launched dozens of raids in the Chinese countryside that became notorious for their intense brutality.

One of the volunteers for the disciplinary force was Lt Gen Lothar von Trotha, who had made his reputation in Africa by slaughtering natives and incinerating villages. He called his policy “terrorism”, adding that it “can only help” to subdue the natives. In China, he despoiled Ming graves and presided over a few killings, but his real work lay ahead, in German South-West Africa (contemporary Namibia) where an anti-colonial uprising broke out in January 1904. In October of that year, Von Trotha ordered that members of the Herero community, including women and children, who had already been defeated militarily, were to be shot on sight and those escaping death were to be driven into the Omaheke Desert, where they would be left to die from exposure. An estimated 60,000-70,000 Herero people, out of a total of approximately 80,000, were eventually killed, and many more died in the desert from starvation. A second revolt against German rule in south-west Africa by the Nama people led to the demise, by 1908, of roughly half of their population.

Such proto-genocides became routine during the last years of European peace. Running the Congo Free State as his personal fief from 1885 to 1908, King Leopold II of Belgium reduced the local population by half, sending as many as eight million Africans to an early death. The American conquest of the Philippines between 1898 and 1902, to which Kipling dedicated The White Man’s Burden, took the lives of more than 200,000 civilians. The death toll perhaps seems less startling when one considers that 26 of the 30 US generals in the Philippines had fought in wars of annihilation against Native Americans at home. ((Indianer-Genozid))

One of them, Brigadier General Jacob H Smith, explicitly stated in his order to the troops that “I want no prisoners. I wish you to kill and burn. The more you kill and burn the better it will please me”. In a Senate hearing on the atrocities in the Philippines, General Arthur MacArthur (father of Douglas) referred to the “magnificent Aryan peoples” he belonged to and the “unity of the race” he felt compelled to uphold

the American elite’s ruthlessness with blacks and Native Americans greatly impressed the earliest generation of German liberal imperialists, decades before Hitler also came to admire the US’s unequivocally racist policies of nationality and immigration. The Nazis sought inspiration from Jim Crow legislation in the US south, which makes Charlottesville, Virginia, a fitting recent venue for the unfurling of swastika banners and chants of “blood and soil”.

In light of this shared history of racial violence, it seems odd that we continue to portray the first world war as a battle between democracy and authoritarianism

the war would prove to be a bridge connecting Europe’s past of imperial violence to its future of merciless fratricide.
The last post: letters home to India during the first world war
Read more

These shrewd assessments were not Oriental wisdom or African clairvoyance. Many subordinate peoples simply realised, well before Arendt published The Origins of Totalitarianism in 1951, that peace in the metropolitan west depended too much on outsourcing war to the colonies.

The experience of mass … [more]
rassismus  nazi:vorgeschichte  ns:imperium 
10 days ago by MicrowebOrg
Gaffes, TV ratings concerns dominated as NFL, players forged anthem peace during league meetings
Oben erwähnter, sehr lesenswerter ESPN-Artikel, beschreibt wie sehr der Protest und der von Trump hineingetriebene Keil, die NFL in eine Identitätskrise gestürzt hat.
nfl  politik  Polizeigewalt  rassismus  sport  business 
24 days ago by tobi_s
Rassismus-Vorwürfe: Dove empört mit Facebook-Anzeige - und entschuldigt sich
Seit 2004 steht die Unilever-Brand Dove für die Schönheit von Frauen jeden Aussehens und jeder Herkunft ein und daher nicht im Verdacht, diskriminierende Werbung zu schalten. Doch genau diesem Vorwurf sieht sich die Marke in den USA jetzt ausgesetzt.
Rassismus  Dove  Werbung 
6 weeks ago by amprekord
Leipziger Internet Zeitung: Konferenz zu Migration – Überschattet von Rassismus durch Polizei – L-IZ.de
In Leipzig ist am Sonntag die Konferenz „Selbstbestimmt und solidarisch! Konferenz zu Migration, Entwicklung und ökologische Krise“ zu Ende gegangen. Drei Tage lang diskutierten im Leipziger „Westbad“ mehr als 700 Teilnehmende aus verschiedenen sozialen Bewegungen, auf welche Weise Flucht und Migration mit den vielfältigen ökologischen Krisen unserer Zeit sowie den vorherrschenden Vorstellungen von gesellschaftlicher Entwicklung zusammenhängen. Beteiligt waren unter anderem Initiativen, die zu Flucht und Migration, Bewegungsfreiheit, Klima, Kapitalismus, Landwirtschaft und Degrowth arbeiten – beteiligt waren auch viele Geflüchtete und MigrantInnen.
entwicklungshilfe  refugee  konferenz  polizei  rassismus  polizeigewalt  alltagsrassismus  leipzig  LIZ 
6 weeks ago by anne_joan
Darf man heute noch «Mohrenkopf» sagen? | NZZ
Eine Petition wehrt sich gegen den Online-Verkauf von mohrenkopf.com. Das ist aber kein Fortschritt im Kampf gegen Rassismus. Im Gegenteil.
Mohrenkopf  Rassismus  Petition  Schweiz  News 
10 weeks ago by Einfach_Essen
Hannah Arendt, white supremacist - Opinion - Jerusalem Post
In Origins she described “Race” as a political principle.

“Race was the [South African] Boers’ answer to the overwhelming monstrosity of Africa – a whole continent populated and overpopulated by savages.”

She writes of the “dark continent,” a “world of native savages was a perfect setting for men who had escaped the reality of civilization...human beings who, living without the future of a purpose and the past of an accomplishment, were as incomprehensible as the inmates of a madhouse.”

Arendt praised colonialism, calling it a “form of achievement” carried out in “exotic countries.” Exterminating native peoples was fine because it was “quite in keeping with the traditions of these tribes themselves. Extermination of hostile tribes had been the rule in all African native wars.”

“As most people of European origin,” she claimed not to understand America’s oddities, but “as a Jew” she said, she had “sympathy” for the “cause of the Negroes.” However the essay itself suggests the opposite.

She speaks of the “unsolved problems connected with Negroes living in our midst.” What “problem”? Isn’t the problem the white racism, rather than black people? She urged “caution” in government intervention to enforce de-segregation and pointed out that a poll in Virginia showed 92 percent opposed school integration.

92% of whites? She compared enforcing de-segregation to forcing mixed marriages. She supported segregation based on the logic that “vacation resorts in this country are frequently ‘restricted’ according to ethnic origin.”

Instead of objecting to white-only resorts, she supported them.

SCHOLARS WHO like Arendt don’t like this essay, and a 2007 event at Princeton even asked if scholars should “disregard” it in presentations of Arendt’s political thinking. Not all scholars seek to ignore it, though; Kathryn Gines wrote a book on Arendt’s “Negro question” in 2014.

Soon after her pro-segregation screed, Arendt was in Jerusalem covering the Adolf Eichmann trial. In 1961 she wrote to her former adviser, Karl Jaspers, another German academic, who had stayed in Germany during the war and with whom Arendt enjoyed close relations.

Describing Israel, Arendt noted that the country had at its top German judges of whom she approved as the “best of German Jewry.” Below them were prosecuting attorneys, one of whom, a Galician Jew, was “still European,” she noted. “Everything is organized by the Israeli police force which gives me the creeps. It speaks only Hebrew and looks Arabic. Some downright brutes among them. They obey any order. Outside the courthouse doors the oriental mob, as if one were in Istanbul or some other half-Asiatic country.”

People who looked Arab were seen as disgusting by Arendt. “Orientals” were part of a “mob,” similar to the “savages” she had described in her previous writing.
kolonialismus  rassismus  hannaharendt 
august 2017 by MicrowebOrg
Hate speech - Wikipedia
On May 31, 2016, Facebook, Google, Microsoft, and Twitter, jointly agreed to a European Union code of conduct obligating them to review "[the] majority of valid notifications for removal of illegal hate speech" posted on their services within 24 hours.[10]

Following a campaign which involved the participation of Women, Action and the Media, the Everyday Sexism Project and the activist Soraya Chemaly, who were among 100 advocacy groups, Facebook agreed to update its policy on hate speech. The campaign highlighted content that promoted domestic and sexual violence against women, and used over 57,000 tweets and more than 4,900 emails to create outcomes such as the withdrawal of advertising from Facebook by 15 companies, including Nissan UK and Nationwide UK. The social media website initially responded by stating that "While it may be vulgar and offensive, distasteful content on its own does not violate our policies",[11] but then agreed to take action on May 29, 2013, after it had "become clear that our systems to identify and remove hate speech have failed to work as effectively as we would like, particularly around issues of gender-based hate".[12]

Danach geht es immer um RASSISTISCHE Rede (auch bei den Gesetzen aus aller Welt)

SCHADEN ("Neger" vs. persönliche Bedrohung)
According to the ritual model of communication, racist expressions allow minorities to be categorized with negative attributes tied to them, and are directly harmful to them. Matsuda et al. (1993) found that racist speech could cause in the recipient of the message direct, adverse physical and emotional changes.[13] The repeated use of such expressions cause and reinforce the subordination of these minorities

In Canada, advocating genocide against any "identifiable group" is an indictable offence under the Criminal Code and carries a maximum sentence of five years imprisonment. There is no minimum sentence.[21]

Publicly inciting hatred against any identifiable group is also an offence. It can be prosecuted either as an indictable offence with a maximum sentence of two years imprisonment, or as a summary conviction offence with a maximum sentence of six months imprisonment. There are no minimum sentences in either case.[22] The offence of publicly inciting hatred makes exceptions for cases of statements of truth, and subjects of public debate and religious doctrine. The landmark judicial decision on the constitutionality of this law was R. v. Keegstra (1990).

An "identifiable group" is defined for both offences as "any section of the public distinguished by colour, race, religion, national or ethnic origin, age, sex, sexual orientation, or mental or physical disability"

While Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights does not prohibit criminal laws against revisionism such as denial or minimization of genocides or crimes against humanity, as interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe went further and recommended in 1997 that member governments "take appropriate steps to combat hate speech" under its Recommendation R (97) 20.[25] The ECtHR does not offer an accepted definition for "hate speech" but instead offers only parameters by which prosecutors can decide if the "hate speech" is entitled to the protection of freedom of speech.[26]

EXTREM: Denmark
prohibits hate speech, and defines it as publicly making statements by which a group is threatened (trues), insulted (forhånes) or degraded (nedværdiges) due to race, skin colour, national or ethnic origin, faith or sexual orientation

In Germany, Volksverhetzung ("incitement of popular hatred") is a punishable offense under Section 130 of the Strafgesetzbuch (Germany's criminal code) and can lead to up to five years imprisonment.[33] Section 130 makes it a crime to publicly incite hatred against parts of the population or to call for violent or arbitrary measures against them or to insult, maliciously slur or defame them in a manner violating their (constitutionally protected) human dignity. Thus for instance it is illegal to publicly call certain ethnic groups "maggots" or "freeloaders"

ISLAND: verbaler Angriff (auch lächerlich machen, beleidigen ...)
"Anyone who in a ridiculing, slanderous, insulting, threatening or any other manner publicly assaults a person or a group of people on the basis of their nationality, skin colour, race, religion or sexual orientation, shall be fined or jailed for up to 2 years." (In this context "assault" does not refer to physical violence but only to verbal "assault".)
hatespeech  rassismus 
august 2017 by MicrowebOrg
The Role of Artificial Intelligence in Society: The Next Human Rights Issue of the 21st Century - Safiya U. Noble, PhD
This month, the United Nations will issue an investigative report on internet access in its ongoing commitment to arguing for free expression, particularly within the digital, as human right. I’m developing enhanced frameworks for thinking about the role of digital technology and human rights, and how digital media platforms are encroaching upon, and shifting the nature of human relationships. Indeed, I am arguing that deep machine learning and “artificial intelligence” will become a major human rights issue in the 21st century, and not in ways we may be inclined to think.
Internet  Algorithmus  Menschenrechte  Diskriminierung  AI  KünstlicheIntelligenz  race  racism  Rassismus 
august 2017 by amprekord
Dokumentation des Workshops »Neue Begriffe für die Einwanderungsgesellschaft«
Kurz nachdem bekannt wurde, dass die neun bis dahin als »Döner-Morde« im Einwanderermilieu
vermuteten Taten tatsächlich von Neonazis begangen wurden, hatten die Neuen deutschen Medienmacher (NDM)
Formulierungshilfen für die Berichterstattung veröffentlicht, die positive Resonanz hervorgerufen haben. Hier wurde aus aktuellem Anlass Handlungsbedarf deutlich.
Um die Fragestellungen, die sich daraus ergeben, in einem Expertenkreis zu diskutieren,
haben die Neuen deutschen Medienmacher mit Unterstützung des Bundesamts für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF) einen zweitätigen Workshop veranstaltet. Hier sollten die Themenbereiche umrissen, Probleme
diskutiert und erste Vorschläge für alternative Begrifflichkeiten gesammelt werden. Am 29.und 30. April trafen sich dazu Vertreterinnen und Vertreter aus Medien, Verwaltung, Wissenschaft, Zivilgesellschaft und Politik.
In fünf Workshops wurde jeweils nach einem fachlichen Input diskutiert und gestritten, sich geeinigt oder Dissens festgehalten. Moderiert wurden die Arbeitsgruppen von Mitgliedern der Neuen deutschen Medienmacher,
die die Ergebnisse aus dem jeweiligen Workshop schriftlich für diese Dokumentation festgehalten haben.
Rassismus  Fremdenfeindlichkeit  Einwanderungsgesellschaft 
july 2017 by amprekord

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