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Gonna say it... Picasso did not age well
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10 days ago by jannik.schaefer
Twitter
Gonna say it... Picasso did not age well
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10 days ago by matthewog
Twitter
Gonna say it... Picasso did not age well
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10 days ago by exlibris
Twitter
RT : Okay but the REAL TEA is... ain't nobody clearly cishet. Y'all just assume you can always tell what a trans or quee…
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10 days ago by kitoconnell
maxogden/HyperOS: A 50MB linux distribution that has dat-container for booting live containers on mac OS
GitHub is where people build software. More than 27 million people use GitHub to discover, fork, and contribute to over 80 million projects.
dat  hypercore  containers  linux  os 
10 days ago by orlin
Twitter
RT : and 12th grade Government students are talking about and the role that the state and federal gover…
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10 days ago by RockyMountainNaturals
Twitter
Area-averaged soundings in the pre-storm environment are a great way to evaluate convective environments while avoi…
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10 days ago by jaredwsmith
Twitter
RT : 【これは酷い】内閣委、山本太郎議員、収容者の相次ぐ自殺が問題となっている入管だが、全国17施設で一年間で395件の異物混入あるいは腐敗食が出されていると。どう考えても、これおかしいって。ワザとじゃないのか。日本に助けを求めてきたら…
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10 days ago by n0323x
The Egyptian Connection | by William Dalrymple | The New York Review of Books
Early Celtic and Anglo-Saxon art -- especially the Lindisfarne Gospels -- and their connections with Mediterranean artistic traditions. Also has the poem about the Irish monk's cat.
william_dalrymple  celts  anglo-saxon  art  culture  egypt  cats  books 
10 days ago by PeterErwin
Twitter
RT : Seems pretty clear now that the IDF snipers had certain (deserving) people in mind.
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10 days ago by ewerickson
Twitter
Written in 1971, how much more insightful is this observation by Dijkstra today?
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10 days ago by hyperfekt
六神磊磊读金庸
“不爱我就拉倒”,有文化的古人都怎么说 文/六神磊磊 一 我这里挺好。谢谢大家关心。今天来聊正能量的中国古典文化。 周杰伦的《不爱我就拉倒》火了。等了很久的粉丝们看到,纷纷高呼受不了,说是风格洗剪吹,没法看,各种@方文山救命。…
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10 days ago by hope79
Jobs Index | Clearleft
RT : Fancy helping run events like and ? If so, we’re hiring.
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10 days ago by mikesten
Twitter
RT : La semaine passée, CBC rapportait que la GRC a répondu à une demande d’accès en disant qu’elle mettra…
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10 days ago by brunoboutot
Velo-city 2018, the world’s biggest conference on cycling will be held next month in Rio de Janeiro [12-15 June]
 
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mbc 
10 days ago by marmaz
Melissa Lim on Twitter: "How to Build a Culture of Empathy to Support Design Thinking / @ascd https://t.co/IwflCLpq9Y"
How to Build a Culture of Empathy to Support Design Thinking / @ascd https://t.co/IwflCLpq9Y

— Melissa Lim (@actionhero) May 15, 2018
IFTTT  Twitter 
10 days ago by actionhero
Twitter
RT : THIS 👏 IS 👏 NOT 👏 A 👏 DATING 👏 SITE 👏
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10 days ago by exlibris
Twitter
RT : Extrait de la nouvelle, citant : “le système dit que vous avez droit à l’info mais l…
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10 days ago by brunoboutot
Twitter
this ad is cool because it ends like the last episode of Neon Genesis but with George Lucas
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10 days ago by hadvil
Untitled (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DwxeE3jIt5A&feature=youtu.be&t=1m16s)
this ad is cool because it ends like the last episode of Neon Genesis but with George Lucas
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10 days ago by hadvil
Twitter
RT : 現時点で年収1075万円以上の労働者に自民党が適用しようとしている所謂「高プロ」は、経団連が年収400万円まで拡大したいと既に表明している制度です。つまり、派遣法のようにジワジワと適用対象を拡大され、殆どの労働者は定額の給与で24…
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10 days ago by n0323x
Twitter
RT : Dans ma chronique du jour, je parle de cette blague que sont les lois sur l’accès à l’info. La cause…
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10 days ago by brunoboutot
Twitter
Alexander, your response falls under straw man logical fallacy…
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10 days ago by rafauga
Twitter
Code is not law – law is code.
It is a project aiming to formalize and institutionalize our societal and cultural…
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10 days ago by darkobodnaruk
Twitter
RT : The guy who threw a shoe at George W. Bush in 2008 was elected to Iraqi parliament on the Sadrist ticket.
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10 days ago by burritojustice
Peak Bullshit?
Richard King at the Sydney Review of Books about <a href="https://sydneyreviewofbooks.com/peak-bullshit-post-truth/">Post-Truth, Bullshit and the new Knowledge Class War</a>:
Academia, the news media and the arts and entertainment sectors are increasingly dominated by people with a liberal, multicultural worldview, and jobs in these sectors also almost always require college degrees. Trump’s campaign may have represented a backlash against these cultural elites.


From this point of view Clinton’s candidacy was an avatar for what Thomas Frank has called, in Listen, Liberal, ‘the professional class’ – a class that has grown in size and power as a result of the transition to a postindustrial economy that began in earnest in the 1990s. That transition involved a ‘liberalisation’ of the economy whereby the market would be given freer rein and the state restrict itself (in theory) to the provision of education and (re)training. It also involved a reorientation of the economy away from material commodities (as traditional industries moved offshore, were automated or undercut by competitors) and towards the kind of knowledge work for which a tertiary education is necessary. Now, that knowledge work is central, not only to the economy, but also to politics, where the ethos of merit and expertise that accompanied the transition to the knowledge society is represented at the policy level in so-called ‘double delegation’ – i.e. the referring of decisions up to bodies such as the IMF or the European Union, or out to non-political bodies – and at the personal or stylistic level in Clintonesque self-congratulation. Clinton’s decision to take her stand on the high ground of her own experience, and her shapeless pudding of a manifesto, which was full of micro-ameliorative measures unconnected by anything other than the fact that it was Clinton putting them forward, were projections of this professional ethos, as indeed was Remain’s decision to ignore issues of sovereignty and national identity and base its case on steady-as-she-goes economic wonkery. Heavy on experts and light on ideas, these campaigns were uninspired and uninspiring, and shot-through with technocratic arrogance.

This is a crude sketch, and a partial one, but I’m convinced that it’s within this broader class shift that the politics of post-truth has taken hold, and that a serious and cogent analysis of that shift is what’s missing from the mainstream analysis of post-truth. The point has been made by Crikey’s Guy Rundle, whose reports from the 2016 US election gave a far more granular picture of Trump’s base than the one available in most mainstream prints. Here’s Rundle reflecting on the changing character of climate change denialism in the US and elsewhere:
Climate change denialism, which rose in power about 15 years ago, had appeared to be in retreat about five to seven years ago. Now it is returning, and in great strength. Climate change activists are dismayed by it, and also bewildered. The science has got stronger, the evidence more plentiful. Why has the public become, it seems, even more resistant to the notion that global industrial activity is warming the planet to at least a disastrous and potentially catastrophic degree?

The answer, quite simply, is that we are facing a new phase of climate change denialism, working off a different basis to the old. There is less stuff about fictional ‘pauses’ in warming created by small time samples, albedo, urban heat islands … all the tendentious arguments of the Ian Plimers, and the late Bob Carter. There is now simply, among many people, a refusal to acknowledge it, or even accept it. Why? Because climate change science – pretty much all science – is now being enrolled in the great culture/class war that is consuming Western society, the brutal fight for recognition and position between the progressive-knowledge classes, and the working and middle classes, who now feel themselves to be excluded from the processes of power, wealth and legitimacy.


With the knowledge class now installed at the centre of the culture and economy, knowledge itself has been politicised. ‘Truth’ is a casualty of the new class war.

To this extent our authors come closest to a comprehensive view of post-truth when they stress the role of signalling and narrative in contemporary politics. These emphases, which are close to Salena Zito’s useful (if reductive) distinction, in The Atlantic, between those who take Trump literally but not seriously and those who take him seriously but not literally (those who didn’t vote for him, and those who did, respectively), go to the symbolic role that post-truth plays in the current environment. Davis, for example, contends that Trump’s exaggerations about unemployment and immigration were calculated, not to convince his followers, or potential followers, of a certain set of figures, but of his opposition to the liberal establishment. Similarly, d’Ancona emphasises the ‘deep story’ Trump conveys to many working and middleclass voters. Drawing on Arlie Russell Hochschild’s Strangers in Their Own Land, he suggests that Trump-style populism is often selling a ‘feel-as-if story’ – a story that resonates at an emotional level to which disaggregated data cannot penetrate. Of course, such stories only penetrate at all because they contain a kernel of, well, truth: the communities that voted for Trump or Leave haven’t done well out of the great economic and cultural shifts of recent decades. But it is the fact that they are so often larded with falsehood that tends to obsess the liberal commentator.

Were that commentator to pick one villain for his piece, it’s entirely possible he would pick Michael Gove, the former British Justice Secretary For Gove it was who told Sky News’ Faisal Islam, ‘I think the people of this country have had enough of experts from organisations with acronyms saying they know what is best and getting it consistently wrong’ – a comment that is usually shortened to ‘The people of this country have had enough of experts’ and taken as evidence of the Leave campaign’s mendacity. (Davis doesn’t mention this remark; but Ball, d’Ancona and Nichols do, and only give the shorter version.) But as demagogic as that comment was, it also channelled a widespread feeling that the technocratic character of modern politics and politicians runs contrary to the spirit of democracy – an attribute notably lacking, incidentally, from the European Union. In this sense, post-truth, which in Oxford’s definition is founded on a category mistake – on a confusion between ‘objective facts’ and ‘personal feelings’ – is itself a reaction to a category mistake – to a confusion between politics as a site of conflict between different views of society and politics as a managerial enterprise on which experts should have the final say. And it’s precisely this distinction, I would argue, that the knowledge class and its representatives frequently miss in these discussions.

The distinction is not incidental. An academic writing in a peer-reviewed journal can offer useful insights into how best to deliver services to remote communities, but she cannot prove through peer review that remote communities ought to be serviced; plainly, that is a moral question, one the answer to which will depend on your view of the good society. Similarly, there may be a right way and a wrong way to make sure that benefits are distributed equally and fairly; but there is no right or wrong answer to the question of whether we should have benefits in the first place, or to what a fair allocation of them is. This is not to entertain a facile relativism; it is simply to say that politics is always about values, and that the liberal obsession with expertise is bound to instil resentment in those whose lives are neither materially improved nor morally relevant in the current liberal mix. This is, if you like, the deep story of post-truth.
Bullshit  nct  ncpin  DasGeileNeueInternet  Epistemology  Politics  DonaldTrump  PostTruth  FakeNews 
10 days ago by walt74
The Irony : Bitcoin
via Bitcoin - The Currency of the Internet http://bit.ly/2p4FctB
ECONOMICS 
10 days ago by aebraddy
Twitter
RT : Ma chronique du jour porte sur tous les secrets impliquant des domaines très publics, un effet perver…
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10 days ago by brunoboutot
Twitter
RT : Let’s play a game! Go to Whole Foods, pick a liberal (not hard to identify), cut them in line along with 10-15 of y…
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10 days ago by rukku
Twitter
Von der Geschichte vergessen? Daniel Kehlmann schickt seine Romanfigur Tyll in den Dreißigjährigen Krieg und lässt…
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10 days ago by tmmd
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